FRED  LOCKLEY 

RARE  WESTERN  BOOKS 

4227  S.  E.  Stark  St. 
PORTLAND.  ORE. 


HISTORY 


OF     THE 


BORDER  WARS 


OF 


TWO  CENTURIES 


EMBRACING    A 


NARRATIVE  OF  THE  WARS  WITH  THE  INDIANS 
FROM  1750  TO  1874. 


ILLUSTRATED. 


COMPILED    AND    WRITTEN    FROM    THE   MOST    RELIABLE    SOURCES, 
BY 

CHARLES  RICHARD  TUTTLE, 

\\ 

A.UTHOR  OF  "THE  ILLUSTRATED  HISTORY  OF  THE  STATE  OF  MICHIGAN. 


CHICAGO: 
PUBLISHED  BY  C.  A.  WALL  &  COMPANY, 

105,  107  &  109  MADISON  STREET. 
1874. 


PREFACE. 


with  interesting  and  authentic  sketches  of  the  lives  ol 
Chiefs  Pontiac,  Brant,  Tecumseh,  Black  Hawk,  Cap 
tain  Jack,  and  the  great  Indian  warriors  who  have 
figured  conspicuously  in  Border  Warfare  in  North 
America  ;  the  various  treaties  that  have  been  made 
and  broken,  the  boundary  lines  that  have  been  agreed 
upon  and  invaded ;  in  short,  all  the  events  that  have, 
for  the  time,  either  prevented  or  promoted  these 
wars,  are  fully  and  truthfully  represented,  so  that  the 
reader,  after  carefully  perusing  this  Volume,  will,  in 
the  absence  of  any  opinion  expressed  by  the  author, 
be  able  to  judge  intelligently  for  himself  of  the  merits 
of  the  treatment  which  the  native  tribes  have  received 
at  the  hands  of  the  United  States  government. 

The  demand  for  this  work  cannot  be  questioned. 
There  is  not  a  single  person  interested  in  the  history 
of  the  United  States  who  has  not  felt  the  want  of  a 
reliable  History  of  the  Wars  between  his  country  and 
the  Indians ;  and  it  is  with  a  view  to  supply  this  want 
that  this  book  is  presented  to  the  public.  It  has  been 
compiled  and  written  from  the  most  reliable  sources, 
and,  it  is  confidently  believed,  will  be  found  complete, 
authentic  and  interesting.  The  various  books,  publi 
cations  and  reports  which  have  been  consulted,  and 
to  which  the  perfection  of  this  Volume  is  largely 
indebted,  require  something  more  than  a  passing 
notice  in  this  introduction.  In  compiling  and  writing 
a  volume  such  as  the  following,  where  most  of  the 


PREFACE.  5 

materials  used  have  been,  in  some  way,  connected 
with  other  books,  it  is  impossible,  in  the  course  of  the 
narrative,  to  give  proper  credit  to  the  authors  con 
sulted  ;  and,  in  order  that  the  reader  may  know  to 
what  extent  books  heretofore  published  have  contrib 
uted  to  the  perfection  of  this  work,  I  take  this 
opportunity  of  making  the  necessary  explanation. 

Mr.  Francis  Parkman  deserves  the  first  mention. 
From  his  valuable  works  on  the  Indians  and  Indian 
wars  east  of  the  Mississippi,  has  been  gathered  the 
materials  which  make  up  the  first  part  of  this  book, 
and  it  is  only  necessary  to  make  this  reference  to 
establish  the  authenticity  of  my  history  of  the  Pontiac 
war,  for  there  is  no  more  able,  complete,  or  interesting 
narrative  of  this  terrible  border  war  than  that  given 
by  Mr.  Parkman,  whose  writings  are  justly  regarded 
as  an  ornament  to  American  literature. 
.  In  that  part  of  the  narrative  which  gives  an  account 
of  Harmar's,  St.  Clair's  and  Harrison's  campaigns 
against  the  Indians,  including-  Tecumseh's  war,  I  have 
gathered  much  from  the  works  of  Messrs.  James  H. 
Perkins  and  J.  M.  Peck  —  a  volume  originally  com 
piled  by  the  former  and  revised  by  the  latter — 
entitled  "  The  Western  Annals."  I  have  .frequently 
given  this  volume  credit  in  the  course  of  the  narra 
tive  ;  but,  in  addition,  I  wish  to  make  this  acknowl 
edgment  here. 

My  account  of  the   Black  Hawk  war  is  materially 
dependent  upon    Mr.    Upham's  valuable   little   book 


6  PREFACE. 

which  is  entirely  devoted  to  the  life  of  this  wayward 
chief.  In  this  volume,  the  author  takes  occasion,  and 
I  think,  justly,  to  censure  the  acts  of  the  United 
States  authorities  for  needlessly  irritating  the  Sacs 
to  this  bloody  onset. 

In  the  brief  account  of  the  Indian  tribes  west  of 
the  Mississippi,  which  precedes  my  history  of  the 
Indian  wars  in  the  same  territory,  Mr.  Charles  De 
Wolf  Brownell  is  the  most  valuable  contributor.  His 
standard  work,  entitled  the  "  Indian  Races  of  North 
and  South  America,"  has  been  freely  consulted,  and, 
although  the  usual  credit  is  given  in  the  proper 
places,  I  cannot  fail  to  mention  it  here. 

In  my  account  of  the  adventures  of  Colonel  John 
C.  Fremont,  and  Christopher  Carson,  I  have  freely 
used  the  official  reports  of  the  former,  the  "  Life  and 
Explorations  of  Fremont,"  and  other  volumes,  but  I 
shall  not  undertake  to  enumerate  all  the  official 
reports  and  documents  which  have  contributed  to  the 
thrilling  catalogue  of  wars  and  adventures  west  of 
the  Mississippi,  which  constitutes  the  last  part  of  this 
book.  It  will  suffice  to  say  that  some  five  or  six  hun 
dred  of  these  have  been  diligently  consulted  and 
always  with  good  results. 

A  description  of  the  principal  battles  during  the 
conquest  of  Mexico,  which  has  been  thrown  in  to 
relieve  the  general  current  of  Indian  warfare,  is 
largely  dependent  upon  a  neat  little  volume  entitled 
"The  Mexican  War  and  its  Heroes."  I  have  no 


PREFACE. 


means  of  knowing  the  name  of  the  author  of  this 
volume,  since  it  has  not  been  attached  to  its  pages.  I 
ought  also  to  mention  "  The  Life  and  Adventures  of 
Kit  Carson,"  by  Col.  DeWitt  C.  Peters,  which  came 
into  my  hands  a  few  days  before  this  volume  was 
given  to  the  publishers.  It  is  a  deeply  interesting, 
strictly  authentic  work,  that  reflects  scarcely  less 
honor  upon  the  name  of  the  famous  mountaineer 
than  credit  upon  his  biographer.  Several  important 
passages  in  this  work  have  their  origin  in  the  labors 
of  this  author.  The  brief  account  of  the  Seminole 
war,  which  closes  this  volume  has  been  compiled  and 
written  from  Mr.  Joshua  R.  Giddings'  valuable  book 
entitled,  "  The  Exiles  of  Florida,"  a  neat  little  work 
of  surpassing  interest. 

I  wish  to  claim  for  myself  only  the  earnest  labor 
of  a  compiler,  and  in  presenting  this  book  to  the 
public,  I  do  so  in  the  belief  that  the  materials  have 
been  so  arranged  as  to  constitute  the  most  complete 
and  satisfactory  history  of  the  wars  with  the  Indians 
of  the  United  States  and  Territories  that  has  yet 
been  written. 

CHARLES  R.  TUTTLE. 

CHICAGO,  March,  1874. 


H  ISTORY    OF 


THE  BORDER  WARS. 


CHAPTER   I. 

THE  INDIAN  TRIBES  OF  THE  LAKE  REGION  —  GENERAL  CHARACTER 
ISTICS — TRIBAL  DIVISIONS — MODE  OF  GOVERNMENT  —  MYTHS  AND 
LEGENDS — THEIR  ELOQUENCE  AND  SAGACITY  —  DWELLINGS,  VIL 
LAGES  AND  FORTS  —  THE  WAR  PATH — FESTIVALS  AND  PASTIMES  — 
RELIGIOUS  FAITH. 

BEFORE  entering  upon  an  account  of  the  scenes  and  incidents 
of  the  Border  Wars  of  the  Northwest,  I  will  give  the  reader  a 
faint  glimpse  of  the  condition  of  the  Indian  tribes  of  the  lake 
region  about  the  date  at  which  our  narrative  commences  — 
1700.  The  territory  east  of  the  Mississippi  was  occupied, 
excepting  where  the  whites  had  intruded  their  colonial  settle 
ments,  by  three  great  families,  differing  from  each  other  by  a 
radical  peculiarity  of  language.  They  were  called  the  Iroquois, 
Algonquin  and  Mobilian  nations.  The  Mobilians  embraced  the 
confederacy  of  the  Creeks  and  the  Choctaws,  but  as  they  took 
no  active  part  in  the  ensuing  narrative,  I  will  avoid  any  details 
of  their  history.  But  the  Iroquois  and  the  Algonquin  nations, 
being  conspicuously  identified  with  the  last  great  struggle  of 
the  savages  against  civilization,  demand  a  closer  attention. 

Foremost  in  eloquence,  war  and  intellect  stood  the  Iroquois. 
To  use  their  own  words,  they  "  were  a  mighty  and  warlike 


10  THE    LIVES    OF    PONTIAC    AND    TECUMSEH  I 

people,"  and  they  extended  their  conquests  from  Quebec  to  the 
Carols nas,-. on  ;the  seaboard,  and  to  the  Mississippi  on  the  west. 
Everywhere  in  this  broad  country  they  established  their  name 
'and'powei', -and,  Indeed,  throughout  the  country  they  were  the 
terror  alike  of  whites  and  Indians.  In  the  south  they  had 
conquered  the  Delawares,  and  were,  at  this  time,  forcing  them 
to  a  heavy  tribute;  in  the  north,  they  had  completely  subjected 
the  Wyandots,  and  prohibited  them  the  use  of  arms;  in  the 
west  they  exterminated  the  Eries,  and  in  the  east  "  a  single 
Mohawk  war  cry  was  sufficient  to  terrify  all  the  Indians  in 
New  England." 

But  the  Indians  were  not  alone  in  terror  of  the  Iroquois. 
All  Canada  trembled  beneath  their  infuriated  onset.  More 
than  once  Champlain  fled  writh  his  troops  to  the  forts  for 
refuge,  leaving  his  pursuing  conquerers  to  destroy  and  plunder 
.  the  defenseless  French  settlements.  Certainly  the  history  of 
such  a  powerful  nation  should  not  be  slighted,  yet  to  trace  it 
beyond  the  dark  border  of  the  discovery  is  beyond  the  power 
of  human  penetration. 

As  we  glance  at  them  in  1700,  we  find  their  central  govern 
ment  located  within  the  present  limits  of  the  state  of  New 
York,  where,  in  the  Yalley  of  the  Onondaga,  the  chiefs  of  the 
several  tribes  of  this  great  family  held  their  civil  and  military 
councils  for  many  generations.  The  Iroquois  nation  consisted 
of,  first  five,  and,  at  a  later  period,  six  tribes,  called  the 
Mohawks,  the  Oneidas,  the  Onondagas,  the  Cayugas,  the  Sen- 
ecas  and  the  Tuscaroras.  These  tribes  were  bound  together  by 
a  loose  confederacy,  being,  in  a  small  measure,  subject  to  a 
general  congress,  but  each  tribe  had  its  own  organization,  and 
independent  tribal  government.  Each  tribe  had  several 
sachems,  who,  with  the  subordinate  chiefs  and  principal  men, 
regulated  all  its  civil  and  military  aif airs;  but  when  foreign 
( powers  were  to  be  consulted,  or  important  treaties  made,  all 
the  sachems  of  the  several  tribes  convened  in  general  assembly 
at  the  great  council  house  —  the  Iroquois  capitol  —  in  the  val 
ley  of  the  Onondaga.  Here  the  Congressmen  of  the  Six 
Nations  were  received,  the  great  council  fire  kindled,  treaties 
made  and  difficulties  settled.  Here  the  simple  Iroquois 


OR,  THE  BOEDER  WARS  OF  TWO  CENTURIES.         11 

sachem  sat  and  listened  to  the  eloquent  speeches  of  the  leading 
chiefs,  who  spoke  their  honest  sentiments  in  accordance  with 
the  most  ancient  usages  of  their  nation. 

When  Jacques  Cartier  first  visited  the  St.  Lawrence  he  found 
the  savages  of  the  Six  Nations  occupying  the  country  along 
the  north  bank  of  the  river,  and,  as  early  as  1535,  he  discov 
ered  a  town  of  the  Huron-Iroquois,  consisting  of  about  fifty 
huts,  near  the  present  site  of  the  city  of  Montreal.  This  vil 
lage  was  situated  in  the  midst  of  large  fields  of  Indian  corn, 
and  must,  even  at  this  early  day,  have  been  a  place  of  consid 
erable  importance,  or,  to  use  the  words  of  another,  "the 
metropolis  of  the  neighboring  country." 

Mr.  Stone,  in  his  able  writings  on  the  Indians  of  the  Six 
Nations,  gives  the  following  description  of  this  village:  "It 
was  surrounded  by  palisades  or  trunks  of  trees  set  in  a  triple 
row.  The  outer  and  inner  ranges  of  palisades  inclined  till 
they  met  and  crossed  near  the  summit,  while  the  upright  row 
between  them,  aided  by  transverse  braces,  gave  to  the  whole 
an  abundant  strength.  Within  were  galleries  for  the  defend 
ers,  rude  ladders  to  mount  them,  and  magazines  of  stone  to 
throw  down  on  the  heads  of  the  assailants.  A  single  entrance 
was  secured  with  piles  and  stakes,  and  every  precaution  adopted 
against  sudden  attack  or  seige.  The  town  consisted  of  about 
fifty  oblong  houses,  each  fifty  feet  in  length  by  twelve  or  fif 
teen  in  breadth,  built  of  wood  and  covered  with  bark.  Each 
house  contained  small  chambers  built  round  an  open  court  in 
the  centre,  in  which  many  fires  were  kindled.  The  inhabitants 
were  devoted  to  husbandry  and  fishing,  and  the  lands  in  the 
vicinity  were  well  cultivated." 

According  to  the  history  of  Cartier's  voyage,  the  Indians  of 
Hochelaga — now  Montreal — were  unusually  civilized,  for  bar 
barians,  and  greatly  in  advance  of  their  nation  a  century  after 
wards;  but  in  1600  no  trace  of  this  village  could  be  found. 

According  to  their  own  traditions  the  people  of  the  Six 
Nations  originally  came  from  the  north,  but  they  date  the 
period  of  their  migration  a  long  number  of  centuries  back. 
Cusick,  the  Tuscarora  author — and  the  only  Indian  who  has 
written  upon  the  subject — dates  the  event  more  than  five  hun- 


12  THE    LIVES    OF    PONTIAC    AND    TECUMSEH : 

dred  years  before  the  discovery  by  Columbus,  but  his  writings 
are  not  generally  accepted.  The  tradition  of  the  Senecas,  the 
fifth  of  the  Six  Nations,  is  that  the  original  people  of  their 
Nation  broke  forth  from  the  earth,  from  the  crest  of  a  moun 
tain  at  the  head  of  Canandaigua  Lake.  The  mountain  which 
gave  them  birth  is  called  Ge-nun-de-wah-gauh,  or  the  great 
hill,  and  for  this  reason  the  Senecas  are  sometimes  called  the 
great  hill  people,  and,  I  believe,  this  was  their  original  title. 
The  Ge-nun-de-wah-gauh  has  been  held,  by  them,  sacred  as 
being  their  birth-place.  It  was  for  many  years  the  place  of 
holding  the  councils  of  this  tribe,  and  was  the  hallowed  place 
of  their  religious  services. 

As  with  the  Senecas  so  with  all  the  tribes  of  the  Six  Nations. 
They  have  no  written  history  of  their  origin,  nor  can  one  now 
be  produced. 

One  of  the  principal  supports  to  the  confederacy  of  the  Six 
Nations,  and  one  of  the  strongest  ties  which  bound  them 
together  was  the  system  of  totemship.  In  the  Six  Nations 
there  were  eight  totemic  clans. 

The  Iroquois  believed  that  Taounyawatha,  the  God  of  Waters, 
had  descended  to  the  earth  to  teach  them  the  arts  of  savage 
life.  They  claimed  further  that  this  God,  seeing  the  evils  by 
which  their  various  tribes  were  beset,  urged  them  to  form  a 
great  confederacy  for  their  common  good  and  defence.  But 
before  the  people  could  be  collected  together  this  Messenger 
took  his  flight,  promising,  however,  that  another  should  be 
sent  to  instruct  them  in  the  principles  of  the  proposed  league. 
"And  accordingly,"  says  the  glowing  pen  of  Francis  Park- 
man,  "  as  a  band  of  Mohawk  warriors  were  threading  the  fu 
neral  labyrinth  of  an  ancient  pine  forest,  they  heard,  amid  its 
blackest  depths,  a  hoarse  voice  chanting  in  measured  cadence; 
and  following  the  sound,  they  saw,  seated  among  the  trees,  a 
monster  of  so  hideous  an  aspect  that,  one  and  all,  they  stood 
benumbed  with  terror.  His  features  were  wild  and  frightful. 
He  was  encompassed  by  hissing  rattlesnakes,  which,  Medusa- 
like,  hung  writhing  from  his  head;  and  on  the  ground,  around 
him  were  strewn  implements  of  incantation,  and  magic  vessels 
formed  of  human  skulls.  Eecovering  from  their  amazement, 


OR,    THE    BORDER    WARS    OF    TWO    CENTURIES.  13 

the  warriors  could  perceive  that  in  the  mystic  words  of  the 
chant,  which  he  still  poured  forth,  were  couched  the  laws  and 
principles  of  the  destined  confederacy.  The  tradition  further 
declares  that  the  monster  being  surrounded  and  captured,  was 
presently  transformed  to  human  shape;  that  he  became  a  chief 
of  transcendent  wisdom  and  prowess,  and  to  the  day  of  his 
-death  ruled  the  councils  of  the  united  tribes."  The  last  of  the 
presiding  sachems  at  the  councils  at  Onondaga  inherited  from 
him  the  honored  name  of  Atotarho.  Such,  according  to 
Indian  tradition,  is  the  origin  of  the  great  Iroquois  confeder 
acy.  But  if  the  reader  is  shocked  with  this  preposterous 
legend,  what  must  be  said  of  their  tradition  regarding  the 
-epoch  which  preceded  the  auspicious  event  of  their  union.  In 
these  evil  days,  according  to  the  same  authority,  the  scattered 
and  divided  Iroquois  were  beset  with  every  form  of  peril  and 
disaster.  Giants,  cased  in  armor  of  stone,  descended  6n  them 
from  the  mountains  of  the  north.  Huge  beasts  trampled 
down  their  forests  like  fields  of  grass.  Human  heads,  with 
streaming  hair  and  glaring  eyeballs,  shot  through  the  air  like 
meteors,  shedding  pestilence  and  death  throughout  the  land. 
The  waters  of  Lake  Ontario  were  troubled.  From  the  bosom 
of  the  boisterous  lake  a  horned  serpent  of  mighty  size  rose  up 
almost  to  the  clouds.  The  people  fled  from  before  his  awful 
presence,  and  would  not  have  escaped  his  open  jaws  had  not  the 
thunder  bolts  of  the  skies  driven  him  down  into  his  watery 
home  at  the  bottom  of  the  lake.  Around  the  infant  Seneca  vil 
lage  on  Mount  Genundewahguah,  already  spoken  of,  a  two- 
headed  serpent  coiled  himself,  of  size  so  monstrous  that  the  per 
ishing  people  could  not  ascend  his  scaly  sides,  and  perished  in 
multitudes.  At  length  the  monster  was  mortally  wounded  by 
the  magic  arrow  of  a  child,  and,  writhing  in  the  agonies  of 
•death,  he  uncoiled  himself  from  the  mountain  home  of  the 
Senecas,  and  rolled  into  the  lake  below,  lashing  its  black  waters 
into  a  bloody  foam,  and  allowing  the  few  remaining  wretched 
Indians  to  flee  from  the  place  of  their  long  and  disastrous  con 
finement.  The  serpent  sank  to  the  bottom  of  the  lake,  and 
.disappeared  forever. 

According  to  the  fancy  of  the  Iroquois,  the  Spirit  of  Thun- 


14  THE   LIVES    OF    PONTIAO    AND    TECUMSEHI 

der  dwelt  under  the  Falls  of  Niagara,  and  when,  amid  the 
blackening  shadows  of  the  approaching  storm,  or  the  sharp, 
quick  flashes  of  the  lightning,  they  heard  his  broad,  deep  voice 
peal  along  the  heavens,  they  "  hid  themselves  from  the  face  of 
the  angry  Spirit." 

These  legends,  although  unworthy  of  much  consideration, 
are  grand  evidences  of  the  superior  intellectual  powers  of  the 
people  of  the  Six  Nations.  It  is  true  that  their  imaginations 
were  assisted  by  the  dismal  voice  of  the  wind,  the  unfathoma 
ble  darkness  of  the  gathering  thunder  storm,  or  the  low,  deep 
sound  of  the  tossing  lake  waters;  but,  even  in  view  of  these 
mysteries,  their  traditions,  when  compared  with  those  of  other 
nations,  grandly  demonstrate  the  power  and  capacity  of  the 
Iroquois  mind.  But  with  all  their  intellectual  superiority,  the 
arts  of  life  among  them  had  made  no  advance  from  a  barbarous 
condition.  Their  implements  of  war,  and  other  products  of 
their  genius,  were  not  very  flattering  to  them.  There  *was  a 
rough,  unfinished  appearance  to  everything  artificial  around 
them.  Their  huts,  pottery  and  the  conveniences  of  life  com 
bined  to  attest  their  untidy  inactive  genius.  Although  behind 
their  race  in  these  things,  they  were  largely  in  advance  of  it  as 
husbandmen.  Their  beautiful  fields  of  Indian  corn  arid  squashes 
and  the  ancient  apple-orchards  which  grew  around  their  settle 
ments,  captivated  the  invading  arrny  of  Count  Frontenac 
in  1696. 

Their  dwellings  and  works  of  defense,  although  rough,  were, 
however,  well  adapted  to  their  wants,  and  were  good  evidences 
of  their  great  industry.  But  these,  which  were  scattered  along 
the  St.  Lawrence  and  around  Lake  Ontario,  were  leveled  to  the 
ground,  never  to  rise  again,  in  168T,  by  De  Nonville,  and,  nine 
years,  later  by  Frontenac. 

"  Along  the  banks  of  the  Mohawk,  among  the  hills  and  hol 
lows  of  Onondaga,  in  the  forests  of  Oneida  and  Cayuga,  on  the 
romantic  shores  of  Seneca  Lake,  and  the  rich  borders  of  the 
Genesee,  surrounded  by  waiving  maize  fields,  and  encircled 
from  afar  by  the  green  margin  of  the  forests,  stood  the  ancient 
strongholds  of  the  confederacy."  The  little  villages  were  sur 
rounded  by  palisades,  and  were  otherwise  well  fortified  with 


OR,    THE    BORDER    WARS    OF    TWO    CENTURIES.  15 

magazines  of  stones,  and  with  water  conductors,  which  were 
efficiently  used  in  the  event  of  a  fire. 

In  habits  of  social  life  the  Iroquois  were  thoroughly  savage. 
During  the  long  winter  evenings,  men,  women  and  children 
gathered  near  the  log  fires  in  their  rude  huts,  and,  while  the 
cold  storm  was  beating  the  lonely  forest  without,  the  story 
teller  of  the  tribe  recounted  the  history  of  his  nation  and  deeds 
of  ancient  heroism.  The  curious  pipe  was  passed  from  hand 
to  hand,  and,  by  the  flickering  firelight,  each  half-naked  war 
rior,  wrought  up  by  the  superstitious  narratives  of  the  talker, 
seemed  to  pass  the  hours  in  pleasure. 

The  war  path,  the  race  of  political  ambition,  and  the  chase, 
all  had  their  votaries  among  the  people  of  the  Six  Nations. 
When  their  assembled  sachems  had  resolved  on  war,  and  when, 
from  their  ancient  Council  House  a  hundred  light-footed  mes 
sengers  were  sent  to  the  distant  tribes  to  call  them  to  arms,  in 
the  name  of  their  great  chief,  then  from  Quebec  to  the  Caro- 
linas,  and  from  the  Atlantic  to  the  Mississippi,  thousands  of 
warlike  hearts  caught  up  the  invitation  with  glad  enthusiasm. 
By  fasting  and  praying,  by  consulting  dreams  and  omens,  and 
by  ancient  usages,  the  warriors  sought  to  ensure  victory  for 
their  arms.  When  these  singular  performances  had  been  con 
cluded,  they  began  their  secret  progress  towards  the  defenseless 
white  settlement.  Soon  followed  the  news  of  some  bloody 
massacre  which,  exaggerated  in  its  flight  from  settlement  to 
settlement,  was  swiftly  borne  to  the  ears  of  the  older  ~New 
England  towns.  While  these  places  were  filled  with  excite 
ment  over  the  shocking  tidings,  the  victorious  warriors  returned 
to  their  villages  with  the  unfortunate  captives,  to  celebrate 
their  merciless  triumphs.  As  they  approach,  the  sound  of  the 
war-whoop  is  heard,  and  hundreds  of  savage  women  and  chil 
dren  run  out  with  sticks  and  stones  to  meet  the  company. 
Their  hideous  yelping,  warns  the  prisoners  of  increasing  dan 
ger,  but  they  have  no  power  to  turn  back,  and,  resigning 
themselves  to  an  awful  fate,  they  regard  a  pelting  from  these 
foolish  wretches,  as  necessary  to  prepare  them  for  the  tortures 
that  must  follow.  And  now  the  black  arches  of  the  forest 
grow  blacker  as  the  smoke,  slowly  curling  upward  from  the 


16  THE    LIVES    OF    PONTTAC    AND    TEOUMSEHI 

fires  of  death,  forms  itself  in  clouds  above  them.  With  lire- 
brand  and  torch  the  excited  multitude  circle  round  their 
agonizing  victim,  until  the  slow  tortures  have  ended  in  death, 
when  the  charred  corpse  is  thrown  to  the  dogs  and  the  cruel 
ceremony  is  ended  by  clamerous  shouts  to  drive  away  the 
spirit  of  the  captive.  Such  were  the  most  exquisite  enjoy 
ments  of  the  cruel  Indians  of  the  Six  Nations. 

Leaving  this  remarkable  people,  let  us  turn  to  the  other 
members  of  the  same  great  family.  The  Algonquin  people 
occupied  a  large  tract  of  territory  surrounding  the  Six  Nations. 
It  was  the  Indians  of  this  family  who  first  greeted  Cartier,  as 
his  little  fleet  ascended  the  St.  Lawrance;  it  was  Algonquins 
who  welcomed  the  pioneer  settlers  of  Virginia.  They  were 
Algonquins  who,  led  on  by  Sassacus,  Pequot  and  Phillip  of 
Mount  Hope,  harrassed  the  settlements  of  the  New  England 
colonies;  who  under  the  great  tree  at  Kensington,  made  the 
covenant  of  peace  with  William  Penn;  and  when  French  mis 
sionaries  and  fur-traders  explored  the  Wabash  and  the  Ohio, 
they  found  "  their  valleys  tenanted  by  the  same  far-extended 
race."  As  civilization  progressed,  they  were  driven  from  these 
eastern  strongholds,  until  only  a  few  remnants  of  their  once 
great  and  powerful  nation  were  clustered  around  the  Strait  of 
Mackinaw. 

The  Delawares  were  the  most  powerful  tribe  of  the  Algon 
quin  family.  According  to  their  traditions,  they  were  the 
parent  tribe  from  whence  sprung  all  the  other  divisions  of  this 
people.  They  were  called  Delawares,  probably  from  the  fact 
that,  when  the  European  Colonists  first  visited  that  section  of 
-  country,  their  lodges  were  found  thickly  clustered  along  the 
waters  of  the  Delaware  and  its  tributary  streams.  They  were,v 
in  a  small  measure,  an  agricultural  people,  although  they  mainly 
depended  upon  fishing  and  the  chase  as  a  means  of  subsistence. 
As  already  mentioned,  they  had  been  subjected  by  the  fierce 
warriors  of  the  Six  Nations,  and  when  the  Quakers  first  came 
among  them,  they  offered  but  few  evidences  of  military  skill  or 
courage.  But  as  civilization  pushed  them  westward,  beyond 
the  reach  and  power  of  the  Iroquois,  they  revived  their  war 
like  spirits,  and  were  soon  found  to  be  formidable  enemies. 


OB,    THE    BORDER    WARS    OF    TWO    CENTURIES.  IT 

During  the  old  French  War,  they  had  so  far  recovered  from 
the  suppressed  condition  into  which  their  enemies  had  forced 
them,  that  they  resumed  the  use  of  arms,  and  while  their 
ancient  conquerors  espoused  the  cause  of  Canada,  they  became 
the  fast  and  fierce  allies  of  the  English.  At  the  beginning  of 
the  Revolution,  they  publicly  declared  their  emancipation  from 
Iroquois  bondage,  which  was  acknowledged  by  the  Councils  of 
the  Six  Nations ;  and  ever  since  that  period  they  have  occu 
pied  a  high  position  among  the  Indian  nations  of  North 
America.  Indeed,  at  a  still  later  day,  when  the  Iroquois  peo 
ple  had  disappeared  from  the  border  battle-fields,  the  American 
pioneer  settlers  found  their  most  unconquerable  enemies  in 
the  Delaware  Indians.  "  Their  war  parties,"  says  an  eminent 
writer,  "pierced  the  fartherest  wilds  of  the  Rocky  Mountains; 
and  the  prairie  traveler  would  often  meet  the  Delaware  war 
rior  returning  from  a  successful  foray,  a  gaudy  handkerchief 
bound  about  his  brow,  his  snake  locks  fluttering  in  the  wind,  his 
rifle  resting  across  his  saddle-bow,  while  the  tarnished  and 
begrimed  equipments  of  his  half-wild  horse  bore  witness  that 
the  unscrupulous  rider  had  waylaid  and  plundered  some  unfor 
tunate  trapper." 

Next  in  order  among  the  tribes  of  the  Algonquin  family 
were  the  bold  Shawanoes.  At  an  early  day  they  occupied  the 
Valley  of  the  Ohio,  but  in  1672  they  were  defeated  by  the  Six 
Nations,  and  fled  to  escape  destruction.  Following  the  Ohio 
down  a  little  farther,  the  traveler  would  next  come  to  the  vil 
lages  of  the  Miamis,  and  the  Twigh twees.  Their  huts  were 
clustered  along  the  b^nks  of  the  Wabash  and  its  branches. 
They  were  also  living  in  terror  of  the  Iroquois  when  Europeans 
first  came  among  them,  but,  as  with  the  Delawares,  they  were 
liberated  by  the  progress  of  Colonial  power.  The  Illinois  Indi 
ans,  who  in  the  early  days  were  located  along  the  banks  of  the 
river  which  was  given  their  name,  were  also  of  the  Algonquin 
family,  and,  like  their  brothers,  were  sorely  harrassed  by  the 
Iroquois.  At  one  time  their  numbers  exceeded  twelve  thou 
sand,  but  so  complete  was  the  subjection  and  total  their  defeat, 
which  they  received  at  the  merciless  hands  of  the  Six  Nations, 
that  they  were  reduced  to  a  few  small  villages.  The  Illinois 


18  THE    LIVES    OF    PONTIAC    AND    TECUMSEH: 

Indians  were,  perhaps,  the  most  licentious  and  slothful  savages 
of  the  Algonquin  family.  Having  lost  their  prestige  as  a 
warlike  people,  they  sought  to  gratify  their  vicious  natures  by 
the  most  extravagant  indulgences.  They  spent  a  greater  part 
of  the  year  in  the  pursuit  of  game  with  which  the  prairies  of 
their  country  abounded  in  great  plenty,  but  there  were  seasons 
when  nearly  all  of  them  were  gathered  together  at  their  prin 
cipal  village,  merry-making,  feasting,  and,  when  liquor  could 
be  obtained,  drinking  to  excess. 

The  Ojibwas,  Pottawatomies,  Ottawas,  Sacs,  Foxes,  Men- 
omonies  and  the  Northern  Knisteneaux  were  also  members  of 
this  great  family.  They  were  scattered  throughout  the  lake 
region  in  detached  villages,  and,  in  common  with  their  kins 
men,  had,  at  an  earlier  period,  fled  from  the  eastern  country  to 
escape  the  fury  of  the  Iroquois.  The  Ojibwas,  Ottawas  and 
Pottawatomies  were  bound  together  by  a  sort  of  confederacy, 
having  for  its  object  their  common  defense  and  mutual  welfare. 
The  former  tribe,  which  was  the  most  numerous  of  any  of  this 
confederacy,  was  located  in  the  Lake  Superior  vicinity.  They 
were  a  barbaric,  rude  people,  living  in  a  loose  and  imperfect 
state.  Hunting  and  fishing  were  their  favorite  pursuits,  and 
agriculture  was  but  slightly  encouraged.  They  were,  withal, 
an  improvident,  reckless  tribe.  At  one  season  they  were  feast 
ing,  with  an  abundance  on  every  hand,  and  at  another  they 
were  famishing.  Yet,  with  all  this  uncertainty  touching  their 
supplies,  they  never  manifested  a  single  prudent  trait. 

Thus  I  have  hurriedly  noticed  the  location  and  condition  of 
the  Six  Nations  and  Algonquin  family  of  Indians,  at  the  period 
in  which  our  narrative  opens.  The  reader  has,  no  doubt, 
already  observed  that  of  these  two  distinct  families,  the 
Iroquois  were  by  far  the  most  intellectual  and  elevated,  never 
theless  some  of  the  greatest  warriors  and  orators  belonged  to 
the  Algonquin  nation.  Even  Pontiac  and  Tecumseh,  the  sub 
jects  of  this  work,  boasted  its  blood  and  language.  A  point 
that  has  not  failed  to  elicit  attention,  however,  is  that  with  the 
advance  of  Colonial  power,  the  prestige  of  the  Six  Nations 
declined  more  rapidly  than  that  of  the  tribes  which  they  had 
conquered. 


OR,    THE    BOEDER    WARS    OF    TWO    CENTURIES.  19 

Before  passing  on  to  the  opening  events  of  the  narrative,  I 
will  stop  to  glance,  for  a  moment,  at  the  Wyandotts  and  the 
Neutral  Nation.  These  tribes,  which  originally  belonged  to 
the  Iroquois  family,  occupied  the  peninsula  between  Lakes 
Huron,  Erie  and  Ontario.  The  Wyandotts  were  a  numerous 
people,  inheriting  all  the  high  qualities  of  their  brethren  of 
the  Six  Nations.  Their  numbers  at  one  time  exceeded  thirty 
thousand.  They  were  both  an  agricultural  and  commercial 
nation.  The  products  of  their  well  cultivated  corn-fields  were 
exchanged  to  a  considerable  extent,  for  the  fish  which  had  been 
taken  from  the  lakes  and  rivers  by  the  surrounding  tribes. 
Being  more  provident  than  their  neighbors,  the  Ojibwas,  they 
were  generally  well  supplied  with  the  necessaries,  and  not 
unfrequently  called  upon,  in  times  of  want,  by  the  latter,  to 
share  their  bounties  with  them.  As  a  rule  they  responded 
with  a  generosity  that  was  truly  commendable. 

In  164:9,  during  the  long  cold  winter,  when  by  their  indus 
try  and  consequent  prosperity,  they  were  lending  material 
assistance  to  the  half  perishing  tribes  around  them,  they  were 
incessantly  harrassed  and  finally  defeated  by  a  numerous  band 
of  Iroquois  warriors.  These  fierce  Indians  levelled  all  the 
principal  Wyandot  villages  to  the  ground,  and  slaughtered 
men,  women  and  children  without  mercy.  The  few  conquered 
savages  who  survived  this  onslaught,  fled  in  terror,  and  the 
whole  tribe  was  dispersed  and  broken.  Some  of  them  fled  to 
Quebec  and  others  escaped  into  the  Ojibwa  country;  but  in  1680 
they  again  united,  and  formed  a  permanent  settlement  on  the 
Detroit  River. 

The  fate  of  the  Neutral  Nation  was  not  unlike  that  of  the 
Wyandots.  The  Senecas,  a  powerful  tribe  of  the  Six  Nations, 
invaded  their  country  and  effected  an  easy  conquest.  Their 
habits  of  life  and  general  characteristics  were  very  similar  to 
those  of  the  Wyandots. 

Thus  we  have  seen  that  several  powerful  tribes  of  North 
American  Indians,  during  the  last  quarter  of  the  seventeenth 
century,  sank  before  the  arms  of  the  Six  Nations.  Their  con 
quests  extended  to  every  adjacent  tribe,  and  their  bravest  war 
riors  were  sorely  harrassing  the  infant  colony  of  New  France. 


THE    LIVES    OF    PONTIAO    AND    TECUMSEHI 

Like  the  Six  Nations,  the  Algonquins  had  their  myths  and 
legends.  Being  less  intellectual,  however,  they  did  not  assume 
that  systematic  type  which  characterized  those  of  their  enemies, 
but  they  were  full  of  interest  and  shadowy  landmarks  of  their 
history.  They  had  a  faith  more  simple  than  that  of  the  Iro- 
quois  regarding  the  God  of  Thunder,  which  is  another  proof 
of  their  inferior  intellectual  scope.  They  believed  that  the 
thunder  was  a  bird  who  built  his  nest  on  the  pinnacle  of 
towering  mountains. 

The  religious  faith  of  the  Indian  tribes  already  mentioned 
was  mixed  and  ambiguous.  They  beheld  God  in  every  part  or 
feature  of  his  creation,  and  yet,  I  do  not  think  that  they 
believed  in  a  one  Almighty  Being,  the  Great  Spirit,  Lord  of 
Heaven  and  Earth,  until  the  missionaries  came  among  them; 
but  it  cannot  be  said  that  with  this  important  addition  to  their 
faith,  their  religious  worship  was  increased.  I  should  rather 
hold  to  the  opinion  that  the  highest  intellectual  state  of  the 
Indian  race,  and  the  loftiest  conception  of  their  minds,  and,  as 
a  consequence,  their  most  acceptable  worship,  date  back  beyond 
the  advent  of  European  civilization  and  Christianity.  All  evi 
dence  procurable  on  this  subject  points  to  this  conclusion.  The 
Indians  never  could  understand  the  religious  faith  of  either 
the  Catholic  or  Protestant  religion,  and  in  every  attempt  to 
embrace  either,  they  added  additional  testimony  pointing  to 
its  utter  inadaptability  to  their  minds.  The  heart  cannot 
embrace  a  doctrine  which  the  mind  is  unable  to  comprehend. 
"  Red  Jacket,"  the  Seneca  chief  and  orator,  at  a  later  day  set 
forth,  in  a  very  able  manner,  the  difficulties  which  the  Indian 
mind  encountered  in  attempting  to  penetrate  Christian  doc 
trine,  in  the  following  words,  which  he  addressed  to  a  mission 
ary  who  had  come  to  preach  Christ  and  Him  crucified  to  the 
inhabitants  of  a  Seneca  village: 

"  BROTHER  :  Continue  to  listen.  You  say  that  you  are  sent  to  instruct 
us  how  to  worship  the  Great  Spirit  agreeably  to  His  mind,  and,  if  we  do 
not  take  hold  of  the  religion  which  you  white  people  teach,  we  shall  be 
unhappy  hereafter.  You  say  that  you  are  right  and  we  are  lost.  How  do 
you  know  this  to  be  true  ?  We  understand  that  your  religion  is  written 
in  a  book.  If  it  was  intended  for  us  as  well  as  you,  why  has  not  the 
Great  Spirit  given  to  us,  and  not  only  to  us,  but  why  did  He  not  give 


OK,    THE    BORDER    WARS    OF    TWO    CENTURIES.  21 

to  our  forefathers  the  knowledge  of  that  book,  with  the  means  of  under 
standing  it  rightly  ?  We  only  know  what  you  tell  us  about  it.  How  shall 
we  know  when  to  believe,  being  so  often  deceived  by  the  white  people  ? 
You  say  that  there  is  but  one  way  to  worship  and  serve  the  Great  Spirit. 
If  there  is  but  one  religion,  why  do  you  white  people  differ  so  much  about 
it  ?  Why  not  all  agreed,  as  you  can  all  read  the  same  book  ?  We  do  not 
understand  these  things.  We  are  told  that  your  religion  was  given  to  your 
forefathers,  and  has  been  handed  down  from  father  to  son.  We  also  have 
a  religion,  which  was  given  to  our  forefathers,  and  has  been  handed  down 
to  us — their  children.  We  worship  in  that  way.  It  teaches  us  to  be 
thankful  for  all  the  favors  we  receive ;  to  love  each  other  and  to  be  united. 
We  never  quarrel  about  our  religion.  The  Great  Spirit  has  made  us  all, 
but  he  has  made  a  great  difference  between  his  white  and  red  children. 
He  has  given  us  different  complexions  and  different  customs.  To  you  he 
has  given  the  arts.  To  these  he  has  not  opened  our  eyes.  We  know  these 
things  to  be  true.  Since  he  has  made  so  great  a  difference  between  us  in 
other  things,  why  may  we  not  conclude  that  he  has  given  us  a  different 
religion  according  to  our  understanding  ?  The  Great  Spirit  does  right. 
He  knows  what  is  best  for  his  children.  We  are  satisfied." 


OHAPTEE    II. 

THE  ENGLISH  IN  THE  WEST  —  PONTIAC  STANDING  IN  THEIR  WAT — HE 
CONSENTS  TO  LET  THEM  OCCUPY  HIS  COUNTRY  —  THE  ENGLISH  TAKE 
POSSESSION  OF  DETROIT. 

IN  this  narrative  of  the  Border  Wars  of  the  Northwest,  I  will 
first  direct  the  reader's  attention  to  the  events  which  occurred 
immediately  after  the  English  relieved  the  western  outposts  of 
Canada  or  ~New  France.  But  this  can  be  more  acceptably  done 
by  first  pointing  out  some  of  the  incidents  connected  with  the 
surrender  of  these  forts  by  the  French  to  their  conquerors. 

Canada  had  fallen.  The  long  cherished  hopes  of  the  French 
to  establish  a  permanent  branch  of  Empire  in  the  ISTew  "World 
were  now  blighted,  and  their  country,  so  recently  full  of  prom 
ise  and  prosperity,  was  now  humbled  at  the  foot  of  the  English 
throne.  The  capitulation  was  completed,  and  it  only  remained 
for  the  English  to  take  possession  of  their  conquests.  Well 
might  the  bravest  soldier  shrink  from  this  hazardous  task,  for 
many  of  the  strongholds  to  be  occupied  were  not  only  still  in 
the  hands  of  the  French,  but  surrounded  by  clouds  of  warlike 
savages,  eager  to  visit  death  and  destruction  upon  the  enemies 
of  the  defeated  colony.  Indeed  the  Indians,  who  from  the 
beginning  of  the  Old  French  War,  had  been  the  faithful  allies 
of  the  French,  were  already  uniting  against  the  "  red  coats." 
They  beheld  the  approaching  ruin  of  their  race,  and  resolved 
on  the  foolish  attempt  of  driving  the  English  from  the  country. 

The  forts  yet  to  be  occupied  were  Detroit,  Michilimackinac 
and  one  or  two  others  of  less  importance  in  the  lake  region. 
It  was  on  the  12th  of  September,  1T60,  that  Major  Eogers 
received  orders  from  Sir  Jeffery  Amherst  to  ascend  the  lakes 
with  a  detachment  of  rangers,  and  take  possession  of  these 


OB,    THE    BORDER    WARS    OF    TWO    CENTURIES.  23 

posts  in  the  name  of  his  Britannic  Majesty.  Accordingly  he 
set  out  with  two  hundred  soldiers  in  fifteen  whale-boats,  on  the 
day  following,  and,  after  a  troublesome  journey,  beset  by 
storms  and  harassed  by  the  severity  of  the  weather,  he  reached 
the  eastern  end  of  Lake  Erie.  Here  he  was  met  by  the  depu 
ties  of  the  great  Pontiac,  chief  of  the  Ottawas,  and  "  lord  and 
ruler  of  all  that  country."  The  chiefs  ordered  Rogers  to  halt, 
and  commanded  him  to  proceed  no  further  until  they  had 
received  permission  from  their  Ottawa  leader. 

At  this  point  we  will  turn  for  a  moment  to  glance  at  this 
wonderful  man.  Pontiac  was  the  son  of  an  Ottawa  chief,  and 
by  his  valorous  deeds,  matchless  eloquence  and  great  force  of 
character,  had  become  exceedingly  popular  and  influential 
among  all  the  tribes  in  the  vicinity  of  the  great  lakes.  The 
Ottawas,  Ojibwas  and  Pottawatomies  were,  at  this  time,  united 
under  a  confederacy  of  which  he  was  both  civil  and  military 
leader;  but  his  authority  extended  far  beyond  these  tribes,  and 
was  almost  unbounded  wherever  his  voice  could  be  heard.  He 
did  not  owe  his  greatness  to  the  fact  that  he  was  the  son  of  a 
chief,  for  among  the  Indians  many  a  chiefs  son  sinks  into 
insigniiicance  among  the  common  rabble  of  hie  tribe,  while  the 
offspring  of  a  common  warrior  may  succeed  to  his  place.  Per 
sonal  merit  alone  can  win  the  respect  and  obedience  of  the 
Indians.  In  the  eyes  of  his  numerous  followers,  no  other 
person  possessed  more  of  this  than  Pontiac.  Courage,  resolu 
tion,  wisdom  and  eloquence  and  good  address  had  been  the 
principal  passports  to  his  fame  and  distinction.  His  intellect 
was  far-reaching,  forcible  and  capacious.  His  energy  and  force 
of  character,  his  great  subtlety  and  craftiness,  conspired  to 
elicit  the  greatest  admiration  and  respect  from  his  wild  and 
reckless  followers. 

Although  possessed  of  all  these  high  qualities,  Pontiac  was 
a  thorough  savage,  and,  as  we  shall  see,  capable  of  deeds  of  the 
blackest  treachery.  He  was  now  in  his  fiftieth  year,  and  in  the 
prime  of  life.  His  mental  and  physical  powers  were  unim 
paired,  and  he  stood  forth  the  giant  of  his  tribe  in  both 
intellect  and  endurance.  In  short,  he  was  in  every  respect 
qualified  to  lead  his  savage  people  into  the  bloody  contest  which 


24  THE    LIVES    OF    PONTIAC    AND   TECUMSEHI 

followed.  When  deeds  of  lofty  magnanimity  best  suited  his 
purpose,  Pontiac  could  respond  from  the  generosity  of  his  own 
nature,  while,  from  the  same  source,  he  could  supply  the  foulest 
stratagems. 

During  the  long  wars  that  had  passed,  he  had  been  the  con 
stant  friend  and  ally  of  the  French,  and  had  led  his  warriors 
to  battle  on  many  a  hard-fought  field  in  the  interests  of  this 
people  against  the  English.  He  commanded  the  Ottawa  braves 
at  the  memorable  defeat  of  Braddock,  and  in  this  contest  he 
fully  set  forth  his  rare  military  skill  and  great  craftiness.  He 
had  served  the  French  officers  in  various  capacities,  and  espec 
ially  did  he  render  them  valuable  aid  as  a  leader  of  Indian 
warriors  in  the  hour  of  their  greatest  peril.  For  these  deeds 
he  had  received  many  marks  of  esteem  from  Montcalm,  the 
brave  commander  of  the  French  forces,  who  fell  while  defend 
ing  Quebec  in  1759. 

Such  was  the  man  whose  chiefs  were  now  standing  in  the 
pathway  of  the  English,  at  the  eastern  end  of  Lake  Erie. 

When  the  deputies  had  been  assured  by  Kogers  that  their 
command  would  be  respected,  they  returned  to  Pontiac,  who 
soon  after  accompanied  them  on  their  return  to  the  English 
camp.  He  greeted  Rogers  with  two  haughty  questions,  which 
were  put  in  about  the  following  language :  "  What  is  your 
business  in  this  country?  How  dare  you  come  here  without 
my  permission? "  These  stern  demands  had  considerable  effect 
upon  the  Major,  but  he  concealed  his  emotions  as  far  as  possi 
ble,  and  appeared  to  be  undaunted.  His  reply  to  Pontiac  was 
that  the  French  had  been  defeated,  and  that  Canada  had  fallen 
into  the  hands  of  the  English,  and  that  he  was  on  his  way  to 
take  possession  of  Detroit,  and  restore  a  general  peace.  The 
great  chief  listened  with  attention,  but  appeared  to  be  dissat 
isfied.  His  only  reply  was  that  he  would  consider  the  matter 
until  morning,  and  then  give  them  an  answer.  He  ordered 
the  English  to  proceed  no  further  without  his  consent,  and 
then  withdrew  with  his  chiefs  to  his  own  encampment. 

A  dark  and  gloomy  night  followed.  The  rangers  had  met 
their  enemies  face  to  face,  and  now  as  the  shades  of  night  gath 
ered  about  them  they  began  to  suspect  treachery.  The  night 


PONTIAC,  THE  OTTAWA  CHIEFTAIN. 


OR,    THE   BORDER    WARS   OF   TWO    CENTURIES.  25 

was  black  and  stormy,  and  the  winds  sang  mournfully  over  the 
restless  bodies  of  the  half  perishing  soldiers.  The  guard  was 
doubled  in  numbers,  and  instructed  to  give  the  alarm  at  the 
first  sight  of  danger;  but  Rogers  was  happily  disappointed. 
The  night  passed  in  perfect  tranquility,  except  in  the  troubled 
minds  and  hearts  of  the  suffering  rangers. 

"With  the  dawn  of  the  following  day  the  clouds  thinned  and 
the  weather  became  slightly  improved.  At  an  early  hour 
Pontiac  and  his  chiefs  returned.  The  chief  replied  to  the  words 
of  Rogers,  saying  that  he  was  willing  to  live  at  peace  with  the 
English,  and  would  suffer  them  to  remain  in  his  country  only 
as  long  as  they  treated  him  with  the  respect  and  courtesy  which 
his  official  station  demanded.  The  Indian  chiefs  and  Provin 
cial  officers  then  smoked  the  calumet  together,  and  to  the  eye 
,  of  the  spectator  a  perfect  harmony  seemed  to  be  established 
between  them.  But  alas!  it  was  doomed  to  a  short  existence. 
It  would  have  been  well  had  the  English  treated  this  powerful 
man  with  more  respect;  for  by  enraging  him  with  insult,  they 
brought  an  avalanche  of  savage  warriors  upon  their  defenseless 
settlements. 

On  the  fifteenth  of  November  the  detachment  reached  the 
western  end  of  Lake  Erie,  and  encamped  at  the  mouth  of  the 
Detroit  river.  Here  they  were  informed  that  the  Indians  of 
Detroit  were  in  arms  ready  to  give  them  battle,  and  that  four 
hundred  warriors  lay  in  ambush  not  more  than  half  a  mile  dis 
tant.  At  this  juncture  Eogers  turned  to  his  new  made  friend 
for  assistance.  He  requested  Pontiac  to  send  forward  a  depu 
tation  of  his  warriors  to  persuade  the  Indians  to  extend  a 
peaceful  reception  to  the  English.  The  great  chief  complied, 
and,  obedient  to  his  word,  the  savages  abandoned  their  designs. 
This  accomplished  the  rangers  continued  their  course  towards 
Detroit. 

The  whale-boats  passed  slowly  up  the  river  until  the  rangers 
came  within  full  view  of  the  little  fort  and  the  Indian  villages 
around  it.  They  could  see  the  French  flag  waving  in  the  breeze 
over  the  ramparts  of  the  fort,  and,  no  doubt,  they  felt  eager  to 
supply  its  place  by  the  Cross  of  St.  George.  Rogers  landed 
his  troops  on  the  opposite  side  of  the  river,  and  pitched  his 


26  THE    LIVES    OF    PONTIAC    AND    TECUMSEH '. 

tents  upon  the  meadow.  He  then  crossed  the  river  with  two 
officers  and  a  few  soldiers,  and  summoned  the  French  garrison 
to  surrender.  In  obedience  "  the  soldiers  defiled  upon  the  plain, 
and  laid  down  their  arms."  The  English  flag  was  now  unfolded, 
and  in  a  few  moments  the  British  were  in  full  possession  of 
Detroit. 

The  Indians,  to  the  number  of  nearly  two  thousand,  wit 
nessed  this  singular  transfer  with  wonder  and  amazement. 
Why  "so  few  Englishmen  should  thus  quietly  disarm  so  many 
Frenchmen,  was,  to  their  savage  minds,  a  question  not  easily 
solved.  To  say  the  least,  it  was,  in  the  Indian's  way  of  viewing 
it,  a  grand  demonstration  of  English  prowess.  The  surrender 
had  scarcely  been  completed  when  all  the  savages  present  sent 
up  a  burst  of  triumphant  yells,  as  if  to  declare  that  their  sym 
pathies  were  already  with  the  conquerors. 

Rogers  took  possession  of  Detroit  on  the  29th  day  of 
November,  1760.  The  French  garrison  was  sent  down  the 
lake  as  prisoners,  while  the  Canadian  inhabitants  were  allowed 
to  enjoy  peaceful  possession  of  their  farms  and  dwellings  on 
the  condition  of  swearing  allegiance  to  the  British  crown. 
Forts  Miami  and  Onatauon  were  next  relieved,  but  Michili- 
mackinac  and  the  adjacent  posts  were  so  far  distant  that,  owing 
to  the  advanced  season,  they  remained  in  the  hands  of  the 
French  till  the  following  spring,  when  a  small  detachment  took 
possession  of  them,  and  thus  completed  the  work  assigned  to 
Major  Rogers. 

The  English  were  now  in  full  possession  of  their  conquests, 
the  Indians  alone  remaining  to  dispute  their  possessions. 


CHAPTEK   III. 

THE  WILDERNESS  AND  ITS  INHABITANTS  Jfr  THE  CLOSE  OF  THE  FRENCH 
WAR — TRAVEL  AND  ADVENTURE — THE  OUTPOSTS  OF  CIVILIZATION — 
THE  HIGHWAYS  OF  THE  WILDERNESS. 

EVEKY  reader  of  American  history  will  remember  that,  after 
the  defeat  of  Braddock,  the  western  tribes  of  Indians  rose 
unanimously  against  the  English.  They  had  come  to  regard 
the  "  red  coats  "  as  intruders,  and,  misguided  by  the  French, 
they  believed  the  English  had  formed  a  design  to  drive  them 
from  the  country.  And  now  that  their  enemies  had  possessed 
themselves  of  Canada  and  the  western  outposts,  the  savages 
began  to  discern  the  approaching  ruin  of  their  race.  It  was 
at  this  period  that  the  frontier  settlements  of  Pennsylvania 
felt  the  scourge  of  Indian  war.  The  onslaught  extended  into 
Maryland  and  Virginia,  and  a  wide- spread  havoc  desolated  the 
border  settlements.  During  the  whole  summer  and  autumn 
of  1755  the  slaughter  raged  with  increasing  fury.  The  west 
ern  forests  appeared  to  be  alive  with  infuriated  warriors,  and 
day  after  day,  and  week  after  week,  scalping  parties  sallied 
forth  from  its  pathless  depths,  murdering  women  and  children 
without  mercy.  The  log  cabin  of  the  hard  working  pioneer 
disappeared  in  smoke  and  flame,  while  the  frightened  inmates, 
in  attempting  to  escape  the  raging  element,  fell  into  the  hands 
of  the  blood-thirsty  savages.  Thus  continued  the  awful  work 
of  death  and  devastation,  until,  in  1756,  the  Indians,  under 
various  -influences,  laid  down  the  hatchet.  In  the  following 
year  a  treaty  of  peace  was  concluded  between  these  Indians 
and  the  colonists,  which  also  had  a  good  result.  This  treaty, 
however,  did  not  embrace  the  Indians  of  the  Ohio,  who  com 
prised  many  of  the  bravest  Delaware  and  Shawanoe  warriors, 
and  who  still  continued  their  murderous  assaults  until  1758,. 

(27) 


28  THE    LIVES    OF    PONTIAC    AND   TECUMSEHI 

when,  hearing  of  the  advance  of  General  Forbes,  and  seeing 
that  the  French  cause  was  utterly  hopeless  they  accepted  terms 
of  peace.  The  Six  Nations,  however,  were  still  unfriendly. 
At  the  outbreak  of  the  war,  they  had  manifested  some  signs 
of  friendship,  but  the  disasters  which  had  attended  the  first 
campaign  gave  them  a  very  poor  idea  of  British  prowess. 
They  became  still  more  disgusted  with  the  English,  when,  on 
the  following  year,  they  beheld  their  defeat  at  Oswego.  It  is 
said  that  many  of  them  fought  with  the  French  in  this  battle. 
But,  fortunately,  success  favored  the  English  in  the  succeeding 
contests.  Du  Quesne  and  Louisburg  were  taken,  and  the  fierce 
Iroquois,  seeing  these  achievements,  went  over  to  the  side  of 
the  conquerers,  and  from  that  day,  fought  in  the  interests  of 
the  English.  This  was  one  of  their  greatest  mistakes,  for, 
with  the  fall  of  Canada  their  doom  was  sealed.  They  no 
longer  held  the  balance  of  power  between  the  rival  colonies, 
and,  being  lightly  regarded  as  allies,  they  were  left  to  their 
own  limited  resources.  The  numerous  tribes  of  the  west, 
however,  arrayed  themselves  on  the  side  of  the  French,  and 
fought  in  the  interests  of  Canada  through  the  whole  war.  At 
its  conclusion  they  retired  into  the  forests,  where  they  remained 
inactive  until  called  to  battle  by  the  voice  of  the  mightiest  of 
warriors — Pontiac,  the  Ottawa  chief. 

And  now,  before  entering  upon  an  account  of  that  terrible 
contest,  the  Pontiac  War,  which  makes  the  first  part  of  our 
narrative,  it  will  be  proper  to  glance  at  that  vast  country  which 
the  Indians  had  resolved  to  wrest  from  the  hands  of  their 
enemies.  "  One  vast,  continuous  forest,"  says  Francis  Park- 
man,  "  shadowed  the  fertile  soil,  covering  the  land  as  the  grass 
covers  the  garden  lawn,  sweeping  over  hill  and  hollow,  in  end 
less  undulation,  burying  mountains  in  verdure,  and  mantling 
brooks  and  rivers  from  the  light  of  day.  Green  intervals 
dotted  with  browsing  deer,  and  broad  plains  blackened  with 
buffalo,  broke  the  sameness  of  the  woodland  scenery.  Unnum 
bered  rivers  seamed  the  forest  with  their  devious  windings. 
Vast  lakes  washed  its  boundaries,  where  the  Indian  voyager, 
in  his  birch  canoe,  could  descry  no  land  beyond  the  world  of 
waters.  Yet  this  prolific  wilderness,  teeming  with  waste  fer- 


OR,    THE    BORDER    WARS    OF    TWO    CENTURIES.  29" 

tility,  was  but  a  hunting  ground  and  a  battle  field  to  a  few 
fierce  hordes  of  savages.  Here  and  there,  in  some  rich  meadow 
opened  to  the  sun,  the  Indian  squaws  turned  the  black  mould 
with  their  rude  implements  of  bone  or  iron,  and  sowed  their 
scanty  stores  of  maize  and  beans.  Human  labor  drew  no 
other  tribute  from  that  inexhaus table  soil." 

The  population,  consisting  almost  entirely  of  Indians,  was 
so  thin  and  scattered  that  sometimes  one  might  travel  for 
whole  weeks  without  meeting  a  human  form.  Kentucky  was 
but  a  "  skirmishing  ground  for  the  hostile  tribes  of  the  north 
and  south;"  while  in  many  parts  of  the  lake  region  hundreds 
of  square  miles  were  inhabited  only  by  wild  beasts.  At  the 
close  of  the  French  War,  the  Indian  population  of  the  whole 
northwest  did  not  exceed  thirty  thousand.  Out  of  this  num 
ber  there  were  not  more  than  ten  thousand  fighting  men.  Yet 
this  army,  when  detached  and  scattered  after  the  Indian  cus 
toms  of  warfare,  was  all  that  the  English  could  master. 

The  condition  of  the  savages  had  changed,  although,  per 
haps,  it  was  but  little  improved.  Onondaga,  the  capital  of  the 
Iroquois,  where  their  council  fires  had  been  kindled  from 
time  out  of  mind,  was  no  longer  a  place  of  great  importance. 
The  ancient  council  house  of  bark  was  still  to  be  seen,  but  its 
deserted  appearance  bespoke  the  fall  of  the  Six  Nations.  Their 
other  villages  presented  a  similar  spectacle.  Everywhere  civ 
ilization  had  worked  evil  for  the  savages.  It  was  true  that  the 
use  of  firearms  aided  them  in  the  chase,  but  all  the  advantage 
of  the  arts  could  not  atone  for  the  evils  of  rum.  "  High  up 
the  Susquehanna  were  seated  the  ISTorthcokes,  Conoys,  and 
Mohicans,  with  a  portion  of  the  Delawares.  Detached  bands 
of  the  western  Iroquois  dwelt  upon  the  headwaters  of  the 
Alleghany,  mingled  with  their  neighbors,  the  Delawares,  who 
had  several  villages  upon  this  stream.  The  great  body  of  the 
latter  nation,  however,  lived  upon  the  Beaver  creeks  and  the 
Muskingum  in  numerous  scattered  towns  and  hamlets."  In 
each  village  might  have  been  seen  one  large  building  of  better 
style  than  the  rest.  This  was  devoted  to  festivals,  dances,  and 
public  meetings. 

Along  the  Sciota  were  the  lodges  of  the  Shawanoes.     To  the 


30  THE    LIVES    OF    PONTIAC    AND    TECUMSEHI 

westward,  along  the  banks  of  the  Wabash  and  the  Maumee 
dwelt  the  Miamas.  The  Illinois  were  scattered  and  degraded. 
Having  early  met  the  French  traders,  they  became  addicted  to 
the  habit  of  drinking,  and  soon  sank  from  their  native  purity 
into  a  wretched  degeneracy.  There  was  no  tribe  in  the  whole 
lake  region  which  adapted  itself  to  the  customs  of  civilization 
with  better  results  than  the  Wyandot  family.  At  this  time 
their  villages  along  the  Detroit,  and  in  the  vicinity  of  San- 
dusky,  presented  a  clean  and  tidy  appearance.  They  were 
husbandmen  of  considerable  industry,  and  their  name  ranked 
high  in  war  and  policy. 

The  English  settlements  were  scattered  along  the  eastern 
seaboard  on  a  narrow  strip  of  land  bordered  on  the  west  by  a 
dense  forest.  At  this  time  Albany,  N.  Y.,  was,  by  far,  the 
largest  frontier  town.  It  was  from  this  place  that  traders  or 
soldiers  bound  for  the  lake  region,  or  the  wilds  of  the  great 
west,  set  out  on  their  hazardous  journey.  These  hardy  adven 
turers  would  embark  in  a  canoe,  ascend  the  Mohawk,  pass  the 
old  Dutch  town  of  Schenectady,  Fort  Hunter  and  Fort  Herki- 
mer,  finally  reaching  Fort  Stanwix,  at  the  head  of  the  river 
navigation.  They  would  then  pass  overland  to  Wood  creek, 
carrying  their  canoes.  Here  they  would  embark,  and  by  fol 
lowing  its  winding  course,  arrive  at  the  Royal  Blockhouse.  At 
this  point  they  entered  the  waters  of  the  Oneida.  Crossing 
its  western  extremity,  and  passing  under  the  wooden  ramparts 
of  Fort  Brewerton,  they  would  descend  the  river  Oswego,  to 
the  town  of  the  same  name,  on  the  banks  of  Lake  Ontario. 
Here  the  vast  navigation  of  the  lakes  would  be  open  before 
them. 

The  principal  trail  from  the  middle  colonies  to  the  Indian 
country  was  from  Philadelphia  westward,  mounting  the 
Alleghanies,  and  descending  to  the  valley  of  the  Ohio.  As 
soon  as  peace  had  been  established,  after  the  war  between  the 
colonies,  adventurous  fur  traders  hastened  over  the  mountains, 
hoping  to  become  rich  in  the  traffic  of  the  wilderness  markets, 
and  forgetting  the  dangers  with  which  they  were  surrounding 
themselves.  These  pioneer  merchants  would  transport  their 
merchandise  on  the  backs  of  horses,  threading  the  forests  and 


OR,    THE    BORDER    WAKS    OF    TWO    CENTURIES.  31 

fording  streams  for  many  miles  into  the  unknown  wilderness 
of  the  Indian  country.  They  were  a  rough,  bold,  yet  happy 
set  of  men,  and  often  as  fierce  and  as  fond  of  war  and  adven 
ture  as  the  savages  themselves.  They  wore  but  little  dress.  A 
blanket  coat,  or  a  frock  of  smoked  deer  skin,  a  rifle  on  the 
shoulder,  and  a  knife  and  tomahawk  in  the  belt,  formed  their 
ordinary  equipment.  The  principal  trader,  "  the  owner  of  the 
merchandise,  would  fix  his  headquarters  at  some  large  Indian 
town,  whence  he  would  dispatch  his  subordinates  to  the  sur 
rounding  villages,  with  a  suitable  supply  of  blankets  and  red 
cloth,  guns  and  hatchets,  liquor,  tobacco,  paint,  beads  and 
hawk's  bills."  This  traffic  was  attended  with  every  descrip 
tion  of  irregularity.  Kivalism,  robbery  and  murder  were  fre 
quent  results;  and,  when  it  is  considered  that  these  adventurers 
were  in  a  country  where  neither  law  nor  morals  had  any  foot 
hold,  such  conduct  will  hardly  be  wondered  at. 

A  visit  to  the  more  remote  tribes  of  the  Mississippi  valley 
was  attended  with  still  greater  risk.  No  Englishman,  how 
ever,  attempted  this  hazardous  journey  without  losing  his 
scalp,  until  several  years  after  the  conquest  of  Canada.  The 
traveler  bound  to  this  region  generally  descended  the  Ohio  in 
a  canoe.  "  He  might  float,"  says  Francis  Parkman,  "  for  more 
than  eleven  hundred  miles  down  this  liquid  highway  of  the 
wilderness,  and,  except  the  deserted  cabins  of  Logstown,  a 
little  below  Fort  Pitt,  the  remnant  of  a  Shawnoe  village  at 
the  mouth  of  the  Sciota,  and  an  occasional  hamlet  or  solitary 
wigwam  along  the  luxuriant  banks,  he  would  discern  no  trace 
of  human  habitaiicy  through  all  this  vast  extent."  The  body 
of  the  Indian  population  lay  to  the  north  on  the  tributaries  of 
this  river,  but  scattering  war  parties  were  often  to  be  encoun 
tered  in  this  region.  The  traveler  needed  to  exercise  the 
greatest  caution.  If,  perchance,  he  observed  the  blue  smoke 
curling  above  the  green  bosom  of  the  forest,  betraying  the 
camping  ground  of  some  war  party,  his  light  canoe  was  drawn 
into  some  hiding  place  on  the  bank  of  the  river.  When 
darkness  closed  in,  the  adventurer  would  again  embark  and 
float  along  in  safety. 

In  the  southern  portion  of  the  present  state  of  Illinois  were 


32  THE   LIVES   OF   PONTIAO   AND   TEOUMSEH.' 

to  be  seen  the  old  French  outposts,  Kaskaskia,  Gahokia  and 
Yincennes.  From  the  latter  the  traveler  could  paddle  his 
canoe  up  the  Wabash  until  he  reached  the  little  village  of 
Ouatauon.  From  this  point  a  trail  led  through  the  forest  to 
the  Maumee,  where  stood  Fort  Miami.  This  is  the  spot  where 
Fort  Wayne  was  afterwards  built.  From  this  Fort  the  trav 
eler  might  descend  the  Maumee  river  to  Lake  Erie.  Here  he 
would  have  Sandusky  on  the  right,  or,  further  north,  through 
the  strait  of  Detroit,  he  would  pass  Fort  Detroit,  and  enter 
the  watery  wastes  of  the  northern  lakes.  Farther  east,  beyond 
the  Alleghany,  were  Forts  Presque  Isle,  Le  Boeuf  and 
Venango. 

I  have  thus  briefly  pointed  out  the  western  outposts  of  civil 
ization  as  they  were  to  be  found  soon  after  the  conquest  of 
Canada,  or  at  the  commencement  of  the  Pontiac  War.  We 
will  now  glance  at  the  Indians  in  their  military  capacity,  and 
see  to  what  extent  they  were  prepared  to  prosecute  the  war 
into  which  they  were  about  to  plunge. 


CHAPTEE    IV. 

THE  INDIANS  PREPARING  FOR  WAR  —  PONTIAC  AND  His  AMBASSADORS 
—  THE  COUNCIL  AT  THE  RIVER  ECORCES  — PLAN  FOR  THE  REDUCTION 
OF  DETROIT — THE  CONSPIRACY. 

ALTHOUGH  the  Indians  of  the  Northwest  were  poorly  qual 
ified  to  engage  in  a  war  with  the  English,  they  had  good  reasons 
for  commencing  it.  A  defeat  could  not  be  much  worse  than 
the  insults  to  which  they  were  every  day  subjected,  and  to  stand 
quietly  by  and  see  their  best  hunting  grounds  invaded  by  English 
settlers,  was  not  to  be  endured  by  Indian  warriors  who  could 
boast  as  brave  and  sagacious  a  leader  as  Pontiac.  The  French 
missionaries  and  fur- traders  who  had  formerly  come  among 
them,  gave  but  little  cause  for  alarm.  These  adventurers  were, 
for  the  most  part,  satisfied  with  the  proceeds  of  a  traffic  with 
the  savages,  or  with  telling  them  the  story  of  the  Cross;  but 
it  was  not  so  with  the  English.  He  was  essentially  a  husband 
man,  and  for  half  a  league  around  his  little  hut  he  claimed 
exclusive  rights  to  the  resources  of  the  territory.  When  the 
Indian  invaded  these  limits,  he  was  treated  with  a  haughty 
opposition,  and  ordered  away.  Thus  the  red  men  beheld  the 
rapidly  approaching  ruin  of  their  race,  and  hastened  to  avert 
it.  Pontiac,  whose  penetrating  mind  could  reach  fartherest 
into  the  annals  of  coming  events,  warned  those  around  him 
of  the  danger  of  allowing  the  English  to  make  permanent  set 
tlements  in  their  country,  and  counseled  the  tribes  to  unite,  in 
one  great  effort,  against  their  common  foe.  He  did  not  sup 
port  the  common  idea  which  prevailed  among  the  infuriated 
Indians,  of  driving  the  English  into  the  Atlantic  ocean,  for  he 
well  knew  their  military  skill  and  power ;  but  being  persuaded 
by  the  French  that  the  King  of  France  was  at  that  time 
advancing  up  the  St.  Lawrence  with  a  mighty  army,  he  resolved 
3  (33) 


34  THE   LIVES    OF    PONTIAC    AND    TECUMSEH: 

to  lead  his  warriors  to  battle  with  a  view  to  restoring  the 
French  power  in  Canada,  and  to  check  the  English  in  their 
progress  westward. 

Resolved  on  this  course,  Pontiac,  at  the  close  of  the  year 
1762,  sent  out  deputies  to  all  the  tribes.  "  They  visited  the 
country  of  the  Ohio,"  says  Parkman,  "  passed  northward  to  the 
region  of  the  Upper  Lakes,  and  the  wild  borders  of  the  river 
Ottawa,  and  far  southward  to  the  mouth  of  the  Mississippi. 
Bearing  with  them  the  belt  of  wampum,  broad  and  long  as  the 
importance  of  the  message  demanded,  and  the  tomahawk 
stained  red  in  token  of  war,  they  went  from  camp  to  camp, 
and  village  to  village.  Wherever  they  appeared  the  sachems 
and  old  men  assembled  to  hear  the  words  of  the  great  Pontiac. 
Then  the  head  chief  of  the  embassy  flung  down  the  tomahawk 
on  the  ground  before  them,  and  holding  the  war  belt  in  his 
hand,  delivered  with  vehement  gesture,  word  for  word,  the 
speech  with  which  he  was  charged."  Everywhere  the  speech 
was  received  with  approval,  the  hatchet  taken  up,  and  the 
auditors  stood  pledged,  according  to  the  Indian  custom,  to  aid 
in  the  projected  war. 

The  onslaught  was  to  begin  in  the  following  month  of  May. 
Each  tribe  was  to  surprise  the  garrison  in  his  own  immediate 
neighborhood,  slaughter  the  soldiers,  and  then  with  a  united 
effort  all  were  to  turn  against  the  defenseless  frontier  settle 
ments. 

The  reader  will  here  be  anxious  to  know  the  names  of  those 
nations  who  thus  eagerly  united  under  Pontiac  against  the 
English.  "With  a  few  unimportant  exceptions,  they  comprised 
the  whole  Algonquin  family,  the  Wyandots,  the  Senecas,  and 
several  tribes  of  the  lower  Mississippi.  Of  the  Six  Nations, 
the  Senecas  were  the  only  nation  who  joined  in  the  league. 
The  other  five  nations  remained  neutral,  it  is  said,  through  the 
timely  influence  of  Sir  William  Johnson. 

Although  on  the  very  eve  of  an  outbreak,  the  savages  con- 
oealed  their  design  with  impenetrable  secrecy.  They  continued 
to  visit  the  various  forts,  and  to  solicit  tobacco,  amunition  and 
whisky  in  their  usual  manner.  Now  and  then,  enraged  by 
English  insolence,  they  would  threaten  the  officers  with  the 


OB,    THE   BORDER   WARS   OF   TWO    CENTURIES.  35 

approaching  slaughter,  but  beyond  this,  and  with  a  single 
exception,  the  great  conspiracy  was  unknown  to  the  English 
until  it  burst  forth  in  death  and  devastation.  "  On  one  occa 
sion,"  says  the  author  from  whom  I  have  just  quoted,  "  the 
plot  was  nearly  discovered.  Early  in  March,  1763,  Ensign 
Holmes,  commanding  at  Fort  Miami,  was  told  by  a  friendly 
Indian,  that  the  warriors  in  a  neighboring  village  had  lately 
received  a  war  belt,  with  a  message  urging  them  to  destroy 
him  and  his  garrison,  and  that  this  they  were  preparing  to  do." 
The  commandant  summoned  the  Indians  together  and  openly 
charged  them  with  their  design.  They  confessed  to  the  truth 
fulness  of  the  report,  declared  that  the  plot  had  originated 
with  a  neighboring  tribe,  and  promised  to  abandon  it.  Holmes 
communicated  information  of  this  affair  to  Major  Gladwyn  of 
Detroit,  who  regarded  it  merely  in  the  light  of  an  ordinary 
Indian  outbreak,  and,  believing  that  it  would  soon  pass  away,  he 
took  no  notice  of  it.  With  the  approach  of  spring,  the  Indi 
ans,  returning  from  the  chase,  began  to  congregate  in  small 
parties  around  the  different  forts.  They  were  unusually 
reserved,  seldom  going  into  the  forts,  and  encamping  a  short 
distance  from  them,  in  the  edges  of  the  woods.  They  were 
now  rapidly  preparing  to  strike  the  blow  so  long  meditated  by 
Pontiac,  and  the  hour  of  treachery  and  massacre  was  nigh. 
They  were  by  no  means  prepared  for  a  successful  war  on  their 
part,  but,  true  to  the  Indian  character,  they  loved  the  war-path, 
and  all  were  now  anxious  to  enter  upon  it.  "  While  there  was 
little  risk  that  they  would  capture  any  strong  and  well  fortified 
fort,  or  carry  any  important  position,  there  was,  on  the  other 
hand,  every  reason  to  apprehend  wide-spread  havoc,  and  a 
destructive  war  of  detail.  That  the  war  might  be  carried  on 
with  vigor  and  effect,  it  was  the  part  of  the  Indian  leaders  to 
work  upon  the  passions  of  their  people,  and  keep  alive  the 
feeling  of  irritation;  to  whet  their  native  appetite  for  blood 
and  glory,  and  cheer  them  on  to  the  attack;  to  guard  against 
all  that  might  quench  their  ardor,  or  abate  their  fierceness;  to 
avoid  pitched  battles;  never  to  fight  except  under  advantage, 
and  to  avail  themselves  of  all  aid  which  surprise,  craft  and 
treachery  could  afford."  The  English  colonies,  at  this  time, 


36  THE   LIVES   OF    PONTIAC    AND    TECUMSEH: 

having  just  emerged  from  a  long  and  costly  war  with  Canada, 
were  not  in  a  position  to  meet  this  Indian  outbreak  without 
suffering  largely  from  its  consequences.  Their  little  army  was 
disorganized,  and  there  remained  hardly  troops  enough  to  gar 
rison  the  feeble  western  outposts  against  which  Pontiac's  war 
was  now  to  be  desperately  waged.  Sir  William  Johnson  stood 
at  the  head  of  this  inadequate  force.  He  was  then  ripe  in  mil 
itary  renown,  and,  withal,  well  qualified  for  the  task  which 
was  thus  unexpectedly  thrust  upon  him.  "The  command," 
says  an  able  writer,  "  could  not  have  been  intrusted  to  better 
hands,  and  the  results  of  the  war,  lamentable  as  they  were, 
would  have  been  much  more  disastrous  but  for  his  promptness 
and  vigor,  and,  above  all,  his  judicious  selection  of  those  to 
whom  he  confided  the  execution  of  his  orders." 

At  this  period  the  western  wilderness  presented  an  interest 
ing  scene.  Everywhere  Indians  were  preparing  for  the  war. 
The  war  dance  was  celebrated  in  a  hundred  villages,  and  chiefs 
and  warriors,  painted  and  adorned,  stood  ready  for  the  onset. 
To  begin  the  war,  however,  was  reserved  by  Pontiac  as  his  own 
special  privilege.  In  the  spring  of  1763,  his  great  conspiracy 
was  mature,  and  he  summoned  the  chiefs  and  warriors  of  all  the 
tribes  in  the  newly  formed  league  to  a  war  council.  The  sachems 
met  on  the  banks  of  the  Ecorces  river,  Detroit,  near  whither 
Pontiac  had  gone  to  welcome  them.  Band  after  band  of 
painted  warriors  came  struggling  in  until  the  forest  was  alive 
with  restless  s^^es,  for  nearly  a  mile  up  and  down  the  little 
stream.  It  mb-  'r^eed,  an  important  event  for  the  red  man. 
At  frequent  in^-  .-als  during  the  year  iost  passed,  he  nad  heard 
the  words  of  the  great  Ottawa  videf,  a£  d*-,'  veroa  by  his  depu 
ties.  Now  they  had  met  tine  woi-  lot  fat  .:&an  face  to  face.  He 
who,  through  his  diligent  ambassadors  had  united  all  the  tribes 
of  the  Algonquin  family  under  a  confederacy,  equal  in  demo 
cratic  scope  to  that  of  the  far-famed  Six  Nations,  was  now  to 
speak  to  many  of  his  subjects  for  the  first  time.  He  was  to  tell 
them,  in  true  Indian  eloquence,  the  story  of  their  approaching 
ruin;  he  was  to  uncover  the  selfish  policy  of  the  English,  and 
point  to  the  only  means  by  which  they  could  revive  their  declin 
ing  prowess ;  he  was  to  stand  forth  before  his  savage  auditors 


OK,  THE  BORDER  WARS  OF  TWO  CENTURIES.         37 

and  verify,  by  matchless  power  of  word  and  gesture,  the  thril 
ling  story  of  his  greatness,  which  had  been  passed  from  village 
to  village  on  the  tongues  of  his  light-footed  messengers;  he 
was  this  day  to  prove  himself  the  mightiest  among  a  thousand 
haughty,  jealous  savage  warriors.  Truly,  the  occasion  was  an 
exciting  one  for  the  assembled  tribes.  All  waited  patiently  to 
hear  the  words  of  the  famous  Ottawa  chief. 

This  council  took  place  on  the  27th  of  April,  1763.  "  On 
that  morning,"  says  a  reliable  writer,  "  several  old  men,  the 
heralds  of  the  camp,  passed  to  and  fro  among  the  lodges,  call 
ing  the  warriors  in  a  loud  voice  to  attend  the  meeting.  In 
accordance  with  the  summons,  they  came  issuing  from  their 
cabins — the  tall,  naked  figures  of  the  wild  Ojibwas,  with  quivers 
slung  at  their  backs,  and  light  war  clubs  resting  in  the  hollow 
of  their  arms;  Ottawas,  wrapped  close  in  their  gaudy  blankets; 
Wyandots,  fluttering  in  painted  shirts,  their  heads  adorned 
with  feathers  arid  their  leggins  garnished  with  bells."  All 
were  soon  seated  in  a  wide  circle  upon  the  grass,  row  within 
row,  a  mighty  and  warlike  assembly.  Each  savage  countenance 
wore  an  expression  of  gravity.  Pipes,  with  ornamented  stems, 
were  lighted  and  passed  from  hand  to  hand,  until  all  had 
"  smoked  together  in  harmony." 

Then  Pontiac  came  forth  from  his  lodge,  and  walked  forward 
into  the  midst  of  the  council.  He  was  a  man  of  medium 
height,  with  a  grandly  proportioned  muscular  figure,  and  an 
address  well  calculated  to  win  the  admiration  and  respect  of 
the  savage  heart.  His  complexion  was  rather  dark  for  an 
Indian,  and  his  features  wore  a  bold  and  stern  expression,  while 
his  bearing  was  imperious  and  peremptory.  His  only  attire 
was  that  of  the  primitive  savage — a  scanty  cincture  girt  about 
his  loins,  and  his  long,  black  hair  flowing  loosely  at  his  back — 
excepting  the  plumes  and  decorations  of  the  war  dress.  "  Look 
ing  round  upon  his  wild  auditors,"  says  Parkman,  "  he  began  to 
speak,  with  fierce  gesture  and  loud,  impassioned  voice;  and  at 
every  pause,  deep  gutteral  ejaculations  of  assent  and  approval 
responded  to  his  words." 

He  gave  a  full  and  eloquent  exposure  of  the  English  policy 
towards  the  Indians;  spoke  of  the  French  in  high  terms,  and 


38  THE   LIVES    OF    PONTIAC    AND    TEOUMSEHI 

contrasted  them  with  the  "red  coats."  He  recounted  the 
many  insults  which  he  and  his  followers  had  received  at  the 
hands  of  the  British  commandant  at  Detroit,  and  ably  set  forth 
the  danger  that  would  arise  were  the  English  allowed  to  con 
tinue  their  settlements  in  the  West.  He  said  that  their 
enemies  had  conquered  Canada,  and  were  now  about  to  turn 
upon  the  Indians  and  slaughter  them  without  mercy.  Already 
their  best  hunting  grounds  had  been  invaded  by  their  settlers, 
and,  if  this  was  continued,  it  would  not  be  long  before  they 
would  be  crowded  from  their  homes  altogether.  Then  he  took  up 
a  broad  belt  of  wampum,  saying  that  he  had  received  it  from  his 
great  father,  the  King  of  France,  in  token  that  he  had  heard 
the  voice  of  his  red  children,  and  was  on  his  way  to  aid  them 
in  a  war  against  the  English,  and  to  restore  Canada  to  the 
French.  When  he  had  fully  wrought  upon  their  savage  minds 
by  setting  forth  all  their  grievances  and  complaints,  and  declar 
ing  that  a  desperate  war  was  the  only  means  by  which  they 
could  be  removed,  he  addressed  himself  to  their  superstitions, 
by  telling  the  following  curious  story :  "A  Delaware  Indian 
conceived  an  eager  desire  to  learn  wisdom  from  the  Master  of 
Life;  but,  being  ignorant  where  to  find  him,  he  had  recourse 
to  fasting,  dreaming  and  magical  incantations.  By  these  means 
it  was  revealed  to  him  that  by  moving  forward  in  a  straight, 
undeviating  course,  he  would  reach  the  abode  of  the  Great 
Spirit.  He  told  his  purpose  to  no  one,  and  having  provided  the 
equipments  of  a  hunter — gun,  powder-horn,  ammunition  and 
kettle  for  preparing  his  food — he  set  forth  on  his  errand.  For 
some  time  he  journeyed  on  in  high  hope  and  confidence.  On 
the  evening  of  the  eighth  day,  he  stopped  by  the  side  of  a 
brook  at  the  edge  of  a  small  prairie,  where  he  begun  to  make 
ready  his  evening  meal,  when,  looking  up,  he  saw  three  large 
openings  in  the  woods  on  the  opposite  side  of  the  meadow, 
and  three  well-beaten  paths  which  entered  them.  He  was 
much  surprised,  but  his  wonder  was  increased  when  after  it 
had  grown  dark,  the  three  paths  were  more  clearly  visible  than 
ever.  Remembering  the  important  object  of  his  journey,  he 
could  neither  rest  nor  sleep,  and,  leaving  his  fire,  he  crossed 
the  meadow,  and  entered  the  largest  of  the  three  openings.  He 


OK,    THE    BORDER    WARS    OF    TWO    CENTURIES.  39 

had  advanced  but  a  short  distance  into  the  forest,  when  a  bright 
flame  sprang  out  of  the  ground  before  him  and  arrested  his 
steps.  In  great  amazement  he  turned  back,  and  entered  the 
second  path,  where  the  same  wonderful  phenomenon  again 
encountered  him;  and  now  in  terror  and  bewilderment,  yet 
still  resolved  to  persevere,  he  pursued  the  last  of  the  three  paths. 
On  this  he  journeyed  a  whole  day  without  interruption,  when 
at  length,  emerging  from  the  forest,  he  saw  before  him  a  vast 
mountain  of  dazzling  whiteness.  So  precipitous  was  the  assent 
that  the  Indian  thought  it  hopeless  to  go  further,  and  looked 
around  him  in  despair ;  at  that  moment  he  saw,  seated  at  some 
distance  above,  the  figure  of  a  beautiful  woman  arrayed  in 
white,  who  arose  as  he  looked  upon  her,  and  thus  accosted  him : 
i  How  can  you  hope,  encumbered  as  you  are,  to  succeed  in  your 
design?  Go  down  to  the  foot  of  the  mountain,  throw  away 
your  gun,  your  ammunition,  your  provisions  and  your  clothing; 
wash  yourself  in  the  stream  which  flows  there,  and  you  will 
then  be  prepared  to  stand  before  the  Master  of  Life.'  The 
Indian  obeyed,  and  again  began  to  ascend  among  the  rocks, 
while  the  woman,  seeing  him  still  discouraged,  laughed  at  his 
faintness  of  heart,  and  told  him  that  if  he  wished  for  success, 
he  must  climb,  by  the  aid  of  one  hand  and  one  foot  only. 
After  great  toil  and  suffering,  he  at  length  found  himself  at 
the  summit.  The  woman  had  disappeared,  and  he  was  left 
alone.  A  rich  and  beautiful  plain  lay  before  him,  and  at  a 
little  distance  he  saw  three  great  villages,  far  superior  to  the 
squalid  dwellings  of  the  Delawares.  As  he  approached  the 
largest,  and  stood  hesitating  whether  he  should  enter,  a  man, 
gorgeously  attired,  stepped  forth,  and,  taking  him  by  the  hand, 
welcomed  him  to  the  celestial  abode.  He  then  conducted  him 
into  the  presence  of  the  Great  Spirit,  where  the  Indian  stood 
•confounded  at  the  unspeakable  splendor  which  surrounded 
him.  The  Great  Spirit  bade  him  be  seated,  and  thus  addressed 
him :  <  I  am  the  Maker  of  heaven  and  earth,  the  trees,  lakes, 
rivers  and  all  things  else.  I  am  the  Maker  of  mankind,  and 
because  I  love  you,  you  must  do  my  will.  The  land  on  which 
you  live  I  have  made  for  you,  and  not  for  others.  Why  do 
you  suffer  the  white  men  to  dwell  among  vou  ?  My  children,  you 


40  THE    LIVES    OF    PONTIAC    AND    TECUMSEHI 

have  forgotten  the  customs  and  traditions  of  your  forefathers. 
Why  do  you  not  clothe  yourselves  in  skins,  as  they  did,  and  use 
the  bows  and  arrows,  and  the  stone-pointed  lances  which  they 
used?  You  have  bought  guns,  knives,  kettles  and  blankets 
from  the  white  men,  until  you  can  no  longer  do  without  them ; 
and  what  is  worse,  you  have  drunk  the  poison  fire-water  which 
turns  you  into  fools.  Fling  all  these  things  away;  live  as 
your  wise  forefathers  lived  before  you.  And  as  for  these  Eng 
lish — these  dogs  dressed  in  red  who  have  come  to  rob  you 
of  your  hunting  grounds,  and  drive  away  the  game— you  must 
lift  the  hatchet  against  them.  Wipe  them  from  the  face  of 
the  earth,  and  then  you  will  win  my  favor  back  again,  and  once 
more  be  happy  and  prosperous.  The  children  of  your  great 
father,  the  King' of  France,  are  not  like  the  English.  Never 
forget  that  they  are  your  brethren.  They  are  very  dear  to  me, 
for  they  love  the  red  men,  and  understand  the  true  mode  of 
worshiping  me.' 

"  The  Great  Spirit  then  instructed  the  .Delaware  in  matters 
of  religion,  and  bade  him  return  to  the  earth  and  tell  all  that 
he  had  seen  and  heard." 

Such  was  the  legend  with  which  Pontiac  closed  his  great  war 
speech.  All  present  listened  to  him  with  great  interest,  and 
at  its  close  each  warrior  was  eager  to  attack  the  British  fort. 
But  the  Ottawa  chief  counseled  them  to  desist  for  the  present. 
He  wished  to  establish  order  and  method  at  the  beginning,  so 
as  to  insure  success  to  their  arms.  He  told  them  that  on  the 
second  of  the  following  month  he  would  gain  admittance  to  the 
fort  at  Detroit,  with  a  party  of  his  warriors,  on  pretence  of 
dancing  the  calumet  dance  before  the  garrison;  that  they 
would  observe  the  strength  of  the  place,  and  summon  another 
council  immediately  afterwards. 

On  the  day  appointed  Pontiac,  with  about  forty  Ottawa  war 
riors,  appeared  at  the  gate  of  the  fort  and  asked  admittance 
for  the  purpose  of  dancing  the  calumet  before  the  garrison. 
A.t  first  Gladwyn  refused,  but,  after  considerable  hesitation,  he 
gave  his  consent,  and  the  Indians  were  admitted.  They  imme 
diately  began  the  celebrated  dance,  and  were  soon  surrounded 
by  the  soldiers  who  were  highly  amused  with  their  perform 


OR,    THE    BORDER    WARS    OF   TWO    CENTURIES.  41 

ances.  During  the  dance,  some  ten  of  the  Indians  who  took 
no  part  in  it,  walked  leisurely  through  the  fort,  observing 
everything  it  contained.  At  the  conclusion  of  the  dance,  all 
withdrew  peaceably. 

A  few  days  after,  a  council  was  held  in  the  Pottawatomie 
village.  Here  there  had  been  erected  a  large  bark  structure 
for  the  purpose  of  public  meetings,  and  in  this  more  than  a 
hundred  warriors  seated  themselves,  and  began  to  pass  the 
time-honored  pipe  from  hand  to  hand.  Pontiac  soon  appeared 
in  their  midst.  He  addressed  himself  to  the  assembled  chiefs, 
urging  them  to  take  up  arms  against  the  English,  and  closed 
by  submitting  the  following  plan  for  the  reduction  of  Detroit: 
"  He  would  demand  a  council  with  the  commandant  concern 
ing  matters  of  great  importance,  and  on  this  pretext  he  flattered 
himself  that  he  and  his  principal  chiefs  wrould  gain  ready 
admittance  within  the  fort.  They  were  all  to  carry  weapons 
concealed  beneath  their  blankets.  While  in  the  act  of  address 
ing  the  commandant  in  the  council  room,  Pontiac  was  to  make 
a  certain  sign,  upon  which  the  chiefs  were  to  raise  the  war- 
whoop,  rush  upon  the  officers  present,  and  strike  them  down. 
The  other  Indians  waiting  meanwhile  at  the  gate,  or  loitering 
among  the  houses,  on  hearing  the  yells  and  firing  within  the 
building,  were  to  assail  the  astonished  and  half-armed  soldiers, 
and  thus  Detroit  would  fall  an  easy  prey."  The  plan  wa& 
eagerly  adopted. 


CHAPTEE    Y. 

A  GLIMPSE  AT  FORT  DETROIT  IN  1763  —  THE  CONSPIRACY — THE 
TREACHERY  OF  PONTIAC  —  His  PLOT  REVEALED — THE  SAVAGES 
BAFFLED  —  MURDER  OF  ENGLISH  SETTLERS  —  THE  SIEGE  COM 
MENCED  —  THE  ASSAULT  —  GLADWYN  OFFERS  PEACE  —  PONTIAC 
REFUSES  —  DEPARTURE  OF  MAJOR  CAMPBELL  TO  THE  OTTAWA 
CAMP  —  His  WARNING. 

AT  THIS  point  I  will  interrupt  the  narrative,  and  look  in,  for 
a  moment,  upon  the  little  trading  post  of  Detroit.  This  post, 
originally  called  Fort  Pontchartrain,  was  established  by  La 
Matte  Cadillac,  in  1701.  It  continued  to  be  a  French  trading 
post  of  considerable  importance  until  its  transfer  to  the  Eng 
lish,  when,  according  to  Maj.  Rogers,  it  contained  about  twenty- 
five  hundred  inhabitants.  The  dwellings  in  the  settlement 
extended  for  some  distance  up  and  down  the  western  bank  of 
the  river.  In  the  centre  stood  the  little  fort,  containing  about 
one  hundred  houses,  and  surrounded  by  a  palisade.  The  settle 
ment,  at  this  time,  extended  for  nearly  ten  miles  along  the 
river,  and  presented  quite  a  tidy  and  comfortable  appearance. 
Each  dwelling  had  its  orchard  and  garden,  and  both  were 
enclosed  together  by  a  palisade  of  rounded  pickets.  Near  the 
fort  were  three  large  Indian  villages.  The  Pottawatomies  were 
located  a  little  below  the  fort  on  the  same  side  of  the  river,  and 
nearly  opposite,  on  what  is  now  termed  the  "  Canada  side," 
were  the  lodges  of  the  Wyandots,  and  on  the  same  side,  at  a 
considerable  distance  up  the  river  was  the  home  of  Pontiac  and 
his  brave  warriors. 

At  the  time  of  which  I  write,  1763,  this  post  was  garrisoned 
by  British  regulars  and  Provincial  rangers.  Its  form  was 
almost  square,  and  the  palisade  which  surrounded  it  was  about 
twenty-live  feet  high.  A  block-house  was  erected  over  each 

(42) 


OK,    THE    BOEDEE    WAES    OF    TWO    CENTUEIES.  4:3 

gateway.  Besides  the  barracks,  the  only  public  buildings  were 
a  council  house  and  a  little  church.  The  garrison  consisted  of 
about  one  hundred  and  twenty  soldiers,  with,  perhaps,  half  as 
many  fur- traders.  Two  small  armed  schooners,  the  Beaver  and 
the  Gladwyn,  lay  anchored  in  the  stream,  and  several  light 
pieces  of  artillery  were  mounted  in  the  bastions.  Such  was 
Detroit  in  the  spring  of  1763,  when  Pontiac  and  his  wild  war 
riors  formed  a  plot  for  its  reduction. 

"  On  the  afternoon  of  the  5th  of  May,"  says  Parkman,  "  a 
Canadian  woman  crossed  over  to  the  western  side  and  visited 
the  Ottawa  village  to  obtain  from  the  Indians  a  supply  of 
maple  sugar  and  venison.  She  was  surprised  at  finding  several 
of  the  warriors  engaged  in  filing  off  the  muzzles  of  their  guns, 
so  as  to  reduce  them,  stock  and  all,  to  the  length  of  about  one 
yard."  This  woman  reported  what  she  had  seen  to  the  settlers 
who,  in  turn,  communicated  the  information  to  Major  Gladwyn, 
but  he  took  no  notice  of  it. 

But  according  to  tradition,  the  commandant  received  infor 
mation  of  the  design  of  Pontiac  in  another  way.  In  the 
Pottawatomie  village  dwelt  an  Ojibwa  girl,  called  Catherine? 
who  was  very  beautiful.  She  had  attracted  Gladwyn' s  atten 
tion,  and  he  had  become  very  intimate  with  her.  On  the 
afternoon  of  the  sixth  of  May,  she  came  to  the  fort,  and  visited 
Gladwyn Js  quarters,  bringing  with  her  a  pair  of  slippers  which 
he  had  requested  her  to  make.  She  manifested  something 
unusual  in  her  manner,  and  Gladwyn  pressed  her  to  tell  him 
the  cause  of  it,  and,  after  great  reluctance,  she  unveiled  the 
terrible  conspiracy.  "To-morrow,"  she  said,  "Pontiac  will 
come  to  the  fort  with  sixty  of  his  chiefs.  Each  will  be  armed 
with  a  gun,  cut  short,  and  hidden  under  his  blanket.  Pontiac 
will  demand  to  hold  a  council,  and  after  he  has  delivered  his 
speech,  he  will  offer  a  peace  belt  of  wampum,  holding  it  in  a 
reversed  position.  This  will  be  the  sign  of  attack.  The  chiefs 
will  spring  up  and  fire  upon  the  officers,  and  the  Indians  in  the 
street  will  fall  upon  the  garrison.  Every  Englishman  will  be 
killed,  but  not  the  scalp  of  a  single  Frenchman  will  be  taken." 

"Whether  this  tradition  be  true  or  false,  it  is  evident  that  the 
British  commandant  received  secret  information  on  the  evening 


44  THE    LIVES    OF    PONTIAC    AND    TECUMSEH: 

of  the  sixth  of  May,  that  an  attempt  would  be  made  on  the 
seventh  to  capture  the  fort  and  slaughter  the  garrison.  He 
summoned  the  officers  to  his  room  and  told  them  what  he  had 
heard.  The  garrison  was  immediately  ordered  under  arms, 
and  all  the  officers  prepared  to  spend  the  night  upon  the 
ramparts.  During  the  whole  night  an  anxious  watch  was 
maintained,  but  nothing  disturbed  the  quiet  of  the  little  fort 
save  the  wild  Indian  yells,  as  they  were  borne  on  the  night 
wind  from  the  distant  Ottawa  camp-fires. 

At  an  earlier  hour  than  usual  on  the  following  morning,  the 
open  space  west  of  the  fort  was  thronged  with  savages.  They 
had,  to  all  appearances,  assembled  for  a  general  game  of  ball. 
Warriors,  men,  women  and  children,  adorned  with  all  the  gaudy 
finery  of  paint,  beads  and  feathers,  moved  restlessly  to  and  fro 
while  the  principal  chiefs  and  warriors  passed  through  the  open 
gates  into  the  fort.  Presently  the  garrison  observed  a  number 
of  canoes  crossing  the  river  from  the  eastern  shore.  These 
contained  the  great  Ottawa  leader  and  his  sixty  braves,  although 
to  the  eyes  of  the  soldiers  only  three  persons  were  visible  in 
each.  They  had  concealed  themselves  by  lying  flat  in  the  bot 
tom  of  the  canoes,  so  as  not  to  attract  attention. 

The  garrison  now  prepared  itself  for  the  emergency.  At 
ten  o'clock,  Pontiac  and  his  chiefs  reached  the  fort,  and 
thronged  the  gateway  with  their  painted  forms.  They  were 
admitted,  for  Gladwyn  had  resolved  to  teach  them  that  he 
despised  their  hostility.  As  they  enjtered,  ranks  of  armed 
soldiers  greeted  them  on  either  side,  and  everywhere  they  could 
read  the  total  ruin  of  their  plot.  As  the  warriors  passed  along 
the  narrow  street  towards  the  council  house,  the  measured  tap  of 
of  the  drum  indicated  that  all  was  ready  within  the  fort  to  receive 
them.  Eeaching  the  council  house  they  found  Major  Gladwyn 
and  his  officers  awaiting  their  arrival.  Here,  too,  Pontiac 
found  every  one  armed.  After  much  reluctance,  the  warriors 
seated  themselves,  and  their  leader  demanded  to  know  why  so 
many  persons  were  standing  in  the  street  with  their  guns. 
The  commandant  replied  that  he  had  ordered  the  soldiers  under 
arms  for  the  purpose  of  exercise  and  discipline. 

After  the  usual  delay,  Pontiac  rose,  and,  holding  in  his  hand 


OR,    THE    BOEDER    WARS    OF    TWO    CENTURIES.  4:D 

the  wampum  belt  with  which  he  was  to  have  made  the  signal, 
he  addressed  Gladwyn,  declaring  that  they  were  still  friendly 
rfco  the  English,  and  that  he  had  come  with  his  chiefs  to  "  smoke 
the  pipe  of  peace  and  brighten  the  chain  of  friendship."  The 
officers  watched  him  with  deep  interest,  for  they  feared  that, 
although  he  knew  his  designs  had  been  detected,  he  might  still 
attempt  to  accomplish  them.  It  is  .said  that  at  one  time  he 
raised  the  belt  for  the  purpose  of  giving  the  fatal  signal,  but  at 
th,at  instant  Gladwyn  made  a  slight  sign,  whereupon  a  terrify 
ing  clash  of  arms,  and  the  drum  rolling  the  charge,  sounded 
from  the  passage  without.  At  this  dreadful  moment  Pontiac 
stood  like  one  confounded.  Seeing  the  utter  ruin  of  his  plot,  he 
sat  down  in  despair.  After  the  iisual  pause  Gladwyn  rose  and 
made  a  very  brief  reply.  He  told  the  chiefs  that  they  should 
be  treated  with  friendship  and  protection  as  long  as  they 
deserved  it,  and  threatened  ample  vengeance  for  the  first  act  of 
aggression.  The  council  then  broke  up,  the  gates  of  the  fort 
were  thrown  open,  and  the  warriors  allowed  to  depart. 

Some  writers  have  censured  Gladwyn  for  not  detaining  the 
warriors,  and  in  this  way  prevented  the  terrible  war  which  fol- 
lowed>  but  as  they  had  not,  as  yet,  been  guilty  of  open  violence, 
the  commandant  feared  that,  should  he  arrest  them,  the  act 
might  be  regarded  as  cowardly.  On  the  other  hand  he  was 
ignorant  as  to  the  real  nature  of  the  plot.  Eegarding  it  as  an 
ordinary  piece  of  Indian  treachery,  he  supposed  the  whole  affair 
would  soon  pass  away  or  be  forgotten. 

Pontiac,  baffled  in  his  wicked  design,  retired  to  his  own 
village.  1ST0  doubt  the  great  chief  was  deeply  mortified. 
Nevertheless  he  was  determined  to  persevere.  He  first  attempted 
to  convince  the  English  that  the  reports  of  his  plot,  which  had 
been  carried  to  their  ears,  were  false.  For  this  purpose  he  vis 
ited  the  fort  with  three  of  his  chiefs,  taking  with  him  the  sacred 
calumet,  or  pipe  of  peace.  Handing  it  to  Major  Gladwyn  he 
said :  "  My  father,  evil  birds  have  sung  lies  in  your  ears.  We 
that  stand  before  you  are  friends  of  the  English.  We  love 
them  as  our  brothers,  and,  to  prove  our  love,  we  have  come 
this  day  to  smoke  the  pipe  of  peace."  When  the  warriors  left 
the  council  room,  Pontiac  presented  Capt.  Campbell  with  this 


46  THE    LIVES    OF    PONTIAC    AND    TECUMSEHI 

highly-prized  pipe,  no  doubt  hoping  to  persuade  the  command 
ant  that  he  was  sincere  in  his  assurances  of  friendship. 

This  done,  he  withdrew  to  the  Pottawatomie  village  and 
summoned  the  chiefs  to  another  council.  Early  on  the  follow 
ing  morning,  the  ninth  of  May,  the  common  behind  the  fort 
was  once  more  thronged  with  Indians,  and  Pontiac,  advancing 
from  among  the  multitu4e,  walked  up  to  the  gate  of  the  fort 
and  demanded  admission.  The  gate  was  barred  against  him. 
The  great  chief  wished  to  know  why  he  could  not  enter,  and 
G-ladwyn.  replied  that  as  for  as  him  (Pontiac)  he  might  enter, 
but  the  multitude  he  had  brought  with  him  must  remain  out 
side.  Being  again  thwarted,  the  great  chief  turned  from  the 
gate,  and  walked  rapidly  away,  manifesting  signs  of  anger.  In 
a  few  moments  the  garrison  observed  the  warriors  running,  in 
great  numbers,  towards  the  house  of  a  poor  old  English  woman, 
who  lived,  with  her  family,  on  the  outskirts  of  the  common. 
It  was  now  plain  that  the  work  of  slaughter  had  begun.  The 
enraged  warriors,  reaching  the  wretched  hut,  beat  in  the  doors, 
and  rushed  in,  as  if  eager  to  commence  their  bloody  work.  A 
moment  more  and  the  shrill  scalp  yell  told  the  story  of  the 
first  massacre  of  the  Pontiac  war.  The  flow  of  English  blood 
thus  begun,  increased  day  after  day  until  the  whole  lake  region 
was  stained  with  human  gore.  The  threatening  clouds  grew 
blacker.  The  anger  of  the  Indians  increased,  and  band  after 
band  of  wild,  ferocious  warriors  roved  east  and  west,  north 
and  south,  murdering  every  English  man,  woman  and  child 
whom  fate  brought  in  their  pathway.  The  pen  refuses  to 
describe  the  scenes  of  horrifying  massacre  which  followed. 
Death,  torture,  adventure,  hair-breadth  escape,  cannibalism, 
treachery  and  untold  suffering  make  up  the  heart-rending 
catalogue. 

Shocking  as  it  may  seem,  it  is  my  aim,  in  this  narrative,  to 
present  these  revolting  outbursts  of  indiscriminate  slaughter, 
each  in  their  turn,  as  they  appear  in  the  long,  dark  annals  of 
border  warfare. 

The  breath  had  scarcely  left  the  bodies  of  this  unfortunate 
family,  when  the  blood-thirsty  warriors,  with  bleeding  scalps 
fluttering  from  their  sides,  rushed  furiously  towards  the  river. 


OB,    THE    BOEDER    WARS    OF    TWO    CENTURIES.  47 

Here,  leaping  into  their  canoes,  they  pushed  out  into  the  stream 
and  paddled  vigorously  in  the  direction  of  Isle  au  Cochon, 
where  dwelt  an  Englishman  by  the  name  of  Fisher.  Having 
already  observed  the  danger  of  his  situation,  he  hid  himself, 
and  when  the  ^arriors  reached  the  Island  he  was  not  to  be 
seen.  They  soon  dragged  him  forth  from  his  insecure  abode, 
murdered  him  on  the  spot,  and,  lifting  his  scalp,  they  sent  up 
a  thousand  triumphant  yells,  which  were  swiftly  borne  to  the 
ears  of  the  terror-stricken  garrison,  upon  the  lake  breeze. 

Tradition  relates  a  curious  tale  regarding  the  body  of  Fisher. 
Qn  the  day  after  his  murder  several  Frenchmen  of  Detroit 
went  over  to  the  Island  and  buried  the  body.  A  few  days 
after  one  of  the  party  returned  to  the  spot,  where  he  beheld  the 
death-cold  hands  of  the  dead  man  thrust  above  the  ground  in 
an  attitude  of  eager  entreaty.  Having  once  more  buried  the 
corpse  deep  in  the  earth,  he  returned,  filled  with  awe  and  won 
der.  A  few  days  after  he  returned,  with  several  Canadians, 
and  found  the  hands  of  the  murdered  man  protruding  as 
before.  They  now  hastened,  horror  stricken,  to  the  priest,  and 
related  all  that  they  had  seen.  The  good  father  hastened  to 
the  spot  and  sprinkled  it  with  holy  water,  and  performed  over 
it  the  neglected  burial  rites,  and  from  thenceforth  the  body  of 
the  murdered  Englishman  slept  in  peace.  This  tradition,  I 
believe,  was  preserved  in  the  St.  Aubin  manuscript,  and  given 
as  undoubted  truth. 

It  should  be  recorded  that  Pontiac  bore  no  part  in  these 
brutal  murders.  Seeing  his  plan  to  capture  the  fort  defeated, 
he  strode  off  from  his  warriors  towards  the  river,  in  great 
anger.  So  enraged  was  the  great  chief  that  even  his  bravest 
followers  dare  not  approach  him.  He  embarked  in  his  canoe, 
and,  with  a  few  vigorous  strokes  of  his  paddle,  he  crossed  the 
river  to  his  own  village.  As  he  neared  the  river's  bank  he 
shouted  to  the  inmates  of  the  village,  and  all  came  quickly  out 
at  the  sound  of  his  powerful  voice.  Pontiac  pointed  across  the 
river,  and  "  ordered  that  all  should  prepare  to  move  the  camp 
to  the  western  shore,  that  the  river  might  no  longer  interpose 
a  barrier  between  his  followers  and  the  English."  All  labored 
diligently  to  obey  him,  and  before  evening  everything  was 


48  THE    LIVES    OF    PONTIAO    AND    TECUMSE1I : 

ready  for  embarkation.  Meanwhile  the  warriors  were  arriving 
from  their  bloody  work  of  murder,  until  at  nightfall,  nearly  all 
had  returned. 

They  now  prepared  for  the  war-dance.  Pontiac,  like  a  mad 
dened  lion,  hideous  with  war  paint,  leaped  into* the  centre  of 
the  ring,  and  with  thrilling  gesture  and  thundering  voice, 
recounted  his  own  martial  exploits  and  denounced  the  English. 
He  was  soon  joined  by  nearly  a  thousand  wild  followers,  who, 
by  leaping  and  yelping,  and  cutting  the  air  with  their  knives, 
and  relating  their  own  deeds  of  bravery,  declared  themselves 
ready  to  follow  the  great  Ottawa  war  chief  to  battle  against 
the  English.  When  this  grand  demonstration  was  over,  the 
work  of  moving  commenced,  and  when  the  morning  dawned 
the  whole  Ottawa  village  was  snugly  settled  down  on  the 
western  bank  of  the  Detroit  river,  just  above  Parent's  Creek, 
afterwards  appropriately  called  Bloody  Run,  on  account  of  the 
terrible  slaughter  which  it  witnessed. 

But  the  work  of  death  and  massacre,  meanwhile,  continued. 
Two  English  officers,  named  Sir  Robert  Davers  and  Captain 
Robertson,  had  been  waylaid  and  murdered  near  lake  St.  Clair 
and  their  scalps  had  been  borne  in  triumph  to  the  camp  of  the 
Ottawa  chief.  With  the  news  of  this  massacre,  the  garrison 
also  received  information  that  Pontiac  had  been  joined  by  an 
immense  war  party  of  the  Ojibwas,  who  had  come  from  Sagi- 
naw  to  assist  in  the  reduction  of  Detroit.  It  was  true,  now, 
that  the  war  had  really  begun,  and  Gladwyri,  for  the  first  time, 
realized  his  perilous  situation.  Every  Englishman  in  the  fort, 
no  matter  whether  trader  or  soldier,  was  ordered  under  arms. 
Sleep  was  banished  from  every  eye,  and  the  nervous  com 
mandant  himself  walked  the  ramparts  throughout  the  entire 
night.  There  was  no  sound  of  alarm  until  the  dawn,  when, 
breaking  forth  from  the  surrounding  forests,  came  an  avalanche 
of  savage  warriors,  yelling  the  war  whoop,  naked  and  painted 
for  the  fight.  There  was  no  time  to  spare.  Ottawas,  Ojibwas, 
Pottawatomies,  and  Wyandots,  all  had  united,  and  their 
chances  of  success  were  a  great  source  of  terror  to  the  hapless 
garrison.  The  bullets  rapped  hard  and  fast  against  the  palis 
ades,  as  the  soldiers  hastened  to  their  posts.  The  attack  was 


OK,    THE    BOEDER    WAKS    OF    TWO    CENTURIES.  49 

kept  up  till  noon,  when  the  warriors,  seeing  the  utter  folly  of 
their  effort,  retired,  leaving  the  garrison  once  more  in  peace. 
During  the  assault  five  men  were  wounded  in  the  fort,  while 
the  cautious  savages  had  almost  entirely  escaped  injury, 
although  a  steady  fire  was  kept  up  by  the  soldiers. 

Gladwyn  hastened  to  take  advantage  of  this  temporary 
cessation  of  hostilities.  His  garrison  was  in  great  want  of 
supplies,  and  he  opened  negotiations  for  a  peace  with  Pontiac. 
hoping  to  obtain  necessaries  under  cover  of  it.  For  this  pur 
pose  he  dispatched  the  interpreter,  La  Butte,  and  two  Canadi 
ans,  named  Godfrey  and  Chapeton,  to  hold  a  council  with 
Pontiac.  On  reaching  the  camp  the  deputation  was  received 
with  great  kindness  by  the  Ottawa  chief.  La  Butte  informed 
him  that  the  British  commandant  was  ready  to  redress  any 
real  grievance  of  which  he  might  complain.  The  two  Cana 
dians  labored  hard  to  dissuade  Pontiac  from  pursuing  the  war, 
but  to  no  purpose.  He  treated  them  with  courtesy,  but  stood 
as  firm  as  a  rock  in  his  determination  to  prosecute  the  siege. 
At  length  the  cunning  war-chief  declared  that  he  was  in  favor 
of  a  lasting  peace,  and  desired  to  hold  a  council  with  the  Eng~ 
lishmen  themselves,  with  a  view  to  this  end.  To  the  Canadi 
ans,  Pontiac's  proposition  appeared  to  be  fair,  and  they  returned 
to  the  fort  with  information  accordingly.  At  first  Gladwyn 
suspected  treachery,  but  Major  Campbell  was  of  the  opinion 
that  no  danger  need  be  apprehended,  and  urged  the  command 
ant  to  comply  with  the  request.  After  considerable  reluctance 
Gladwyn  complied,  and  Campbell  left  the  fort,  in  company 
with  Lieut.  McDougal  and  several  Canadians,  among  whom 
was  the  interpreter  already  mentioned.  They  had  not  gone 
twenty  yards  from  the  fort  when  they  were  met  by  a  French 
man,  named  Gouin,  who  informed  them  that  they  were  advanc 
ing  into  the  lion's  jaws,  but  Campbell,  once  set  out  on  his 
mission,  would  not  return. 


CHAPTEE    VI. 

PONTIAC'S  TREACHERY  —  CAMPBELL  AND  McDouGAL  MADE  PRISONERS — 
SCARCITY  OF  PROVISIONS  IN  THE  FORT  —  PERILOUS  SITUATION  OF 
THE  GARRISON  —  CONTINUATION  OF  THE  SIEGE  —  PONTIAC  SUMMONS 
THE  GARRISON  TO  SURRENDER  —  GLADWYN  REFUSES  —  COMPLAINTS 
OF  THE  FRENCH  —  PONTIAC'S  POLICY. 

CAMPBELL  and  his  compainions  passed  up  the  river  road, 
crossed  the  little  bridge  over  Parent's  Creek,  and  soon  came  in 
full  view  of  the  Ottawa  village.  As  soon  as  the  Indians 
observed  their  red  coats  on  the  summit  of  the  little  hill  they 
sent  up  a  burst  of  triumphant  yells,  as  if  they  expected  soon 
to  shed  more  English  blood,  and  there  can  be  but  little  doubt 
that  the  officers  would  have  been  scalped,  had  not  Pontiac 
stepped  forward,  and,  by  his  imperious  voice,  commanded  the 
savages  to  remain  quiet.  The  great  chief  advanced  and  took 
Campbell  by  the  hand  and  welcomed  him;  and  then,  turning 
round,  led  the  way  to  his  lodge,  followed  by  the  officers  and  the 
interpreter.  The  chief  halted  at  the  entrance  of  a  large  lodge, 
and,  pointing  to  some  mats  at  the  farther  end,  he  signalled  the 
officers  to  enter.  As  soon  as  they  had  been  seated  the  lodge 
was  thronged  with  warriors.  Campbell  and  McDougal  were 
now  in  the  hands  of  their  enemies;  their  lives  depended  alone 
upon  the  generosity  of  Poritiac.  All  the  savages  present  were 
eager  to  kill  them  on  the  spot,  but  the  Ottawa  chief,  perhaps, 
remembered  that  when  he  and  his  warriors  were  in  the  hands 
of  the  garrison,  a  few  days  previous,  detected  in  their  treach 
ery,  they  were  treated  in  mercy,  and  protected  from  injury  and 
insult.  The  garrison  waited,  with  much  anxiety,  the  return  of 
the  officers,  until  quite  late  in  the  evening,  when  the  interpreter 
returned  to  the  fort  with  the  information  that  Campbell  and 
McDougal  had  both  been  made  prisoners  by  Pontiac. 

(50) 


OB,    THE   BORDER    WARS    OP    TWO    CENTURIES.  51 

The  Ottawa  chief,  resolved  on  continuing  the  war,  inaugu 
rated  a  regular  system.  Having  secured  the  full  co-operation 
of  the  Wyandots,  he  made  an  improved  disposition  of  his  forces. 
A  detachment  of  the  Pottawatomies  were  sent  down  the  river 
a  short  distance,  where  they  were  to  surprise  and  capture  any 
reinforcements  or  supplies  that  might  be  advancing  to  the 
relief  of  the  fort;  others  was  ordered  to  conceal  themselves 
in  the  woods  in  the  rear  of  the  fort,  to  prevent  any  advance 
from  that  direction;  another  band  were  directed  to  conceal 
themselves  as  near  to  the  fort  as  possible,  and  to  shoot  down 
any  soldier  or  Englishman  who  might  expose  himself  when  no 
general  attack  was  in  progress.  This  work  of  detail  and  pre 
paration  was  continued  until  the  twelfth  of  May,  when  the 
warriors,  under  the  immediate  direction  of  Pontiac  himself, 
surrounded  the  fort  and  made  another  desperate  assault,  which 
was  continued,  without  intermission,  from  dawn  till  evening. 

Leaving  the  events  outside,  let  us  look  in  upon  the  condition  of 
the  little  garrison.  Their  commander  was  now  fully  convinced 
that  a  general  Indian  outbreak  had  begun,  and,  in  the  face  of 
the  danger  which  presented  itself  on. every  hand,  he  was  forced 
to  ask  the  advice  of  those  around  him.  Therefore,  on  the 
evening  of  the  twelfth,  all  the  officers  in  the  fort  met  to  con 
sider  what  course  of  action  was  best  to  adopt.  It  was  a  des 
perate  moment.  Only  the  darkness  had  forced  the  savages 
from  the  attack,  and  with  the  dawn  of  the  following  day,  the 
assault  would  be  resumed  with  increased  vigor.  Such,  how 
ever,  was  the  conviction  of  the  weary  garrison. 

Major  G-ladwyn  was  a  brave  officer,  well  qualified  for  this 
emergency.  Should  the  fort  be  taken,  every  Englishman 
within  its  palisade  would  be  tomahawked ;  and,  in  the  light  of 
the  probable  success  of  the  Indians  in  their  attempt  to  capture 
the  place,  it  would  seem  that  there  would  be  but  one  opinion 
in  this  council — that  of  the  expediency  of  embarking  and 
sailing  for  Niagara.  Indeed,  all,  except  the  courageous  Glad- 
wyn,  advised  this  course;  but  that  officer,  although  half  con 
vinced  that  the  savages  would  succeed,  was  unwilling  to  desert 
his  post. 

But  there  were  other  considerations  of  great  importance^ 


52  THE    LIVES    OF    PONTIAC    AND   TECUMSEIi: 

which,  no  doubt,  had  their  weight  in  advising  the  garrison  to 
abandon  the  fort.  Their  provisions  were  nearly  exhausted, 
and,  at  the  fartherest,  would  not  last  more  than  three  weeks. 
In  this  short  space  of  time,  since  a  multitude  of  infuriated 
warriors  had  surrounded  the  place,  there  could  be  but  little 
hope  of  succor.  The  danger  of  their  situation  was  also 
increased  from  the  fact  that  all  the  buildings  within  the  fort 
"  being  of  wrood,  and  chiefly  thatched  with  straw,"  might  be 
set  on  fire  at  any  moment,  by  burning  missels. 

Perhaps  there  was  no  consideration  wrhich  rendered  their  sit 
uation  so  desperate  as  that  the  Indians  would  make  a  general 
rush  against  the  fort  and  burn  or  cut  their  way  through  the 
palisades — a  mode  of  attack  which  would  be  sure  to  accomplish 
the  reduction  of  the  weak  fortification.  This  manner  of 
attack  was,  however,  foreign  to  every  maxim  of  Indian  war 
fare. 

Resolved  to  defend  the  fort  while  defence  was  possible, 
Gladwyn  made  the  best  possible  disposition  of  his  little  gar 
rison,  and  otherwise  prepared  to  withstand  the  foe.  Time 
passed  on.  Day  after  da^y  the  warriors  continued  the  siege, 
and  yet  there  were  no  signs  of  assistance  for  the  hapless  gar 
rison.  The  provisions  rapidly  decreased.  For  many  long 
days  and  nights  no  man  attempted  to  sleep,  except  in  his 
clothes,  with  his  weapons  by  his  side. 

When  an  opportunity  presented  itself,  the  soldiers  ran  out 
and  leveled  the  outhouses  to  the  ground,  and  removed  every 
thing  that  would  serve  as  a  shield  or  covering  for  the  warriors. 
This  done  the  Indians  could  find  no  shelter,  and,  being  unwill 
ing  to  expose  themselves  to  the  fire  of  the  fort,  they  seldom 
approached  very  near  to  it.  The  two  vessels  that  lay  in  the 
river  guarded  the  north  and  south  corners  of  the  fort  with  their 
fire,  and  thus  considerably  strengthened  Gladwyn's  position. 
The  Indians  next  attempted  to  set  fire  to  the  buildings  within 
the  fort  by  shooting  arrows  tipped  with  burning  tow,  upon 
their  roofs,  but  the  fort  being  well  provided  with  water,  their 
efforts  were  futile. 

Pontiac  next  summoned  the  garrison  to  surrender.  He  said 
the  officers  and  soldiers  would  be  allowed  to  embark  in  their 


OK,    THE   BOEDER   WARS    OF    TWO    CENTURIES.  53 

vessels  and  depart  uninjured,  but  in  the  event  they  refused  to 
comply,  and  the  fort  should  be  taken,  they  would  all  be  slaught 
ered.  Major  Gladwyn's  reply  was  short  and  decisive,  and,  it  is 
believed,  convinced  Pontiac  that  his  British  foe  was  still  firm, 
and  determined  to  hold  possession  of  the  fort.  "  The  attacks 
were  now  resumed  with  increased  activity,  and  the  assailants 
were  soon  after  inspired  by  the  arrival  of  a  hundred  and  twenty 
Ojibwa  warriors  from  Grand  River."  In  the  fort,  every  effort 
for  its  defense  was  put  forth.  The  soldiers  slept  upon  the  ram 
parts,  and  a  constant  vigilance  was  maintained. 

Meanwhile  every  possible  effort  was  made  to  obtain  a  supply 
of  provisions  for  the  garrison.  At  length  negotiations  were 
opened  with  a  Canadian  named  Baby,  who,  for  ample  consider 
ation,  supplied  the  fort  with  cattle,  hogs  and  such  other 
necessaries  as  he  could  command.  These  were  carried  from  the 
east  side  of  the  river,  where  M.  Baby  resided,  to  the  fort,  in 
canoes,  which  crossed  the  river  with  their  precious  freight  under 
cover  of  the  darkness.  Being  thus  supplied  with  food,  the 
wearied  garrison  took  new  courage. 

About  this  time  the  Indians,  who  had  hoped  to  capture 
Detroit  by  a  single  assault,  were  beginning  to  suffer  for  food. 
They  had  rushed  into  the  war  with  a  recklessness  character 
istic  of  their  race,  and  were  now  sorely  perplexed  in  their 
endeavors  to  continue  the  siege.  Want  gradually  compelled 
them  to  apply  to  the  .Canadians  for  assistance,  but  this  was 
granted  only  in  cases  where  threatened  violence  advised  it. 
When  this  had  become  a  source  of  trouble  and  annoyance  to 
the  Canadian  settlers,  they  appointed  a  depn  tation  from  among 
their  number,  instructing  them  to  visit  the  camp  of  Pontiao 
and  lay  their  grievances  before  him.  This  they  did,  meeting 
the  Ottawa  chief  at  the  house  where  Capt.  Campbell  and  Lieut. 
McDougal  were  confined.  When  the  sachems  of  the  various 
tribes  had  been  convened,  one  of  the  deputies  rose  and  said: 
"  You  pretend  to  be  friends  of  the  French,  and  yet  you  plun 
der  us  of  our  hogs  and  cattle.  You  trample  upon  our  fields 
of  young  corn,  and  when  you  enter  our  houses  you  enter  with 
tomahawk  raised.  When  your  French  father  comes  from  Mon 
treal  with  his  great  army,  he  will  hear  of  what  you  have  done? 


54  THE   LIVES   OF    PONTIAC    AND    TECCM8EH  I 

and,  instead  of  shaking  hands  with  you  as  brothers,  he  will 
punish  you  as  enemies." 

Pontiac  replied  in  the  following  words :  "We  have  never 
wished  to  do  you  harm,  nor  allow  any  to  be  done  you;  but 
among  us  there  are  many  young  men  who,  though  strictly 
watched,  find  opportunities  of  mischief.  It  is  not  to  revenge 
myself  alone  that  I  make  war  on  the  English.  It  is  to  revenge 
you,  my  brothers.  When  the  English  insulted  us  they  insulted 
you  also.  I  know  that  they  have  taken  away  your  arms,  and 
made  you  sign  a  paper  which  they  have  sent  home  to  their 
country.  Therefore  you  are  left  defenseless ;  and  I  mean  now 
to  revenge  your  cause  and  my  own  together.  I  mean  to  destroy 
the  English,  and  leave  not  one  upon  our  lands.  You  do  not 
know  the  reasons  from  which  I  act.  I  have  told  you  those  only 
which  concern  yourselves ;  but  you  will  learn  all  in  time.  You 
will  cease  then  to  think  me  a  fool.  I  know,  my  brothers,  that 
there  are  many  among  you  who  take  part  with  the  English,  I 
am  sorry  for  it,  for  their  own  sakes ;  for  when  our  father  arrives, 
I  shall  point  them  out  to  'him,  and  they  will  see  whether  they 
or  I  have  most  reason  to  be  satisfied  with  the  part  we  have 
acted. 

"  I  do  not  doubt,  my  brothers,  that  this  war  is  very  trouble 
some  to  you,  for  our  warriors  are  continually  passing  and 
repassing  through  your  settlement.  I  am  sorry  for  it.  Do  not 
think  that  I  approve  of  the  damage  that  is  done  by  them ;  and, 
as  a  proof  of  this,  remember  the  war  with  the  Foxes,  and  the 
part  which  I  took  in  it.  It  is  now  seventeen  years  since  the 
Ojibwas,  of  Michilimackinac,  combined  with  the  Sacs  and 
Foxes,  came  down  to  destroy  you.  Who  then  defended  you? 
Was  it  not  I  and  my  young  men?  Mackinac,  great  chief  of  all 
these  nations  said,  in  council,  that  he  would  carry  to  his  village 
the  head  of  your  commandant;  that  he  would  eat  his  heart 
and  drink  his  blood?  Did  I  not  take  your  part?  Did  I  not 
go  to  his  camp,  and  say  to  him,  that  if  he  wished  to  kill  the 
French,  he  must  first  kill  me  and  my  warriors?  Did  I  not 
assist  you  in  routing  them  and  driving  them  away?  And  now 
you  think  that  I  would  turn  my  arms  against  you?  No,  my 
brothers;  I  am  the  same  French  Pontiac  who  assisted  you 


OR,    THE    BORDER    WARS    OF    TWO    CENTURIES.  55 

seventeen  years  ago.  I  am  a  Frenchman  and  I  wish  to 
•die  a  Frenchman;  and  I  now  repeat  to  you  that  you  and 
I  are  one;  that  it  is  for  both  our  interests  that  I  should  be 
.avenged.  Let  me  alone;  I  do  not  ask  you  for  aid,  for  it  is  not 
in  your  power  to  give  it.  I  only  ask  provisions  for  myself  and 
men.  Yet,  if  you  are  inclined  to  assist  me,  I  shall  not  refuse 
you.  It  would  please  me,  and  you  yourselves  would  be  sooner 
rid  of  your  troubles;  for  I  promise  you  that  as  soon  as  the 
English  are  driven  out,  we  will  go  back  to  our  villages,  and  there 
await  the  arrival  of  our  French  Father.  You  have  heard  what 
I  have  to  say ;  remain  at  peace  and  I  will  watch  that  no  harm 
shall  be  done  to  you,  either  by  my  men  or  by  the  other  Indians." 
Pontiac  immediately  took  measures  to  prevent  a  continu 
ance  of  the  outrages,  of  which  the  Canadians  complained.  He 
also  adopted  a  new  policy  in  procuring  supplies  for  his  army. 
He  visited  the  Canadian  inhabitants  personally,  and,  after 
inquiring  into  their  financial  conditions,  informed  each  of 
the  amount  he  would  be  required  to  donate.  Without  a 
single  exception,  the  taxes  so  levied  were  paid  to  the  Ottawa- 
chief  s  collectors,  and  by  them  carried  to  the  Ottawa  village 
at  Parent's  Creek.  Pontiac,  being  compelled  to  repeat  his 
demands  for  provisions,  and  wishing  not  to  offend  the  Frencji, 
adopted  a  singular  mode  of  paying  them.  He  issued  prom 
issory  notes,  drawn  upon  birch  bark,  and  signed  with  the 
figure  of  the  otter,  the  totem  to  which  he  belonged.  It  should 
be  mentioned  here,  to  the  credit  of  Pontiac,  that  these  notes 
were  all  faithfully  redeemed. 


CHAPTEK    VII. 

THE  SIEGE  OF  DETROIT  —  FATE  OF  CUTLER'S  DETACHMENT  —  BRAVERY 
OF  THE  WYANDOTS —  INDIAN  CAROUSE  —  MASSACRE  AND  MURDER  — 
HORRIBLE  FATE  OF  THE  WESTERN  OUTPOSTS  —  FALL  OF  SANDUSKY, 
PRESQUE  ISLE,  ETC. —  THE  FORESTS  GROWING  BLACK  WITH  INDIAN 
WARRIORS. 

WHILE  Detroit  was  thus  harassed  and  besieged,  a  strong 
detachment  was  advancing  up  the  lake  with  general  supplies 
for  the  western  outposts.  The  garrison,  being  aware  of  its 
approach,  was  filled  with  anxiety  for  its  welfare.  Time  passed 
on.  Matters  at  Detroit  continued  to  grow  more  alarming  to 
the  garrison  every  day.  The  warriors  renewed  the  attack  daily, 
and  seemed  to  become  more  confident  of  success  with  every 
assault.  Pontiac  had  sent  messengers  to  M.  Neyon,  command 
ant  at  the  Illinois,  earnestly  requesting  that  a  force  of  regular 
troops  be  sent  to  his  assistance.  Gladwyn,  on  his  part,  had 
ordered  one  of  the  vessels  to  proceed  down  the  lake  to  meet 
the  approaching  convoy.  The  schooner  set  sail,  but  was 
becalmed  at  the  entrance  to  Lake  Erie,  where  she  was  com 
pelled  to  lay  for  some  time.  While  in  this  unfortunate  situation 
a  "  multitude  of  canoes  suddenly  darted  out  upon  her  from  the 
neighboring  shores."  In  the  prow  of  the  foremost  canoe  sat 
Capt.  Campbell,  whom  the  Indians  had  placed  there  for  the 
purpose  of  securing  themselves  against  the  fire  of  the  English^ 
But  the  resolute  Captain  called  out  to  the  crew  to  do  their  duty 
without  regard  to  him.  At  this  moment  a  stiff  breeze  swept 
down  the  river,  and  the  schooner  sped  on  her  course,  leaving 
the  disappointed  warriors  far  behind. 

Matters  continued  at  the  fort  without  important  change  until 
the  thirtieth  of  May,  when  at  an  early  hour  the  garrison  espied 
the  long-expected  convoy  advancing  slowly  up  the  river.  The 

(56) 


OR,    THE    BORDER    WARS    OF    TWO    CENTURIES.  57 

garrison  broke  into  three  hearty  cheers,  for  now,  it  would  seem, 
their  sufferings  were  at  an  end.  A  cannon  "  sent  its  loud  voice 
of  defiance  to  the  enemy  and  welcome  to  the  approaching 
friends."  But  alas!  the  joyous  faces  of  the  soldiers  and  offi 
cers  grew  deathly  pale.  Upon  careful  examination,  the  boats 
were  found  to  be  full  of  savages.  The  convoy  had  fallen  into 
the  hands  of  the  enemy.  The  boats  and  supplies  had  been 
taken,  and  the  soldiers  of  the  detachment  slaughtered  or  made 
captives. 

Eighteen  boats  were  now  approaching,  and  in  each  were  two- 
or  more  of  the  captured  soldiers,  acting  as  oarsmen,  and  guarded 
bv  several  armed  savages.  Hundreds  of  warriors  were  also 

i/  O 

following  the  boats  along  the  shore.  In  the  foremost  boat,  it 
so  happened  that  there  were  four  soldiers  and  only  three  Indi 
ans.  In  the  river,  just  opposite  the  fort,  lay  one  of  the  British 
schooners,  already  mentioned,  her  companion  having  gone 
clown  the  lake  to  hasten  this  very  reinforcement.  As  the  boat 
came  near  to  this  vessel,  one  of  the  soldiers  seized  the  largest 
Indian  and  threw  him  overboard.  The  Indian  held  fast  to  his 
enemy's  clothes,  and,  drawing  himself  up,  stabbed  him  several 
times  with  his  knife.  The  bleeding  soldier  gave  way  and  was 
dragged  overboard  by  the  Indian.  They  were  both  borne  swiftly 
down  on  the  current  of  the  river,  and  perished  grappled  in  each 
other's  arms.  The  two  remaining  Indians  leaped  out  of  the 
boat,  and  the  prisoners  seized  the  paddles  and  pulled  vigor 
ously  towards  the  schooner.  The  savages  on  the  shore  fired 
upon  them,  and  several  canoes  were  paddled  swiftly  in  pursuit. 
The  soldiers  were  struggling  for  life.  They  called  aloud  for 
aid,  and  strained  every  nerve  to  gain  the  vessel;  but  their  pur 
suers  were  gaining  rapidly  upon  them.  In  another  moment 
one  of  the  men  was  wounded.  He  dropped  his  paddle,  falling 
to  the  bottom  of  the  boat.  Their  chances  of  escape  were  now 
lessened,  but  they  struggled  on.  As  the  savages  were  almost 
upon  them,  the  report  of  a  cannon  burst  from  the  side  of  the 
vessel,  and  the  ball,  passing  close  to  the  foremost  canoe,  cut  the 
water  into  a  line  of  foam.  Being  thus  greeted  the  savages 
turned  back  in  dismay.  The  prisoners  soon  reached  the  vessel. 


58  THE    LIVES    OF    PONTIAC    AND    TECUMSEH: 

and  were  greeted  with  rounds  of  hearty  cheers.  The  other 
boats  passed  slowly  up  the  river  towards  the  Ottawa  village. 

The  soldiers  who  had  thus  escaped,  now  related  the  adven 
tures  and  sufferings  of  their  detachment.  The  following  is 
their  story,  as  told  in  the  "  History  of  the  Conspiracy  of  Pon- 
tiac:"  Lieut.  Cuyler  had  left  Fort  Niagara  as  early  as  the 
thirteenth  of  May,  and  embarked  from  Fort  Schlosser,  just 
above  the  falls,  with  ninety-six  men  and  a  plentiful  supply  of 
provisions  and  ammunition.  Day  after  day  he  had  coasted 
along  the  northern  shore  of  Lake  Erie,  and  had  seen  neither 
friend  nor  foe  amid  those  lonely  forests  and  waters,  when,  on 
the  twenty-eighth  of  the  month,  he  landed  at  Point  Pelee,  not 
far  from  the  mouth  of  the  Eiver  Detroit.  The  boats  were 
drawn  on  the  beach,  and  the  party  prepared  to  encamp.  A 
man  and  a  boy  went  to  gather  firewood  at  a  short  distance  from 
the  spot,  when  an  Indian  leaped  out  of  the  woods,  seized  the 
boy  by  the  hair  and  tomahawked  him.  The  man  ran  into 
camp  with  the  alarm.  Cuyler  immediately  formed  his  soldiers 
into  a  semi-circle  before  the  boats.  He  had  scarcely  done  so 
when  the  Indians  opened  their  fire.  For  an  instant  there  was 
a  hot  blaze  of  musketry  on  both  sides.  Then  the  Indians  broke 
out  of  the  woods  in  a  body,  and  rushed  fiercely  upon  the  centre 
of  the  line,  which  gave  way  in  every  part,  the  men  flinging 
down  their  guns,  running  in  a  blind  panic  to  the  boats,  and 
struggling  with  ill-directed  efforts  to  shove  them  into  the 
water.  Five  were  set  afloat,  and  pushed  off  from  the  shore, 
crowded  with  the  terrified  soldiers." 

Lieut.  Cuyler,  being  thus  deserted  by  his  men,  waded  up  to 
his  neck  in  the  water  and  climbed  into  one  of  the  retreating 
boats.  The  savages  pushed  two  more  afloat,  and  went  in  pur 
suit  of  the  soldiers,  three  boat  loads  of  whom  gave  themselves 
up  without  resistance;  but  the  remaining  two,  in  one  of  which 
was  Cuyler  himself,  made  their  escape.  "  They  rowed  all  night 
and  landed  in  the  morning  upon  a  small  island.  Between 
thirty  and  forty  men,  some  of  whom  were  wounded,  were 
crowded  into  these  two  boats;  the  rest,  about  sixty  in  number 
being  killed  or  taken.  Cuyler  now  made  for  Sandusky,  which, 
on  his  arrival,  he  found  burned  to  the  ground.  Immediately 


OK,    THE    BORDER    WARS   OF    TWO    CENTURIES.  59 

leaving  the  spot,  lie  rowed  along  the  south  shore  to  Presque 
Isle,  from  whence  he  proceeded  to  Niagara  and  reported  his 
loss  to  Major  Wilkins,  the  commanding  officer." 

But  let  us  return  to  Detroit  and  to  the  Indian  villages  in  its 
vicinity.  The  Indians  who  had  thus  interrupted  the  convoy 
and  slaughtered  or  captured  the  soldiers,  were  the  "Wyandots. 
Among  the  supplies  which  they  had  captured  was  a  large 
quantity  of  liquor,  which  they  seized  and  carried  to  their  vil 
lages,  which,  throughout  the  following  night,  presented  a  beastly 
scene  of  drunkenness.  What  shall  we  say  of  the  fate  of  the 
unfortunate  soldiers  taken  prisoners  in  this  affair?  They  met 
their  death  during  the  drunken  carouse  on  that  same  night. 
But  it  was  more  than  death — more  than  torture.  Thankful, 
indeed,  were  the  three  escaped  soldiers — even  he  who  was  suf 
fering  from  a  severe  wound — when,  during  that  dark  and 
gloomy  night,  while  secure  within  the  desolate  fort,  the  moans 
of  their  dying  comrades  were  borne  to  their  ears  on  the  breeze, 
from  the  distant  camp-fires  of  the  Wyandots.  Not  one  was 
spared.  No  white  man  witnessed  their  fate;  but,  on  the  fol 
lowing  day,  as  the  mangled  corpses  floated  down  on  the  clear 
waters  of  the  Detroit,  one  after  another,  the  horrified  garrison 
beheld  awful  evidences  of  savage  cruelty.  In  the  ghastly  train 
were  many  charred  trunks,  the  result  of  the  slow  fires  of  death. 

There  was  but  little  time  to  reflect  on  this  horrible  massacre, 
for  with  the  next  day  came  the  news  of  another — the  fate  of 
the  garrison  of  San  dusky.  Thus  it  will  be  seen,  while  that 
part  of  the  work  which  Pontiac  had  intrusted  to  his  warriors 
in  neighboring  villages  was  going  forward  with  intoxicating 
success,  he  himself  was,  as  yet,  unable  to  capture  Detroit, 
although  assisted  by  his  bravest  warriors.  The  massacre  at 
Sandusky  was  full  of  horror.  Ensign  Paully,  commandant  at 
this  fort,  was  informed,  on  a  certain  day,  that  several  warriors 
were  waiting  at  the  gate  to  speak  with  him.  Most  of  them 
being  well  known  to  him,  he  gave  orders  to  admit  them.  The 
Indians  passed  in,  and,  arriving  at  his  quarters,  they  seized, 
disarmed  and  bound  him.  The  next  moment  he  heard  the 
work  of  massacre  without.  Shrieks,  yells,  the  firing  of  guns, 
and  the  hurried  tramp  of  feet  fell  ominously  upon  his  ears.  A 


60  THE    LIVES    OF    PONTIAC    AND   TECUMSEH: 

moment  more,  and  he  was  led  forth  by  his  captors  "  to  behold 
the  parade  ground  strewn  with  the  corpses  of  his  murdered 
garrison."  With  the  approach  of  night  he  was  taken  to  the 
lake  where  several  canoes  lay  in  readiness.  He  was  placed  into 
one  of  them  under  a  strong  guard,  and  the  little  fleet  pushed 
out  upon  the  placid  bosom  of  the  waters.  Looking  back  as 
the  canoes  were  paddled  away,  Paully  beheld  "  the  fort  lately 
under  his  command,  bursting  on  all  sides  into  sheets  of  flame." 
While  a  number  of  warriors  thus  bore  their  captive  to  the 
lodge  of  Pontiac,  a  hundred  warriors,  adorned  with  the  scalps 
of  the  slaughtered  garrison,  rushed  madly  through  the  margin 
of  the  woods,  towards  the  same  point.  Thus  every  day  the 
great  Ottawa  chief  was  gratified  with  the  return  of  a  band  of 
his  warriors  loaded  down  with  English  scalps.  On  landing 
near  the  camp  of  Poritiac,  Paully  was  surrounded  by  a  crowd  of 
savages,  chiefly  squaws  and  children,  who  pelted  him  with  stones 
and  sticks,  and  set  up  a  burst  of  wild  yells  of  triumph.  The 
captive  bore  this  with  great  fortitude,  expecting  the  next  act 
in  the  drama  would  find  him  bound  to  the  stake  and  sur 
rounded  by  the  fuel  of  death,  but  he  was  happily  disappointed. 
An  old  woman,  whose  husband  had  lately  died,  decided  to 
adopt  him  in  place  of  the  dead  warrior,  which  Paully  gladly 
agreed  to.  Having  been  plunged  in  the  river  for  the  purpose 
of  washing  the  wrhite  blood  from  his  veins,  he  was  conducted 
to  the  lodge  of  his  volunteer  wife,  and  from  that  day  treated 
with  all  the  respect  due  an  Ottawa  brave.  It  was  through  a 
letter  from  him  that  Grladwyn  received  the  particulars  of  this 
horrible  butchery. 

Amid  all  this  gloom  that  was  thickening  around  Detroit, 
and  terrifying  the  hearts  of  the  sleepless  garrison,  came  the 
news  that  Pontiac's  forces  had  been  reinforced  by  two  very 
strong  bands  of  Ojibwa  braves.  The  great  chief  now  stood  at 
the  head  of  a  thousand  warriors,  consisting  of  Pottawatoinies, 
Wyandots  and  Ojibwas.  This  force  was  judiciously  distributed 
under  chiefs  Ninivay,  Takee,  Wasson  and  Lekahos.  All  the 
warriors  brought  their  families  with  them,  and  the  number  of 
savages  congregated  in  the  vicinity  of  Detroit,  probably, 
exceeded  four  thousand.  The  siege  of  Detroit  wras  continued 


OB,  THE  BORDER  WARS  OF  TWO  CENTURIES.         61 

day  after  day,  and  the  situation  of  the  garrison  was  rendered 
almost  hopeless.  With  nearly  every  hour  came  the  news  of  some 
disaster.  The  provisions  were  almost  gone,  and  the  clouds  of 
infuriated  warriors  were  growing  blacker  and  blacker  in  the 
vicinity  of  Pontiac's  village. 

On  the  fifteenth  of  June  a  number  of  Indians  came  to  the 
fort,  bringing  with  them  four  English  prisoners,  who  proved 
to  be  the  commandant  of  Fort  St.  Joseph,  with  three  of  his 
garrison.  After  some  delay  these  were  exchanged  for  several 
Indian  prisoners  who  had  been  confined  within  the  fort  for 
some  time.  Again  Gladwyn  listened  to  the  terrible  account 
of  massacre  as  brought  to  his  ears  by  Ensign  Schlosser,  late 
commandant  at  Fort  St.  Joseph.  The  story  ran  thus:  His 
post  was  situated  at  the  mouth  of  the  river  St.  Joseph,  near 
the  head  of  Lake  Michigan,  a  spot  which,  for  many  years,  had 
been  the  site  of  a  Catholic  mission.  He  had  apprehended  no 
danger,  but  on  the  twenty-fifth  of  May,  early  in  the  morning, 
he  was  informed  that  a  large  number  of  Pottawatomies  had 
come  to  pay  a  visit  to  the  Indian  village  near  the  fort.  Close 
upon  this  intelligence  he  was  informed  that  the  savages  were 
preparing  to  attack  the  fort.  At  this  the  commandant  ran  out 
of  the  fort,  and  crossing  the  parade,  which  was  filled  with 
Indians  and  Canadians,  hastily  entered  the  barracks.  These 
were  also  filled  with  Indians,  very  insolent  and  disorderly.  He 
ordered  the  garrison  under  arms,  but  he  had  no  sooner  turned 
away  than  he  heard  the  terrifying  scalp  shriek,  which  notified 
him  that  the  slaughter  had  already  begun.  In  less  than  ten 
minutes  the  fort  was  plundered,  eleven  men  were  killed,  and 
the  commandant  and  three  survivors  made  prisoners,  and 
securely  bound.  The  Indians  then  conducted  the  command 
ant  to  Detroit,  where  he  was  released  as  already  explained. 

Next  came  the  news  of  the  massacre  at  Fort  Michilimacki- 
nac,  located  on  the  extreme  northern  point  of  the  southern 
peninsula  of  Michigan.  This,  of  all  the  bloody  narratives  that 
shocked  the  trembling  garrison  of  Detroit,  was,  perhaps,  by  far 
the  most  thrilling;  but  I  will  pass  over  it  at  present  in  order 
to  give  place  to  other  reports  of  the  war  which  were  daily 
pouring  in  at  Gladwyn's  headquarters.  In  a  succeeding  chap- 


62  THE    LIVES    OF    PONTIAC    AND    TECUMSEH: 

ter,  the  reader  is  conducted  to  the  spot,  and  the  awful  tragedy 
enacted  before  him. 

Following  this  dreadful  news  came  the  report  that  Ouatanoriy 
a  small  fort  on  the  "Wabash,  had  been  captured  and  the  garri 
son  made  prisoners.  Following  is  the  letter  addressed  to  Major 
Gladwyn  by  the  commandant  of  this  post,  giving  a  full  account 
of  its  capture: 

"  OUATANON,  June  1st,  1763. 

"  Sm :  I  have  heard  of  your  situation,  which  gives  me  great  pain  - 
indeed,  we  are  not  in  much  better,  for  this  morning  the  Indians  sent  for 
me  to  speak  to  me,  and  immediately  bound  me.  When  I  got  to  their 
cabin  I  found  some  of  my  soldiers  in  the  same  condition.  They  told  me 
Detroit,  Miami,  and  all  those  posts  were  cut  off,  and  that  it  was  a  folly  to 
make  any  resistance.  They  therefore'desired  me  to  make  the  few  soldiers  in 
the  fort  surrender,  otherwise  they  would  put  us  all  to  death,  in  case  one  man 
was  killed.  They  were  to  have  fell  on  us  and  killed  us  all  last  night,  but 
Mr.  Maisongville  and  Lorain  gave  them  wampum  not  to  kill  us,  and  when 
they  told  the  interpreter  that  we  were  all  to  be  killed,  and  he,  knowing 
the  condition  of  the  fort,  begged  of  them  to  make  us  prisoners.  They 
have  put  us  into  French  houses,  and  both  Indians  and  French  use  us 
very  well.  All  these  nations  say  they  are  very  sorry,  but  that  they  were 
obliged  to  do  it  by  the  other  nations.  The  belt  did  not  arrive  here  till  last 
night  about  eight  o'clock.  Mr.  Lorain  can  inform  you  of  all.  I  have  just 
received  the  news  of  St.  Joseph's  being  taken.  Eleven  men  were  killed 
and  three  taken  prisoners  with  the  officer.  I  have  nothing  more  to  say, 
but  that  I  sincerely  wish  you  a  speedy  succor,  and  that  we  may  be  able  to 
revenge  ourselves  on  those  that  deserve  it.  I  remain,  with  my  sincerest 
wishes  for  your  safety. 

"  Your  most  humble  servant,  EDW'D  JENKINS." 

This  letter  was  written  by  Mr.  Jenkins  while  in  the  custody 
of  the  savages,  and  just  before  his  departure  with  them  to  the 
Illinois.  Gladwyn  had  scarcely  time  to  read  this  letter  before 
the  news  of  the  loss  of  Fort  Miami  burst  upon  him.  This  post, 
standing  situated  on  the  river  Maumee,  was  under  the  com 
mand  of  Ensign  Holmes.  He  suspected  the  treachery  of  the 
Indians,  and  was  consequently  on  his  guard,  when  on  the 
twenty-seventh  of  May,  a  young  Indian  girl,  with  whom  he 
had  maintained  an  intimacy  for  some  time,  came  and  told  him 
that  a  squaw,  in  a  neighboring  hut,  lay  dangerously  ill,  and 
urged  him  to  come  to  her  relief.  Being  moved  by  the  girl's 
representations,  he  followed  her  out  of  the  fort  towards  the 


OK,    THE    BORDER    WARS    OF    TWO    CENTURIES.  63 

Indian  village.  He  had  not  proceeded  far  when  two  guns 
flashed  from  behind  some  shrubbery,  and  he  fell  lifeless  on  the 
grass.  The  reports  of  the  guns  were  heard  in  the  fort,  and  the 
sergeant  ran  out  to  ascertain  the  meaning  of  the  shooting.  He 
was  immediately  taken  prisoner,  and  surrounded  by  a  score  of 
savages.  The  terrified  soldiers  of  the  garrison  were  now  sum- 

o  o 

moned  to  surrender  the  fort,  and  the  Indians  having  promised 
to  protect  their  lives,  they  readily  complied.  They  were  all 
taken  prisoners. 

The  fall  of  Presque  Isle  is  next  in  order.  News  of  this  dis 
aster  reached  G-ladwyn  on  the  twentieth  of  June,  and,  two  days 
after  a  horde  of  savages  passed  by  the  fort  with  scalps  flutter 
ing  from  their  sides,  on  their  way  to  the  Ottawa  village.  They 
were  on  their  way  to  the  great  chief,  to  present  him  with  the 
scalps  of  the  unfortunate  soldiers  of  Presque  Isle.  This  fort 
was  under  the  command  of  Ensign  Christie,  a  brave  and  gal 
lant  officer.  Hostile  Indians  were  discovered  in  the  vicinity 
of  the  fort  on  the  fifteenth  of  June.  As  soon  as  the  garrison 
had  been  aware  of  the  enemy's  presence,  they  retired  into 
the  blockhouse,  abandoning  the  main  body  of  the  fort.  But, 
at  this  point,  in  order  that  the  reader  may  better  understand 
the  different  phases  of  the  attack,  I  will  give  a  very  brief 
description  of  the  fort.  Presque  Isle  stood  near  to  the  site  of 
the  present  city  of  Erie,  on  the  southern  shore  of  Lake  Erie. 
At  one  of  its  angles  was  a  large  blockhouse  two  stories  high, 
and  substantially  built  of  massive  timber,  the  dimensions  of 
the  upper  story  exceeding  that  of  the  lower  by  several  feet. 
"  The  roof  being  covered  with  shingles,  might  easily  be  set  on 
fire;  but  to  guard  against  this,  there  was  an  opening  at  the 
summit,  through  which  the  garrison,  partially  protected  by  a 
covering  of  plank,  might  pour  down  water  upon  the  flames. 
This  blockhouse  stood  on  a  projecting  point  of  land,  between 
the  lake  and  a  small  brook  which  entered  nearly  at  right  angles. 
Unfortunately,  the  bank  of  the  brook  rose  in  a  high,  steep 
ridge,  within  forty  yards  of  the  blockhouse,  thus  affording  a 
cover  for  assailants,  while  the  bank  of  the  lake  offered  similar 
facilities  on  another  side." 

The  Indians  who  had  now  assailed  the  fort,  crowded  together 


64  THE    LIVES    OF    PONTIAC    AND    TECUMSEH: 

in  great  numbers,  under  cover  of  the  rising  ground,  and  kept 
up  a  brisk  fire.  They  not  only  sent  their  bullets  into  every 
loop-hole  and  crevice,  but  shot  fire-arrows  upon  the  roof,  and 
threw  balls  of  burning  pitch  against  the  wall.  Several  times 
the  building  took  fire,  and  as  often  the  flames  were  extin 
guished.  "The  Indians  now  rolled  logs  to  the  top  of  the 
ridges,  where  they  constructed  three  strong  breastworks,  from 
behind  which  they  could  discharge  their  shot  and  throw  their 
fire-balls  with  still  greater  effect.  Some  of  them  tried  to  dart 
across  the  intervening  space,  and  shelter  themselves  in  the 
ditch  which  surrounded  the  fort,  but  all  of  these  were  killed 
or  wounded  in  the  attempt.  Baffled  in  this  effort,  the  Indi 
ans  began  to  throw  up  earth  and  stones,  behind  one  of  the 
breastworks,  for  the  purpose  of  undermining  the  blockhouse — 
a  plan  that  would  be  sure  of  success,  and  against  which  there 
could  be  no  resistance  offered.  But  there  was  no  time  to  reflect 
on  this  new  danger,  for  now,  another  more  horrible  threatened 
them.  The  barrels  of  water  which  had  been  used  for  extin 
guishing  the  flames  were  now  exhausted,  and  there  was  no  way 
to  procure  water  without  going  out  of  the  blockhouse,  and  this 
could  not  be  done  without  incurring  certain  death.  The  only 
alternative  was  to  dig  a  well  within  the  blockhouse.  The  floor 
was  torn  up  and  work  commenced  immediately.  A  few  of  the 
soldiers  stood  at  the  loop-holes  discharging  their  muskets  to 
keep  the  savages  in  check,  while  the  others  labored  with  des 
perate  energy  to  procure  water  by  sinking  a  well.  Before  any 
signs  of  water  made  an  appearance,  the  roof  was  again  on  fire, 
and  the  last  drop  of  water  within  the  blockhouse  was  poured 
down  to  extinguish  it.  In  a  moment  more  the  cry  of  fire  was 
again  raised,  when  a  soldier,  at  the  risk  of  his  life,  leaped  upon 
the  roof,  and  tore  away  the  burning  shingles,  and  thus  extin 
guished  it.  It  was  now  evening.  The  little  garrison  had 
fought  hard  all  day  and  hoped  that,  as  the  darkness  set  in,  they 
would  be  temporarily  relieved,  but  they  were  doomed  to  a  sor 
rowful  disappointment.  The  guns  flashed  all  night  long  from 
the  Indian  intrenchments.  However,  before  the  night  passed, 
the  diggers  had  finished  their  well.  This  was  an  important 
accomplishment,  for,  with  the  dawn  of  the  following  day, 


OK,    THE   BOEDER    WARS    OF    TWO    CENTURIES.  65 

flames  burst  forth  from  the  deserted  house  of  the  command 
ant,  which  stood  near  to  the  blockhouse.  The  flames  ascended 
high  and  became  hotter  and  hotter.  The  corner  of  the  block 
house  grew  black,  and,  at  length,  burst  into  a  sheet  of  name. 
With  this  a  hundred  Indian  yells  pealed  forth  in  triumph,  and 
the  naked  warriors  stood  ready  to  tomahawk  the  wretched  sol 
diers  as  fast  as  they  were  driven  forth.  But  still  the  garrison 
held  out.  Passing  up  water  from  the  well  which  now  held  an 
ample  supply,  they  poured  it  down  upon  the  flames,  and  soon 
extinguished  them.  By  this  time  the  burning  house,  from 
which  the  fire  had  caught,  settled  into  smouldering  embers,  so 
that  nothing  further  was  apprehended  from  that  source. 

The  soldiers  were  now  quite  exhausted,  but  still  they  con 
tinued  their  defense,  "  toiling  and  fighting  without  pause,  where 
the  close  and  heated  atmosphere  was  clogged  with  the  smoke 
of  gunpowder."  The  contest  was  continued  throughout  the 
second  day  and  extended  into  midnight.  It  was  a  long  and 
hopeless  struggle.  At  about  twelve  o'clock  on  the  second 
night,  the  garrison  heard  a  voice  call  out  in  French  from  the 
enemy's  entrenchments,  warning  the  garrison  that  further 
resistance  would  be  useless  since  full  preparations  had  been 
made  for  setting  fire  to  the  blockhouse,  both  above  and  below 
at  the  same  time.  Christie,  the  commandant,  then  inquired 
if  there  was  any  one  among  them  who  could  speak  English, 
whereupon  a  man  in  Indian  dress,  appeared  from  behind  the 
breastworks,  and  said  that  if  the  garrison  gave  themselves  up 
their  lives  should  be  spared,  but  if  they  continued,  they  would 
all  be  burned  alive.  Christie,  having  xresolved  to  hold  out  as 
long  as  a  shadow  of  resistance  could  be  maintained,  told  him 
to  persuade  the  Indians  to  wait  till  the  following  morning  for 
his  answer.  They  assented,  and  suspended  their  fire,  and 
while  some  of  the  garrison  watched,  the  rest  sank  exhausted 
into  a  deep  sleep.  On  the  following  morning  the  commandant 
sent  out  two  of  his  soldiers  under  pretext  of  treating  with  the 
Indians,  but,  in  truth,  to  learn  the  real  situation.  On  reaching 
the  breastwork,  the  soldiers  made  a  signal  by  which  Christie 
knew  that  the  representations  of  the  Englishman  were  correct. 
The  soldiers  told  the  chiefs  that  their  commandant  desired  two 
5 


66  THE    LIVES    OF    PONTIAC   AND    TECUMSEH: 

of  their  principal  men  to  meet  him  midway  between  the  block 
house  and  the  breastwork.  They  appeared  as  requested,  and 
Christie  went  out  and  delivered  them  formal  possession  of  the 
little  fort,  which  he  had  so  ably  defended,  on  the  conditions, 
however,  that  he  and  his  garrison  should  be  allowed  to  depart 
unmolested.  Notwithstanding  this  stipulation,  the  fort  was  no- 
sooner  surrendered,  than  the  whole  garrison  were  surrounded, 
seized  and  made  prisoners.  They  were  sent  as  such  to  the 
Ottawa  village  near  Detroit,  when  Christie  soon  after  made  his 
escape  in  safety  to  the  fort. 

The  next  to  share  this  horrifying  fate  were  the  neighboring 
forts  of  Le  Boeuf  and  Venango.  These  posts  were  poorly 
garrisoned,  and  fell  an  easy  prey  to  the  savages  in  their  vicinity. 
But  still  farther  south,  around  Fort  Pitt,  and  along  the  whole 
frontier,  clouds  of  warriors  were  animating  the  forests  with 
their  restless  forms  and  hideous  yells,  preparing  to  burst  forth 
in  an  indiscriminate  slaughter  upon  the  English  settlements. 
In  the  course  of  the  narrative  these  points  will  receive  proper 
attention.  Leaving  the  the  fort  of  Detroit  and  the  camp  of 
Pontiac,  for  a  little  season,  let  us  turn  onr  attention  to  Michil- 
imackinac,  and  observe  the  events  that  were  transpiring  there. 


CHAPTER    VIII. 

DESCRIPTION  OF  FORT  MICHILI;MACKINAC  —  THE  INDIANS  IN  THB 
VICINITY — PREPARATIONS  FOB  THE  MASSACRE  —  THE  WARNING — 
ADVENTURES  OF  ENGLISH  TRADERS  —  THE  NIGHT  BEFORE  THE 
SLAUGHTER. 

BEFORE  giving  an  account  of  the  terrible  massacre  at  Fort 
Michiliinackinac,  I  will  briefly  run  through  a  description  of 
that  distant  outpost.  It  was  situated  on  the  norther^  extrem 
ity  of  the  southern  peninsula  of  Michigan,  standing  upon  the 
margin  of  the  lake  at  the  eastern  end  of  the  Strait  of  Mackinaw. 
A  little  beyond  the  fort  was  a  cluster  of  white  Canadian 
houses,  roofed  with  bark  and  protected  by  fences  of  strong, 
round  pickets.  As  one  entered  the  gate  of  this  fort  he  would 
see  beyond  him  an  extensive  square  area,  surrounded  by  high 
palisades.  Numerous  houses,  barracks,  and  other  buildings 
formed  a  smaller  square  within,  and  in  the  vacant  space  which 
they  inclosed,  appeared  the  red  uniforms  of  the  British  soldiers, 
the  gray  coats  of  the  Canadians  and  the  gaudy  Indian  blankets, 
mingled  in  confusion.  Such  was  Fort  Michilimackinac  in 
1763.  Although  buried  in  a  dense  wilderness,  it  was  one  of 
the  oldest  outposts  in  the  lake  region.  The  Jesuits  had  estab 
lished  a  mission  there  as  early  as  1671,  and  in  the  following 
year  the  French  established  a  military  post  in  the  same  place. 
Besides  this  fort  there  were  two  others  in  the  vicinity  called 
Green  Bay  and  the  Saut  Ste.  Marie.  These  were  also  founded 
at  an  early  day,  and,  although  considerably  smaller,  were,  in 
general  characteristics,  similar  to  Michilimackinac.  The  latter 
contained  thirty  families  within  the  palisade  enclosure,  and 
about  as  many  more  without.  This  post  was  important  chiefly 
for  being  the  centre  of  the  fur  trade.  During  the  greater  part 
of  the  year,  the  garrison  and  the  settlers  were  completely  iso- 

(67) 


68  THE   LIVES    OF    PONT1AC    AND    TECUMSEHI 

lated — cut  off  from  all  connection  with  the  outer  world;  and, 
indeed,  the  three  posts  last  mentioned  were  so  remote  from 
each  other,  and  the  journey  from  one  to  the  other  attended 
with  so  many  dangers,  that  often,  through  the  whole  winter  all 
intercourse  between  them  was  entirely  cut  off.  The  Indians 
in  this  section  were  the  Ojibwas  and  Ottawas,  between  whom 
the  territory  was  nearly  equally  divided.  The  principal  village 
of  the  Ojibwas  contained  over  a  hundred  warriors,  and  was 
located  upon  the  picturesque  Island  of  Mackinaw,  which  has, 
in  late  years,  become  a  favorite  summer  resort.  The  same 
nation  had  another  large  settlement  at  Thunder  Bay.  The 
largest  northern  village  of  their  brethren,  the  Ottawas,  was 
situated  at  L'Arbre  Croche,  at  the  eastern  end  of  the  strait  on 
the  margin  of  Lake  Michigan.  This  place,  at  the  period  of 
which  I  am  writing,  was  the  seat  of  the  old  Jesuit  mission  of 
St.  Ignace,  originally  established  by  the  great  and  good  Mar- 
quette,  on  the  northern  side  of  the  Straits.  It  is  said  of  the 
Ottawas  that  they  had  become  partially  civilized,  while  on  the 
other  hand,  their  neighbors,  the  Ojibwas,  "  were  not,  in  the 
least  degree,  removed  from  their  primitive  barbarism."  These 
tribes,  as  also  all  of  the  neighboring  Indians,  were  hostile 
towards  the  English.  Most  of  their  warriors  had  fought  on 
the  side  of  France  in  the  late  war,  and  now,  being  goaded  to 
fury  by  the  indignant  Canadians,  they  were  ready  to  raise  the 
tomahawk  against  any  Englishman  who  might  venture  within 
their  territory.  At  this  period  Fort  Michilimackinac  was  in 
the  hands  of  the  French  settlers,  the  French  garrison  having 
been  withdrawn  in  accordance  with  the  capitulation  of  Mon 
treal,  and  the  English  garrison  having  not  yet  arrived.  I  will 
here  cite  an  incident  or  two,  illustrating  the  state  of  feeling 
which  prevailed  among  the  Indians  and  French  at  this  place 
soon  after  the  close  of  the  war  between  the  English  and  French 
Colonies.  In  the  autumn  of  1761,  an  Englishman  named 
Alexander  Henry,  in  company  with  one  or  two  others,  came  to 
Michilimackinac  for  the  purpose  of  trading  with  the  Indians. 
On  the  way  these  Englishmen  were  more  than  once  warned  to 
turn  back,  and  told  that  they  they  would  meet  certain  death  if 
they  pursued  their  journey.  At  length,  to  insure  safety,  Mr. 


OR,    THE    EOKDEK    WARS    OF    TWO    CENTURIES.  69 

Henry  assumed  the  disguise  of  a  Canadian  voyageur.  At 
length  his  canoes,  laden  with  goods,  reached  the  distant  forest 
fort,  but  he  received  a  cold  greeting  from  the  French  inhabit 
ants.  They  said  everything  they  could  calculated  to  alarm  and 
discourage  him.  Soon  after  his  arrival,  he  was  notified  that  a 
band  of  Ojibwas  were  on  their  way  from  their  village  to  pay 
him  a  visit.  But  this  did  not  disturb  him.  It  was  an  Indian 
custom  to  pay  such  visits  to  a  new-comer  with  a  view  of  receiv 
ing  presents,  and  Henry  believed  that  by  distributing  a  few 
articles  among  them,  they  would  depart  in  peace.  Following 
is  an  account  of  the  affair  in  Mr.  Henry's  own  language:  "  At 
two  o'clock  in  the  afternoon,  the  Ojibwas  came  to  the  house, 
about  sixty  in  number,  and  headed  by  Minavavana,  their  chief. 
They  walked  in  single  file,  each  with  his  tomahawk  in  one 
hand  and  scalping  knife  in  the  other.  Their  bodies  were  naked 
from  the  waist  upward,  except  in  a  few  examples,  where  blank 
ets  were  thrown  loosely  over  their  shoulders.  Their  faces  were 
painted  with  charcoal,  worked  np  with  grease;  their  bodies 
with  white  clay,  in  patterns  of  various  fancies.  Some  had 
feathers  thrust  through  their  noses,  and  their  heads  decorated 
with  the  same.  It  is  unnecessary  to  dwell  on  the  sensations 
with  which  I  beheld  the  approach  of  this  uncouth,  if  not 
frightful  assemblage.  The  chief  entered  first  and  the  rest  fol 
lowed  without  noise.  On  receiving  a  sign  from  the  former, 
the  latter  seated  themselves  on  the  fioor.  Minavavana  appeared 
to  be  about  fifty  years  of  age.  He  was  six  feet  in  height,  and 
had  in  his  countenance  an  indiscribable  mixture  of  good  and 
evil.  Looking  steadfastly  at  me,  where  I  sat  in  ceremony,  with 
an  interpreter  on  either  hand,  and  several  Canadians  behind 
me,  he  entered  at  the  same  time  into  conversation  with 
Campion,  inquiring  how  long  it  was  since  I  left  Montreal,  and 
observing  that  the  English,  as  it  would  seem,  were  brave  men, 
aud  not  afraid  of  death,  since  they  dared  to  come,  as  I  had 
done,  fearlessly  among  their  enemies.  The  Indians  now 
gravely  smoked  their  pipes,  while  I  inwardly  endured  the  tor 
tures  of  suspense.  At  length  the  pipes  being  finished,  as  well 
as  a  long  pause,  by  which  they  were  succeeded,  Minavavana, 
taking  a  few  strings  of  wampum  in  his  hand  began  the  following 


70  THE    LIVES    OF    PONTIAC    AND    TECUMSEHI 

speech:  '  Englishman,  it  is  to  you  that  I  speak,  and  I  demand 
your  attention.  Englishman,  you  know  the  French  King  is 
our  father;  he  promised  to  be  such,  and  we,  in  return,  prom 
ised  to  be  his  children.  This  promise  we  have  kept. 
Englishman,  it  is  you  that  have  made  war  with  this  our 
father.  You  are  his  enemy,  and  how,  then,  could  you  have 
the  boldness  to  venture  among  us  his  children.  You  know 
that  his  enemies  are  ours.  Englishman,  we  are  informed  that 
our  father,  the  King  of  France,  is  old  and  infirm,  and  that 
being  fatigued  with  making  war  upon  your  nation,  he  has 
fallen  asleep.  During  his  sleep  you  have  taken  advantage  of 
him,  and  possessed  yourselves  of  Canada.  But  his  nap  is 
almost  at  an  end.  I  think  I  hear  him  already  stirring  and 
inquiring  for  his  children,  the  Indians;  and  when  he  does 
awake,  what  must  become  of  you?  He  will  destroy  you 
utterly.  Englishman,  although  you  have  conquered  the 
French,  you  have  not  yet  conquered  us.  We  are  not  your 
slaves.  These  lakes,  these  woods  and  these  mountains  were 
left  to  us  by  our  ancestors.  They  are  our  inheritance,  and  we 
will  part  with  them  to  no  one.  Your  nation  supposes  that  we, 
like  the  white  people,  cannot  live  without  bread,  and  pork,  and 
beef;  but  you  ought  to  know  that  He,  the  Great  Spirit  and 
Master  of  Life,  has  provided  food  for  us  in  these  spacious  lakes 
and  on  these  woody  mountains.  Englishman,  our  father,  the 
King  of  France,  employed  our  young  men  to  make  war  upon 
your  nation.  In  this  warfare  many  of  them  have  been  killed, 
and  it  is  our  custom  to  retaliate  until  such  time  as  the  spirits 
of  the  slain  are  satisfied.  But  the  spirits  of  the  slain  are  to 
be  satisfied  in  either  of  two  ways.  The  first  is  by  the  spilling 
of  the  blood  of  the  nation  by  which  they  fell;  the  other  by 
covering  the  bodies  of  the  dead,  and  thus  allaying  the  resent 
ments  of  their  relations.  This  is  done  by  making  presents. 
Englishman,  your  king  has  never  sent  us  any  presents,  nor 
entered  into  any  treaty  with  us;  wherefore,  he  and  we  are  still 
at  war,  and  until  he  does  these  things  we  must  consider  that 
we  have  no  other  father  nor  friend  among  the  white  men  than 
the  King  of  France.  But  for  you,  we  have  taken  into  consid 
eration,  that  you  have  ventured  your  life  among  us,  in  the 


OK,    THE    BORDER    WARS    OF    TWO    CENTURIES.  71 

expectation  that  we  should  not  molest  you.  You  do  not  come 
armed,  with  any  intentions  to  make  war.  You  come  in  peace 
to  trade  with  us,  and  to  supply  us  with  necessaries  of  which 
we  are  in  much  want.  We  shall  regard  you,  therefore,  as  a 
brother,  and  you  may  sleep  tranquilly  without  fear  of  the 
Ojibwas.  As  a  token  of  our  friendship,  we  present  you  this 
pipe  to  smoke.'  As  Minavavana  uttered  these  words,  an 
Indian  presented  me  with  a  pipe,  which,  after  I  had  drawn  the 
smoke  three  times,  was  carried  to  the  chief  and  after  him  to 
every  person  in  the  room.  This  ceremony  ended,  the  chief 
arose  and  gave  me  his  hand,  in  which  he  was  followed  by  all 
the  rest." 

Mr.  Henry  made  a  suitabe  reply,  after  which  the  chief 
requested  him  to  distribute  some  whisky  among  his  men, 
which  he  did.  After  giving  them  a  few  presents,  they  departed 
to  the  great  joy  of  the  Englishman.  They  had  hardly  disap 
peared  when  Henry  was  summoned  to  meet  two  hundred 
Ottawa  braves,  in  council  near  the  fort.  They  had  also  come 
to  pay  him  a  visit.  This  time  two  other  English  traders — 
Goddard  and  Solomons — were  also  invited  to  be  present.  Obe 
dient  to  the  wishes  of  these  new-comers,  the  Englishmen 
repaired  to  the  house  where  they  had  seated  themselves.  Here 
they  were  informed  that  they  must  distribute  their  goods 
among  the  Indians  on  credit,  on  the  promise  of  receiving  pay 
in  the  following  spring.  The  Ottawas  threatened  force  in  case 
of  refusal.  Being  permitted  to  reflect  on  this  demand  till  the 
following  morning,  the  traders  met  together  and  resolved  on 
resistance,  and,  accordingly,  arming  about  thirty  of  their  men 
with  muskets,  they  barricaded  themselves  in  the  house  occupied 
by  Henry,  and  kept  strict  watch  throughout  the  night.  The 
Indians,  however,  did  not  disturb  them.  On  the  following 
day,  several  Canadians  came  to  Henry  and  advised  him  to  give 
up  the  goods,  and  saying  that  if  he  did  not,  both  he  and  his 
companions  would  receive  no  mercy.  The  Englishmen  would 
not  listen  to  this  advice.  They  kept  possession  of  the  house 
and  their  goods  until  evening,  when,  to  their  happy  surprise, 
news  came  that  a  body  of  English  troops  were  advancing  to 
take  possession  of  the  fort.  Another  night  of  anxiety  passed, 


72  THE   LIVES    OF    PONTIAC    AND    TECUMSEH I 

but  with  the  dawn  of  the  following  morning  the  Ottawa^ 
departed.  Immediately  after  the  boats  of  the  English  detach 
ment  were  seen  to  approach  the  landing  place.  The  fort  was 
now  strongly  garrisoned  by  British  soldiers,  and  Henry  and 
his  companions  were,  for  a  time,  at  least,  protected  in  a  peace 
ful  prosecution  of  the  fur  trade.  But  with  the  lapse  of  a  few 
months  the  peril  of  their  situation  was  without  a  parallel. 

Time  passed  on,  when  in  the  spring  of  1763,  Pontiac's  light- 
footed  messengers  arrived  at  Michilimackinac.  Bearing  in 
their  hands  the  war-belt  of  black  and  purple  wampum,  they 
appeared  before  the  assembled  warriors,  flung  at  their  feet  a 
hatchet  painted  red,  and  delivered  the  speech  according  to  the 
dictation  of  their  Ottawa  chief.  The  auditors,  on  every  occa 
sion,  took  up  the  blood-red  hatchet,  and  thus  pledged  themselves 
to  aid  in  the  war. 

Late  in  the  month  of  May,  news  was  received  among  the 
Indians  at  Michilimackinac,  that  Pontiac  had  already  begun 
the  war,  and,  anxious  to  win  glory  for  themselves,  the  Ojibwas 
resolved  to  attack  the  British  fort  in  their  neighborhood  with 
out  inviting  their  brethren  at  L'Arbre  Oroche  to  aid  them. 
At  this  time  the  fort  was  garrisoned  by  about  thirty -five  sol 
diers  besides  the  officers.  They  had  been  warned,  time  and 
again/that  the  Indians  were  preparing  to  destroy  them,  but 
Captain  Etherington,  the  commandant,  refused  to  listen  to  any 
such  reports. 

Mr.  Henry,  who  was  in  the  fort  at  this  time,  received  warn 
ing  of  the  approaching  calamity  in  a  curious  way,  and  as  his 
adventures  enter  largely  into  that  part  of  the  narrative  imme 
diately  following,  I  will  relate  the  circumstance  here:  An 
Ojibwa  chief,  called  Wawatam,  had  become  strongly  attached 
to  him.  One  morning  he  entered  his  house,  and,  placing 
before  Henry,  on  the  floor,  a  large  present  of  furs  and  dried 
meat,  delivered  a  speech  to  the  following  effect:  Early  in  life,, 
according  to  the  ancient  usage  of  his  people,  he  had  retired  to 
fast  and  pray  in  solitude,  that  he  might  learn  the  future  career 
marked  out  for  him.  In  his  visions  and  dreams  on  this  occa 
sion,  it  was  revealed  to  him  that,  in  after  years,  he  should  meet 
a  white  man  who  should  be  to  him  a  friend  and  brother.  As 


OR.    THE    BOJ?J3EK    WARS    OF    TWO    CENTURIES.  73 

soon  as  he  had  seen  Henry,  he  was  satisfied  that  he  was  the 
man  to  whom  the  Great  Spirit  had  reference,  and  that  the 
dream  was  now  fulfilled.  Henry  made  an  appropriate  reply, 
gave  some  slight  presents  in  return,  smoked  a  pipe  with  the 
Indian,  and,  as  Wawatam  soon  after  left  the  fort,  he  soon  for 
got  him.  But  had  he  then  known  that  this  singular  man  was 
to  save  him,  in  a  near  future,  from  a  horrible  death,  he  would 
have  been  less  careless  about  returning  his  avowed  friendship. 
Many  months  had  elapsed  since  the  incident  to  which  I  have 
just  made  reference,  occurred,  when  on  the  second  of  June, 
1763,  Henry's  door  was  opened  without  ceremony,  and  the 
dark  figure  of  Wawatam  appeared.  After  thinking  carefully 
for  a  few  moments,  Mr.  Henry  remembered  him,  invited  him 
to  a  seat,  and  inquired  as  to  the  success  of  his  winter's  hunt. 
Without  replying,  Wawatam  sat  down,  and  manifested  great 
surprise  at  finding  the  Englishman  still  in  the  fort.  He  said 
that  on  the  day  following,  he  was  going  to  the  Saut  Ste.  Marie, 
and  that  he  wanted  Henry  to  go  with  him.  He  next  inquired 
if  his  friend  had  not  heard  bad  news,  and  continued,  that  he 
himself  "  had  been  much  disturbed  by  the  singing  of  evil  birds." 
Henry  took  but  little  notice  of  the  Indian's  warning,  and 
Wawatam  departed  with  a  sad  countenance.  On  the  following 
morning  Wawatam  again  returned,  and  pressed  Henry  to  leave 
the  fort.  "  When  Henry  demanded  his  reason  for  such 
urgency,"  says  Parkrnan,  "he  asked  if  his  brother  did  not 
know  that  many  bad  Indians,  who  had  never  shown  themselves 
at  the  fort,  were  emcamped  in  the  woods  around  it.  To-mor 
row,  he  said,  they  are  coming  to  ask  for  whisky,  and  would  all 
get  drunk,  so  that  it  would  be  dangerous  to  remain."  Wawa 
tam  continued  to  advise  Henry  to  leave  the  fort  and  accompany 
him  to  the  Saut,  but  to  no  purpose.  The  Indian,  seeing  that 
he  could  not  induce  his  friend  to  escape  the  danger  which 
threatened  him,  departed  with  tears  in  his  eyes.  On  this  same 
afternoon,  Henry  says  that  the  fort  was  filled  with  savages 
moving  about  among  the  soldiers  with  many  appearances  of 
friendship.  Many  of  them  came  to  his  store  to  purchase 
knives  and  hatchets.  The  squaws  moved  about  within  the 
fort,  asking  to  see  silver  bracelets  and  other  ornaments,  not  for 


74  THE    IJVES   OF    PONTIAC    AND   TECUMSEH. 

the  purpose  of  purchasing  them,  but,  as  it  afterward  appeared, 
of  learning  where  they  were  kept,  that  they  might  the  more 
easily  lay  hands  upon  them  when  the  slaughter  began.  Night 
came  on  and  the  Indians  retired  to  their  lodges.  The  garrison 
entered  the  barracks,  and  settled  into  a  sound  sleep,  not  know 
ing  that  on  the  morrow  many  of  them  would  fall  beneath  the 
tomahawk. 


CHAPTEE    IX. 

TUB  MASSACRE  —  THE   GAME  OF   BALL  —  SLAUGHTER   OF  THE   GARRI 
SON  —  INDIANS    DRINKING    THE    BLOOD   OF   ENGLISHMEN  —  HAIB- 

BREADTH   ESCAPE   OF   AN   ENGLISH   TRADER. 

ON  THE  following  morning,  the  fourth,  of  June,  many  Ojib- 
was  came  to  the  fort,  inviting  officers  and  soldiers  to  come  out 
and  see  a  grand  game  of  ball,  which  was  to  be  played  between 
their  nation  and  the  Sacs.  In  a  few  moments  the  fort  was 
half  deserted.  The  gates  were  left  wide  open,  and  the  soldiers 
were  collected  in  groups  under  the  shadow  of  the  palisades 
watching  the  Indians  play  ball.  They  were  all  without  arms, 
suspecting  nothing.  The  game  in  which  the  Indians  were 
engaged  was  called  baggattaway.  "  At  either  extremity  of  the 
ground,  a  tall  post  was  planted,  marking  the  stations  of  the 
rival  parties.  The  object  of  each  was  to  defend  its  own  post, 
and  drive  the  ball  to  that  of  its  adversary.  Hundreds  of  lithe 
and  agile  figures  were  leaping  and  bounding  upon  the  plain. 
Each  was  nearly  naked,  his  loose  black  hair  flying  in  the  wind, 
and  each  bore  in  his  hand  a  bat  of  a  form  peculiar  to  this 
game.  At  one  moment  the  whole  were  crowded  together,  a 
dense  throng  of  combantants,  all  struggling  for  the  ball;  at 
the  next  they  were  scattered  again,  and  running  over  the 
ground  like  hounds  in  full  cry."  The  participants  yelled  and 
shouted  at  the  tops  of  their  voices.  Suddenly  the  ball  soared 
high  from  the  midst  of  the  multitude,  and  fell  near  the  .pickets 
of  the  fort.  "  This  was  no  chance  stroke.  It  was  part  of  a 
preconcerted  stratagem  to  insure  the  surprise  and  destruction 
of  the  garrison.  As  if  in  pursuit  of  the  ball,  the  players 
rushed  towards  the  gate  of  the  fort,  and  yelling  the  war- whoop, 
they  snatched  the  hatchets  which  the  squaws  had  concealed 
under  their  blankets.  Some  of  the  Indians  sprang  upon  the 

(75) 


76  THE    LIVES    OF    PONTIAC    AND    TECUMSEH: 

spectators  without,  while  others  rushed  into  the  fort,  and,  in  a 
moment  all  was  carnage  and  confusion.  At  the  commence 
ment,  Etherington  and  Leslie  were  seized  and  led  away  from 
the  scene  of  massacre." 

Mr.  Alexander  Henry,  from  whom  I  have  just  quoted,  gives 
the  following  account  of  the  massacre  and  his  adventures  in 
connection  with  it:  "I  did  not  go  myself  to  see  the  match 
which  was  now  to  be  played  without  the  fort,  because  there 
being  a  canoe  prepared  to  depart  on  the  following  day  for  Mon 
treal,  I  employed  myself  in  writing  letters  to  my  friends;  and, 
even  when  a  fellow-trader,  Mr.  Tracy,  happened  to  call  upon 
me  saying,  that  another  canoe  had  just  arrived  from  Detroit, 
and  proposing  that  I  should  go  with  him  to  the  beach,  it  so 
happened  that  I  still  remained  to  finish  my  letters,  promising 
to  follow  Mr.  Tracy  in  the  course  of  a  few  minutes.  Mr. 
Tracy  had  not  gone  more  than  twenty  paces  from  my  door, 
when  I  heard  an  Indian  war  cry,  and  a  noise  of  general  con 
fusion.  Going  instantly  to  my  window,  I  saw  a  crowd  of 
Indians  within  the  fort  furiously  cutting  down  and  scalp 
ing  every  Englishman  they  found ;  in  particular,  I  witnessed 
the  fate  of  Lieut.  Jamette.  I  had  in  the  room  in  which  I  wasr 
a  fowling  piece  loaded  with  swan  shot.  This  I  immediately 
seized  and  held  it  for  a  few  minutes  waiting  to  hear  the  drum 
beat  to  arms.  In  this  dreadful  interval,  I  saw  several  of  my 
countrymen  fall,  and  more  than  one  struggling  between  the 
knees  of  an  Indian  who,  holding  him  in  this  manner,  scalped 
him  while  yet  living.  At  length  disappointed  in  the  hope  of 
seeing  resistance  made  to  the  enemy,  and  sensible,  of  course, 
that  no  effort  of  my  own  unassisted  arm  could  avail  against 
four  hundred  Indians,  I  thought  only  of  seeking  shelter  amid 
the  slaughter  which  was  raging.  I  observed  many  of  the 
Canadian  inhabitants  of  the  fort  calmly  looking  on,  neither 
opposing  the  Indians  nor  suffering  injury,  and  from  this  cir 
cumstance  I  conceived  a  hope  of  finding  security  in  their 
houses.  Between  the  yard  door  of  my  own  house,  and  that  of 
Mr.  Langlade,  my  next  neighbor,  there  was  only  a  low  fence, 
over  which  I  easily  climbed.  At  my  entrance  I  found  the 
whole  family  at  the  windows,  gazing  at  the  scene  of  blood 


OK,    THE    BORDER    WARS    OF    TWO    CENTURIES.  I  1 

before  them.  I  addressed  myself  immediately  to  Mr.  Lang- 
lade,  begging  that  he  would  put  me  into  some  place  of  safety 
until  the  heat  of  the  affair  should  be  over,  an  act  of  charity  by 
which  he  might,  perhaps,  preserve  me  from  the  general  massa 
cre.  But  while  I  uttered  my  petition,  Mr.  Langlade,  who  had 
looked  for  a  moment  at  me,  turned  again  to  the  window, 
shrugging  his  shoulders  and  intimating  that  he  could  do  noth 
ing  for  me.  This  was  a  moment  of  despair,  but  the  next  a 
Pani  woman,  a  slave  of  Mr.  Langlade's,  beckoned  me  to  follow 
her.  She  brought  me  to  a  door,  which  she  opened,  desiring  me 
to  enter,  and  telling  me  it  led  to  the  garret  where  I  must  go 
and  conceal  myself.  I  joyfully  obeyed  her  directions,  and  she, 
having  followed  me  up  to  the  garret  door,  locked  it  after  me, 
and  with  great  presence  of  mind  took  away  the  key.  This 
shelter  obtained,  if  shelter  I  could  hope  to  find  it,  I  was  natu 
rally  anxious  to  know  what  might  still  be  passing  without. 
Through  an  aperture  which  afforded  me  a  view  of  the  area  of 
the  fort,  I  beheld,  in  shapes,  the  foulest  and  most  terrible,  the 
ferocious  triumphs  of  barbarian  conquerors.  The  dead  were 
scalped  and  mangled.  The  dying  were  writhing  and  shrieking 
under  the  insatiate  knife  and  tomahawk,  and,  from  the  bodies 
of  some,  ripped  open,  their  butchers  were  drinking  the  blood, 
scooped  up  in  the  hollow  of  joined  hands,  and  quaffed  amid 
shouts  of  rage  and  victory.  I  was  shaken,  not  only  with  hor 
ror,  but  with  fear.  The  suffering  which  I  witnessed,  I  seemed 
on  the  point  of  experiencing.  No  long  time  elapsed  before 
every  one  being  destroyed  who  could  be  found,  there  was  a 
general  cry  of  all  is  finished.  At  the  same  instant  I  heard 
some  of  the  Indians  enter  the  house  where  I  was.  The  garret 
was  separated  from  the  room  below,  only  by  a  layer  of  single 
boards,  at  once  the  flooring  of  the  one  and  the  ceiling  of  the 
other.  I  could,  therefore,  hear  everything  that  passed,  and 
the  Indians  no  sooner  came  in  than  they  inquired  whether  or 
not  any  Englishmen  were  in  the  house.  Mr.  Langlade  replied 
that  he  could  not  say.  He  did  not  know  of  any,  answers  in 
which  he  did  not  exceed  the  truth,  for  the  Pani  woman  had  not 
only  hidden  me  by  stealth,  .but  kept  my  secret  and  her  own. 
Mr.  Langlade  was,  therefore,  I  presume,  as  far  from  a  wish  to 


78  THE   LIVES    OF    PONTIAC    AND    TECUMSEH: 

destroy  me,  as  he  was  careless  about  saving  me,  when  he  added 
to  these  answers,  that  they  might  examine  for  themselves,  and 
would  soon  be  satisfied  as  to  the  object  of  their  question.  Say 
ing  this  he  brought  them  to  the  garret  door.  The  state  of  my 
mind  will  be  imagined.  Arrived  at  the  door,  some  delay  was 
occasioned  by  the  absence  of  the  key,  and  a  few  moments 
were  thus  allowed  me,  in  which  to  look  around  for  a  hiding 
place.  In  one  corner  of  the  garret  was  a  heap  of  those  vessels 
of  birch  bark,  used  in  maple  sugar  making.  The  door  was 
unlocked  and  opened,  and  the  Indians,  ascending  the  stairs 
before  I  had  completly  crept  into  a  small  opening,  which  pre 
sented  itself  at  one  end  of  the  heap.  An  instant  after  four 
Indians  entered  the  room,  all  armed  with  tomahawks,  and  all 
besmeared  with  blood  upon  every  part  of  their  bodies.  The 
die  appeared  to  be  cast.  I  could  scarcely  breathe,  but  I  thought 
the  throbbing  of  my  heart  occasioned  noise  loud  enough  to 
betray  me.  The  Indians  walked  in  every  direction  about  the 
garret,  and  one  of  them  approached  me  so  closely  that  at  a 
particular  moment,  had  he  put  forth  his  hand  he  must  have 
touched  me.  Still  I  remained  undiscovered,  a  circumstance  to 
which  the  dark  color  of  my  clothes,  and  the  want  of  light  in 
the  room  which  had  no  window  in  the  corner  in  which  I  was, 
must  have  contributed.  In  a  word,  after  taking  several  turns 
in  the  room,  during  which  they  told  Mr.  Langlade  how  many 
they  had  killed,  and  how  many  scalps  they  had  taken,  they 
returned  down  stairs,  and  I,  with  sensations  not  to  be  expressed, 
heard  the  door,  which  was  the  barrier  between  me  and  my 
fate,  locked  for  the  second  time.  There  was  a  feather-bed  on 
the  floor,  and,  on  this,  exhausted  as.  I  was,  by  the  agitation  of 
my  mind,  I  threw  myself  down  and  went  to  sleep.  In  this 
state  I  remained  till  the  dusk  of  the  evening,  when  I  was  awak 
ened  by  the  second  opening  of  the  door.  The  person  that  now 
entered  was  Mr.  Langlade's  wife,  who  was  much  surprised  at 
finding  me,  but  advised  me  not  to  be  uneasy,  observing  that 
the  Indians  had  killed  most  of  the  English,  but  that  she  hoped 
I  might,  myself,  escape.  A  shower  of  rain  having  begun  to 
fall,  she  had  come  to  stop  a  hole  in  the  roof.  On  her  going 
away,  I  begged  her  to  send  me  a  little  water  to  drink,  which 


OR,   THE   BORDER   WARS   OF   TWO   CENTURIES.  79 

she  did.  As  night  was  now  advancing,  I  continued  to  lie  on 
the  bed,  ruminating  on  my  condition,  but  unable  to  discover  a 
resource  from  which  I  could  hope  for  life.  A  flight  to  Detroit 
had  no  probable  chance  of  success.  The  distance  from  Mich- 
ilirnackinac  was  four  hundred  miles,  and  I  was  without 
provisions,  and  the  whole  length  of  the  road  lay  through 
Indian  countries — countries  of  an  enemy  in  arms,  where  the 
first  man  whom  I  should  meet  would  kill  me.  To  stay  where 
I  was  threatened  nearly  the  same  issue.  As  before,  fatigue  of 
mind,  and  not  tranquility,  suspended  my  cares  and  procured 
me  further  sleep.  The  respite  which  sleep  afforded  me  during 
the  night  was  put  an  end  to  by  the  return  of  morning.  I  was 
again  on  the  rack  of  apprehension.  At  sunrise  I  heard  the 
family  stirring,  and  presently  after,  Indian  voices,  informing 
Mr.  Langlade  that  they  had  not  found  my  hapless  self  among 
the  dead,  and  they  supposed  me  to  be  somewhere  concealed. 
Mr.  Langlade  appeared,  from  what  followed,  to  be,  by  this 
time,  acquainted  with  my  place  of  retreat,  of  which,  no  doubt, 
he  had  been  informed  by  his  wife.  The  poor  woman,  as  soon 
as  the  Indians  mentioned  me,  declared  to  her  husband  in  the 
French  tongue,  that  he  should  no  longer  keep  me  in  his  house, 
but  deliver  me  up  to  my  pursuers,  giving  as  a  reason  for  this 
measure  that  should  the  Indians  discover  his  instrumentality 
in  my  concealment,  they  might  revenge  it  on  her  children,  and 
that  it  was  better  that  I  should  die  than  they.  Mr.  Langlade 
resisted  at  first,  this  sentence  of  his  wife,  but  soon  suffered  her 
to  prevail,  informing  the  Indians  that  he  had  been  told  that  I 
was  in  his  house;  that  I  had  come  there  without  his  knowl 
edge,  and  that  he  would  put  me  into  their  hands.  This  was  no 
sooner  expressed  than  he  began  to  ascend  the  stairs,  the  Indi 
ans  following  upon  his  heels.  I  now  resigned  myself  to  the 
fate  with  which  I  was  menaced;  and  regarding  every  effort  at 
concealment  as  vain,  I  arose  from  the  bed,  and  presented 
myself  full  in  view  to  the  Indians,  who  were  entering  the 
room.  They  were  all  in  a  state  of  intoxication,  and  entirely 
naked,  except  about  the  middle.  One  of  them  named  Wen- 
niway,  whom  I  had  previously  known,  and  who  was  upwards 
of  six  feet  in  height,  had  his  entire  face  and  body  covered  with 


80  THE    LIVES   OF   PONTIAC   AND    TECUMSEH: 

charcoal  and  grease,  only  that  a  white  spot,  of  two  inches  in 
diameter,  encircled  each  eye.  This  man,  walking  up  to  me, 
seized  me  with  one  hand  by  the  collar  of  the  coat,  while  in  the 
other  he  held  a  large  carving  knife,  as  if  to  plunge  it  into  my 
breast;  his  eyes,  meanwhile,  were  fixed  steadfastly  on  mine. 
At  length,  after  some  seconds  of  the  most  anxious  suspense, 
he  dropped  his  arm,  saying,  'I  won't  kill  you!'  To  this  he 
added  that  he  had  been  frequently  engaged  in  wars  against  the 
English,  and  had  brought  away  many  scalps;  that  on  a  certain 
occasion,  he  had  lost  a  brother,  whose  name  was  Musinigon, 
and  that  I  should  be  called  after  him.  A  reprieve  upon  any 
terms  placed  me  among  the  living,  and  gave  me  back  the  sus 
taining  voice  of  hope;  but  Wenniway  ordered  me  down  stairs, 
and  there  informed  me  that  I  was  to  be  taken  to  his  cabin, 
where,  and  indeed  everywhere  else,  the  Indians  were  all  mad 
with  liquor,  death  again  was  threatened,  and  not  as  possible 
only,  but  as  certain.  I  mentioned  my  fears  on  this  subject  to 
Mr.  Langlade,  begging  him  to  represent  them  to  my  master. 
Mr.  Langlade,  in  this  instance,  did  not  withhold  his  compas 
sion,  and  Wenniway  immediately  consented  that  I  should 
remain  where  I  was,  until  he  found  another  opportunity  to 
take  meaway." 


CHAPTEK    X. 

ADVENTURES  OF  ENGLISH  TRADERS  AT  MICHILIMACKINAC  —  THEY  ARE 
RESCUED  BY  THE  OTTAWAS —  TREATMENT  OF  THE  PRISONERS  — 
HENRY'S  ESCAPE  —  CANNIBALISM — KEDUCTION  OF  ALL  THE  WESTERN 
OUTPOSTS  EXCEPT  DETROIT. 

HENRY  had  not  enjoyed  an  hour's  peace  when  an  Indian 
came  to  the  house  where  he  was  and  ordered  him  to  follow 
him  to  the  Ojibwa  camp.  Henry  knew  this  man,  and  suspected 
treachery,  but  there  was  no  alternative.  Following  him  through 
the  gate  his  suspicions  were  soon  confirmed.  The  Indian, 
instead  of  proceeding  to  the  camp,  turned  in  the  direction  of 
the  woods.  At  this  Henry  refused  to  follow,  and  openly  charged 
hjm  with  his  design.  The  Indian  acknowledged  that  his  inten 
tion  was  to  take  his  life,  and  at  the  same  moment  drew  his 
knife  to  strike  the  fatal  blow.  At  this  instant  the  trader  stepped 
aside,  and  escaping  the  stroke  he  ran  for  his  life.  Entering 
the  gate  of  the  fort  he  observed  Wenniway  standing  in  the 
centre  of  the  area,  and  he  called  out  to  him  for  assistance.  The 
chief  ordered  the  Indian  to  desist ;  but  the  enraged  savage 
would  not  obey  him,  and  continued  the  pursuit,  striking  at  him 
with  his  knife  as  they  ran  round  and  round  the  chief.  Observ 
ing  the  door  of  Mr.  Langlade's  house  open,  Henry  ran,  escaped 
through  it,  and  once  more  found  himself  alone  in  his  garret 
prison.  Early  in  the  night,  as  he  lay  asleep  on  his  rude  couch, 
the  door  was  opened,  and  he  was  ordered  to  descend.  He  did 
so,  when,  to  his  great  joy,  he  found  in  the  room  below,  Capt. 
Etherington,  Lieut.  Leslie  and  Mr.  Bostwick,  a  trader,  together 
with  Father  Jonois,  the  Jesuit  priest  from  L'Arbre  Croche. 

The  Indians  being  now  about  to  enjoy  a  drunken  carouse 
upon  the  liquor  they  had  seized,  and  the  chiefs,  fully  aware  of 
the  danger  to  which  the  prisoners  would  be  exposed  during 
6  (81) 


82  THE   LIVES    OF    PONTIAO   AND   TECUMSEHI 

these  revels,  had  conveyed  them  all  into  the  fort  and  placed 
them  in  charge  of  the  Canadians.  "  Including  officers,  soldiers 
and  traders,  they  amounted  to  about  twenty,  this  handful  being- 
all  that  escaped  the  massacre."  When  Henry  entered  the  room 
he  found  his  three  companions  discussing  a  very  important 
question.  The  Indians  had  already  retired  to  their  village,  and 
the  fort  was  actually  in  the  hands  of  the  white  people — twenty 
Englishmen  and  about  three  hundred  French  Canadians.  To 
close  the  gates  and  take  possession  of  the  fort  would  be  an  easy 
matter,  and  it  would  have  been  attempted  had  not  the  Jesuit 
discouraged  the  plan.  He  represented  that  perhaps  the  French 
would  prove  treacherous,  and  that,  should  they  fail  in  their 
plans,  every  Englishman  in  the  place  would  meet  certain  death. 
The  idea  was  therefore  abandoned.  The  night  passed  in  quiet, 
and  in  the  morning  several  warriors  came  to  the  house  and 
summoned  Henry  to  follow  them.  He  was  led  to  a  house  in 
which  two  traders  and  a  soldier  were  imprisoned.  These  were 
released  and  ordered  to  join  the  company.  They  were  then 
led  to  the  lake  shore,  where  they  were  to  embark  for  the  Isles 
du  Castor.  "  A  chilling  wind  blew  strongly  from  the  north 
east,  and  the  lake  was  covered  with  mists  and  tossing  angrily. 
Henry  stood  shivering  on  the  beach,  with  no  other  upper  gar 
ment  than  a  shirt,  drenched  with  the  cold  rain.  He  asked 
Langlade,  who  was  near  him,  for  a  blanket,  which  the  latter 
with  cold-blooded  inhumanity  refused  to  furnish  unless  security 
was  given  for  payment.  Another  Canadian  proved  more  mer 
ciful,  and  Henry  received  a  covering  from  the  weather.  With 
his  three  companions,  guarded  by  seven  Indians,  he  embarked 
in  the  canoe,  the  soldier  being  tied  by  his  neck  to  one  of  the 
cross-bars  of  the  vessel.  The  thick  mists  and  the  tempestuous 
weather  compelled  them  to  keep  along  the  shore,  close  beneath 
the  wet,  dripping  forests.  In  this  manner  they  had  proceeded 
about  eighteen  miles,  and  were  approaching  L'Arbre  Croche, 
when  an  Ottawa  Indian  came  out  of  the  woods  and  called  to 
them  from  the  beach,  inquiring  the  news  and  asking  who  were 
their  prisoners.  Some  conversation  followed,  in  the  course  of 
which  the  canoe  approached  the  shore  where  the  water  was 
very  shallow."  At  this  juncture  a  loud  yell  was  heard,  and  a 


OK,    THE    BOEDER    WARS    OF    TWO    CENTURIES.  83 

hundred  Ottawas,  rising  from  the  shrubbery,  rushed  into  the 
water  and  seized  upon  the  canoe  and  prisoners.  The  astonished 
Ojibwas  remonstrated,  but  to  no  purpose.  The  prisoners  were 
all  taken  from  them,  and  conducted  to  the  shore  in  safety. 
This  interference  was  the  result  of  a  jealousy  which  the  Ottawas 
entertained  against  their  brethren,  the  Ojibwas,  for  entering 
into  the  war  without  consulting  them  and  giving  them  an 
opportunity  to  share  in  the  plunder. 

The  Ottawas  now  assured  the  rescued  prisoners  that  the 
Ojibwas  were  carrying  them  to  the  Isles  du  Castor  merely  to 
kill  and  eat  them.  They  were  then  placed  in  Ottawa  canoes, 
and  were  soon  on  their  way  back  to  the  fort.  They  were  accom 
panied  by  a  large  fleet  of  canoes  and  a  strong  band  of  Ottawa 
warriors.  Before  the  day  was  over  all  had  arrived  at  Michili- 
mackinac.  Landing  their  canoes,  the  Ottawas  marched,  in 
Indian  file,  into  the  fort,  and  took  possession  of  it,  while  at  a 
short  distance  hundreds  of  Ojibwa  warriors  looked  on  in  aston 
ishment.  The  night  passed  without  any  important  event,  but 
on  the  following  morning  the  Ojibwa  chiefs  invited  the  prin 
cipal  men  of  the  Ottawas  to  hold  a  council  with  them  in  a 
building  within  the  fort.  A  valuable  present  of  goods  waa 
placed  upon  the  floor,  it  being  a  part  of  the  plunder  they  had 
taken ;  and  their  great  war  chief,  Minavavana,  who  had  con 
ducted  the  massacre,  rose  and  addressed  the  Ottawas.  "  Your 
conduct,"  he  said,  "has  greatly  surprised  me.  You  have 
betrayed  our  common  cause,  and  opposed  the  will  of  the  Great 
Spirit,  who  has  decreed  that  every  Englishman  must  die. 
Excepting  you,  all  the  Indians  have  raised  the  hatchet.  Pon- 
tiac  has  taken  Detroit,  and  every  other  fort  has  also  been 
destroyed.  The  English  are  meeting  with  destruction  through 
out  the  whole  world.  The  King  of  France  has  awakened  from 
his  sleep."  In  conclusion  he  exhorted  them  no  longer  to 
espouse  the  cause  of  the  English,  but,  like  their  brethren,  to 
lift  the  hatchet  against  them. 

According  to  the  Indian  custom,  whe.n  the  Ojibwa  chief 
concluded  his  speech,  the  council  adjourned  till  the  next  day, 
when  it  was  again  convened.  At  this  meeting  the  Ottawas 
expressed  a  willingness  to  settle  the  affair,  which  they  did  by 


84  THE    LIVES    OF    PONT1AC    AND    TECUMSEH: 

dividing  the  prisoners  and  the  plunder.  The  Ottawas  retained 
the  officers  and  the  soldiers  while  the  traders  were  given  up  to 
their  conquerors.  The  prisoners  taken  by  the  Ottawas  were 
treated  with  kindness. 

The  prisoners  that  were  given  back  to  the  Ojibwas  were 
taken  by  the  latter  to  one  of  their  villages  in  the  vicinity  of 
Michilimackinac  and  imprisoned  in  the  council  house.  They 
were  securely  bound  together  and  to  the  posts  that  supported 
the  lodge.  JS"o  sooner  had  the  traders  been  thus  confined  than 
the  building  was  filled  with  savages  who  seemed  to  take  great 
delight  in  jeering  the  captives.  At  the  head  of  the  lodge  sat 
the  great  war  chief  of  the  Ojibwa  nation,  with  Wenniway  at 
his  side.  Henry  was  among  the  prisoners.  Turning  round 
he  noticed  Wawatarn,  his  friend,  entering  at  the  door.  This 
was  the  same  Indian  who  visited  Henry  on  the  day  before  the 
massacre  and  endeavored  to  persuade  him  to  leave  the  fort. 
He  now  passed  Henry,  stopping  only  to  shake  him  by  the 
hand,  and  took  a  seat  beside  Wenniway  at  the  head  of  the 
lodge.  After  he  had  smoked  with  them  a  while  in  silence  he 
rose  and  went  out  again,  but  soon  returned,  followed  by  his 
squaw,  who  brought  with  her  a  valuable  present,  which  she 
laid  at  the  feet  of  the  two  chiefs.  Wawatam  then  addressed 
them  in  the  following  language  :  "  Friends  and  relations, 
what  is  it  that  I  shall  say?  You  know  what  I  feel.  You  all 
have  friends,  and  brothers,  and  children,  whom  as  yourselves 
you  love;  and  you — what  would  you  experience  did  you,  like 
me,  behold  your  dearest  friend — your  brother — in  the  condi 
tion  of  a  slave;  a  slave,  exposed  every  moment  to  insult,  and 
to  menaces  of  death?  This  case,  as  you  all  know,  is  mine. 
See  there,  (pointing  to  Henry)  my  friend  and  my  brother 
among  slaves — himself  a  slave!  You  all  well  know  that,  long 
before  the  war  began  I  adopted  him  as  my  brother.  From 
that  moment  he  became  one  of  my  family,  so  that  no  change 
of  circumstances  could  break  the  cord  which  fastened  us 
together.  He  is  my  brother,  and  because  I  am  your  relation 
he  is  therefore  your  relation,  too;  and  how,  being  your  rela 
tion,  can  he  be  your  slave?  On  the  day  on  which  the  war 
began,  you  were  fearful  lest,  on  this  very  account  I  should 


OB,    THE    BORDER    WARS    OF    TWO    CENTURIES.  85 

reveal  your  secret.  You  requested,  therefore,  that  I  should 
leave  the  fort,  and  even  cross  the  lake.  I  did  so,  but  I  did  it 
with  reluctance.  I  did  it  with  reluctance,  notwithstanding 
that  you,  Minavavana,  who  had  the  command  in  this  enter 
prise,  gave  me  your  promise  that  you  would  protect  my  friend, 
delivering  him  from  all  danger,  and  giving  him  safely  to  me. 
The  performance  of  this  promise  I  now  claim.  I  come  not 
with  empty  hands  to  ask  it.  You,  Minavavana,  best  know 
whether  or  not,  as  it  respects  yourself,  you  have  kept  your 
word;  but  I  bring  these  goods  to  buy  off  every  claim  which 
any  man  among  you  all  may  have  on  my  brother  as  his 
prisoner." 

The  great  Ojibwa  chief  replied  to  this  speech  in  a  favorable 
manner.  His  presents  were  accepted  and  Henry  was  released. 
Wawatam  conducted  him  to  his  lodge,  which  was  only  a  few 
paces  distant,  and  there  treated  him  as  his  brother.  Here 
Henry  enjoyed  once  more  peace  of  mind  and  a  night's  rest, 
both  of  which  he  had  been  deprived  of  for  several  days.  On 
the  following  day,  as  he  sat  comfortably  within  "Wawatam 's 
lodge,  he  heard  a  great  noise  in  the  prison-house,  which  stood 
near  by,  and,  raising  up,  he  beheld  the  dead  bodies  of  seven  of 
the  prisoners  dragged  forth.  They  had  been  slain  by  a  noted 
chief,  who  had  just  returned  from  the  winter's  hunt.  Having 
come  too  late  to  take  part  in  the  grand  achievement  of  his 
tribesmen,  he  took  this  method  of  signifying  his  approval  of 
what  had  been  done.  With  this  design  he  had  entered  the 
prison-lodge  and  murdered  seven  of  the  soldiers  with  his  knife. 

Now  came  the  scenes  of  canibalism.  The  Indians  sought 
to  increase  their  bravery  by  feasting  on  the  bodies  of  their 
slain  enemies.  I  shall  not  shock  the  reader  with  a  description 
of  this  sickening  feast.  It  was  conducted  in  the  presence  of 
the  few  remaining  prisoners,  and  must  have  been  a  painful 
sight  to  them. 

It  was  now  about  one  week  since  the  massacre  occurred. 
The  Indians  began  to  fear  the  approach  of  the  English,  and 
determined  to  remove  to  some  place  where  they  would  be  ablo 
to  defend  themselves  against  an  attack.  Accordingly  three 
hundred  and  fifty  warriors,  with  their  families  and  household 


86  THK    LIVES    OF    PONTIAO    AND    TEOUMSEH  \ 

effects,  embarked  in  their  canoes  for  the  island  of  Mackinaw, 
which  they  reached  in  safety.  Here  they  erected  their  lodges 
and  planted  their  little  village.  Henry  and  his  friend  Wawa- 
tam  were  among  the  number. 

The  Ojibwas  had  no  sooner  settled  down  on  this  beautiful 
island  than  they  were  visited  by  Pontiac's  messengers,  who 
represented  that  the  Ottawa  chief  was  still  besieging  Detroit 
and  desired  them  to  hasten  to  his  assistance.  The  Indians 
listened  to  the  invitation  but  they  would  not  accept  it. 
Already  they  were  beginning  to  fear  the  consequences  of  their 
onset  against  the  garrison  at  Michilimackinac,  and  they  were 
now  more  anxious  to  secure  a  place  of  safety  than  to  continue 
the  war. 

The  fort  at  Green  Bay,  and  the  Saut  Ste.  Marie,  did  not  share 
the  fate  of  Michilimackinac.  During  the  winter  previous  the 
Batter  fort  had  been  partially  destroyed  by  fire  and  was  there 
fore  abandoned,  the  garrison  withdrawing  to  Michilimackinac 
where  most  of  them  perished  in  the  massacre.  The  fort  at 
Green  Bay  was  first  garrisoned  in  1761.  The  force  consisted 
of  seventeen  men,  commanded  by  Lieut.  Garell.  This  officer, 
by  his  judicious  policy,  gained  the  friendship  of  all  the  Indians 
in  the  vicinity  of  his  fort.  On  the  fifteenth  of  June,  1763,  he 
received  the  following  letter  from  Captain  Etherington,  who 
had  lately  commanded  at  Fort  Michilimackinac,  and  was  now 
a  prisoner  at  the  Ottawa  village  of  L'Arbre  Croche  : 

"MICHILIMACKINAC,  June  11,  1763. 

"  DEAR  SIR  :  —  This  place  was  taken  by  surprise  on  the  fourth  instant 
by  the  Ojibwas,  at  which  time  Lieut.  Jamet  and  twenty  (fifteen)  more  were 
killed  and  all  the  rest  taken  prisoners ;  but  our  good  friends,  the  Ottawas, 
have  taken  Lieut.  Lesley,  me,  and  eleven  men  out  of  their  hands,  and  have 
promised  to  reinstate  us  again.  You'll,  therefore,  on  receipt  of  this, 
which  I  send  by  a  canoe  of  Ottawas,  set  out  with  all  your  garrison  and 
what  English  traders  you  have  with  you,  and  come  with  the  Indian  who 
gives  you  this,  who  will  conduct  you  safe  to  me.  You  must  be  sure  to 
follow  the  instruction  you  receive  from  the  bearer  of  this,  as  you  are  by 
no  means  to  come  to  this  post  before  you  see  me  at  the  village  twenty 
miles  from  this.  I  must  once  more  beg  you'll  lose  no  time  in  coming  to 
join  me;  at  the  same  time  be  very  careful,  and  always  be  on  your  guard. 
I  long  much  to  see  you,  and  am,  dear  sir,  your  most  humble  servant. 

"GEO.  ETHERINGTON. 

"J.  GARELL,  Roya)  Americans." 


OK,    THE    BORDER    WARS    OF    TWO    CENTURIES.  87 

Immediately  on  receiving  this,  Garell  set  out  with  his  garri 
son,  accompanied  by  ninety  warriors  in  canoes.  Garell's  party 
were  in  bateaux.  Arriving  at  L'Arbre  Croche,  the  Ottawas 
came  out  to  meet  them  and  presented  them  with  the  pipe  of 
peace.  Capt.  Etherington  and  Lieut.  Leslie,  and  eleven  men, 
were  detained  in  this  village  as  prisoners,  but  were  treated 
with  kindness.  Several  Indian  councils  were  now  held,  after 
which  the  Ottawas  released  their  prisoners.  On  the  eighteenth 
of  July  the  English,  escorted  by  a  fleet  of  Indian  canoes,  left 
L'Arbre  Croche  for  Montreal,  where  they  arrived  in  the  follow 
ing  August.  Excepting  the  garrison  of  Detroit,  not  a  British 
fioldier  now  remained  in  the  region  of  the  lakes. 


CHAPTEE    XI. 

CONTINUATION  OP  THE  SIEGE  OF  DETROIT  —  ADVENTURES  OF  A 
SCHOONER  ON  THE  DETROIT  RIVER — DEFEAT  OF  THE  INDIANS — 
PONTIAC  APPEALS  TO  THE  FRENCH  FOR  ASSISTANCE  —  HORRIBLE 
DEATH  OF  CAPT.  CAMPBELL  —  THE  WYANDOTS  AND  POTTAWATOMIES 
SUE  FOR  PEACE. 

LET  us  once  more  return  to  the  camp  of  Pontiac  and  the 
garrison  at  Detroit.  It  will  be  remembered  that  some  time 
before  the  arrival  of  the  news  of  the  slaughter  of  Cuyler's 
detachment,  one  of  the  vessels  had  left  the  fort,  passed  down 
the  river,  and  proceeded  towards  Niagara  to  hasten  up  this 
same  reinforcement.  The  schooner  had  passed  Cuyler's 
detachment,  probably  while  it  was  encamped  near  the  mouth 
of  the  Detroit  river,  and  had  sailed  down  to  Niagara,  where  it 
remained  until  the  return  of  Cuyler,  as  already  explained,  to 
report  his  loss.  This  officer,  and  the  survivors  of  his  party, 
with  a  few  other  troops  spared  from  the  garrison  of  Niagara, 
were  now  ordered  to  embark  on  board  of  this  vessel,  and  make 
their  way  to  Detroit  as  soon  as  possible.  They  had  done  so, 
and  were  now  almost  within  sight  of  the  fort.  However,  the 
most  dangerous  part  of  the  journey  was  yet  to  be  performed. 
In  many  places  the  channel  of  the  river  was  narrow,  and  a 
thousand  infuriated  warriors  lay  in  ambush  to  interrupt  her  pass 
age.  Several  days  passed  and  nothing  further  was  heard  of  the 
expected  schooner.  On  the  twenty-first,  a  great  commotion 
was  noticed  among  the  Indians,  and  soon  after  a  Frenchman 
came  to  the  fort  with  the  intelligence  that  the  vessel  was  again 
attempting  to  ascend  the  river,  and  that  a  thousand  warriors 
had  gone  down  to  capture  her.  Two  cannon  were  immediately 
discharged  so  that  the  distant  schooner  might  know  the  fort 
was  still  in  the  hands  of  the  English.  Not  long  after  she 

(88) 


OK,  THE  BORDER  WARS  OF  TWO  CENTURIES.         89" 

appeared,  advancing  slowly  up  the  river.  There  were  about 
sixty  men  on  board,  but  only  a  few  of  them  were  visible  on 
deck.  They  had  been  ordered  below,  in  the  hopes  that  the 
Indians;  encouraged  by  this  apparent  weakness,  might  make  an 
open  attack.  Just  before  reaching  the  narrowest  part  of  the 
channel,  the  wind  died  away  and  the  anchor  -was  dropped. 
"  Just  above,  and  within  gun  shot  of  the  vessel,  the  Indians 
had  made  a  breastwork  of  logs,  carefully  concealed  by  bushes, 
on  the  shore  of  Turkey  Island."  Behind  this  the  Indians  lay 
in  great  numbers  waiting  for  her  to  pass.  The  men  on  board 
were  not  aware  of  this,  but,  expecting  an  attack,  they  kept  a 
constant  lookout.  Late  in  the  night  the  sentinel  gave  the 
the  alarm.  On  the  black  surface  of  the  water  he  saw,  advanc 
ing,  a  Heet  of  Indian  canoes,  filled  with  savages.  The  men 
below  were  called  up,  and  every  man  stood  at  his  post.  When 
the  Indians  had  approached  within  a  few  yards  of  the  schooner,, 
a  volley  of  cannon  and  musketry  burst  forth  from  her  black 
sides.  Grape  and  musket  shot  flew  tearing  among  the  canoes, 
destioying  several  of  them,  killing  fourteen  Indians,  wounding 
as  many  more,  and  driving  the  rest  in  confusion  to  the  shore. 
As  soon  as  those  who  survived  reached  the  shore,  they  began 
to  fire  upon  the  schooner  from  behind  their  breastwork.  The 
vessel,  thereupon,  dropped  down  the  river  beyond  their  reach. 
A  few  days  after  she  again  attempted  to  ascend  the  river.. 
This  time  she  met  with  good  success.  There  was  a  brisk  wind, 
and,  although  the  fire  from  the  savages  was  kept  up  constantly 
from  both  shores,  she  reached  the  fort  in  safety. 

This  schooner  brought  the  much  needed  supplies  for  the 
garrison,  and  the  important  news  that  peace  had  been  con 
cluded  between  France  and  England.  The  French  settlers, 
however,  pretended  to  disbelieve  the  news,  declaring  that  it  w^as 
manufactured  by  Major  Gladwyn,  and  telling  the  Indians  that 
the  King  of  France  was  then  approaching  up  the  St.  Lawrence 
with  a  mighty  army  to  destroy  their  enemies.  The  savages 
fully  believed  these  false  representations,  and  remained  firm  in 
their  position.  Pontiac  was  not  at  all  pleased  with  the  rein 
forcements  which  Gladwyn  had  received,  and  he  now  resolved 
to  terrify  his  British  foe  into  submission.  He  once  more  sum- 


90  THE    LIVES   OF    PONTIAC    AND    TECUMSEH I 

moned  Gladwyn  to  surrender,  declaring  that  eight  hundred 
Ojibwa  warriors  were  now  approaching  to  assist  him,  and  rep 
resenting  that,  should  the  garrison  hold  out  till  their  arrival,  no 
resistance  which  they  could  offer  would  prevent  these  braves 
from  taking  the  scalp  of  every  Englishman  within  the  fort. 
Gladwyn  replied  in  a  decisive  manner,  assuring  him  that  he 
cared  nothing  for  his  threats. 

Being  thus  thwarted,  Pontiac  summoned  •  all  the  principal 
French  settlers  to  meet  him  in  council.  "  In  the  Ottawa 
camp,"  says  Francis  Parkman,  "  there  was  a  vacant  spot,  quite 
level,  and  encircled  by  the  huts  of  the  Indians.  Here  mats 
were  spread  for  the  reception  of  the  deputies,  who  soon  con 
vened,  and  took  their  seats  in  a  wide  ring.  One  part  was 
occupied  by  the  Canadians,  among  whom  were  several,  whose 
withered,  leathery  features  proclaimed  them  the  patriarchs  of 
the  secluded  little  settlement.  Opposite  these  sat  the  stern- 
visaged  Pontiac,  with  his  chiefs  on  either  hand,  while  the 
intervening  portions  of  the  circle  were  filled  by  Canadians  and 
Indians  promiscuously  mingled.  Standing  on  the  outside,  and 
looking  over  the  heads  of  this  more  dignified  assemblage,  was 
a  motley  throng  of  Indians  and  Canadians,  half-breeds,  trap 
pers  and  voyageurs,  in  wild  and  picturesque,  though  very  dirty, 
attire.  Conspicuous  among  them  were  the  numerous  Indian 
dandies,  a  large  class  in  every  aboriginal  community,  where 
they  hold  about  the  same  relative  positions  as  in  civilized 
society.  They  were  wrapped  in  the  gayest  blankets,  their 
necks  adorned  with  beads,  their  cheeks  daubed  with  vermilion 
and  their  ears  hung  with  pendants.  They  stood  sedately  look 
ing  on,  with  evident  self-complaisancy,  yet  ashamed  and  afraid 
to  take  their  places  among  the  aged  chiefs  and  warriors  of 
repute."  Several  pipes  were  passed  round  from  hand  to  hand, 
but,  beyond  this,  all  remained  silent,  until  Pontiac  rose  and 
threw  down  a  war  belt  at  the  feet  of  the  Canadians  and  deliv 
ered  the  following  speech: 

"  My  brothers,  how  long  will  you  suffer  this  bad  flesh  to 
remain  upon  your  lands  ?  I  have  told  you  before,  and  I  now 
tell  you  again,  that  when  I  took  up  the  hatchet  it  was  for  your 
good.  This  year  the  English  must  all  perish  throughout  Can- 


OK,    THE    BOEDER    WAKS    OF   TWO   CENTURIES.  91 

ada.  The  Master  of  Life  commands  it,  and  you  who  know 
Him  better  than  we,  'wish  to  oppose  His  will.  Until  now  I 
have  said  nothing  on  this  matter.  I  have  not  urged  you  to 
take  part  with  us  in  the  war.  It  would  have  been  enough  had 
you  been  content  to  sit  quiet  on  your  mats  looking  on,  while 
we  were  fighting  for  you,  but  you  have  not  done  so.  You  call 
yourselves  our  friends,  and  yet  you  assist  the  English  with 
provisions,  and  go  about  as  spies  among  our  villages.  This 
must  not  continue.  You  must  be  either  wholly  French  or 
wholly  English.  If  you  are  French,  take  up  that  war  belt  and 
lift  the  hatchet  with  us;  but  if  you  are  English,  then  we 
declare  war  upon  you.  My  brothers,  I  know  this  is  a  hard 
thing.  We  are  all  alike  children  of  our  great  father,  the  King 
of  France,  and  it  is  hard  to  fight  among  brethren  for  the  sake 
of  dogs,  but  there  is  no  choice.  Look  upon  the  belt,  and  let  us 
hear  your  answer." 

One  of  the  Canadians,  who  had  brought  with  him  a  copy  of 
the  capitulatiqn  of  Montreal,  and  who  had  determined  not  to 
confess  that  they  were  no  longer  children  of  the  French  King, 
•  but  that  he  was  then  approaching  with  a  vast  army  to  win  back 
Canada,  rose  and  replied  to  the  Ottawa  chief,  confessing  great 
love  for  the  Indians,  and  manifesting  a  desire  to  aid  them  in 
the  war.  He  concluded  with  these  words :  "  But,  my  brothers, 
you  must  first  untie  the  knot  with  which  our  great  father,  the 
king,  has  bound  us.  In  this  paper — the  capitulation — he  tells 
all  his  Canadian  children  to  set  quiet  and  obey  the  English 
until  he  comes,  because  he  wishes  to  punish  his  enemies  him 
self.  We  dare  not  disobey  him,  for  he  would  then  be  angry 
with  us,  and  you,  my  brothers,  who  speak  of  making  war  upon 
us,  if  we  do  not  do  as  you  wish,  do  you  think  you  could  escape 
his  wrath?  If  you  should  raise  the  hatchet  against  his  French 
children,  he  would  treat  you  as  enemies  and  not  as  friends,  and 
you  would  have  to  fight  both  English  and  French  at  once.  Tell 
us,  by  brothers,  what  can  you  reply  to  this?" 

The  Frenchman  then  took  his  seat,  and,  for  a  time,  Pontiac 
sat  like  one  confounded,  but  he  was  not  wholly  disappointed. 
From  among  the  number  of  half-breeds  and  trappers  present, 
one  stepped  forth  and  snatched  up  the  war  belt,  and  declared 


92  THE   LIVES    OF    PONTIAC    AND   TECUMSEH: 

that  he  and  his  companions  were  ready  to  raise  the  hatchet 
against  the  English.  Pontiac  was  much  pleased  with  these 
volunteers,  and  on  the  following  day  he  made  a  great  feast  to 
welcome  them  to  the  ranks  of  his  army.  For  this  entertain 
ment  a  large  number  of  dogs  were  killed  and  served  up  to  the 
guests,  "  none  of  whom,  according  to  the  Indian  custom  on 
such  occasions,  were  permitted  to  take  their  leave  until  they 
had  eaten  the  whole  of  the  enormous  portion  placed  before 
them."  It  is  hardly  necessary  to  say  that  Pontiac  derived  but 
little  benefit  from  these  auxiliaries.  On  the  night  succeeding 
the  feast,  a  party  of  these  renegades,  together  with  about  an 
equal  number  of  Indians,  approached  the  fort  and  entrenched 
themselves,  for  the  purpose  of  firing  upon  the  garrison.  At 
daybreak  they  were  observed  by  the  garrison.  The  gates  of  the 
fort  were  therefore  thrown  open  and  a  small  detachment  of  men 
under  the  command  of  Lieut.  Hay,  marched  out  and  routed 
them.  The  Canadians  ran  off  with  such  rapidity  that  they 
escaped  injury,  while  among  the  Indians  who  made  an  attempt 
to  oppose  the  enemy,  two  were  shot. 

~No  sooner  had  Lieut.  Hay  and  his  party  returned  to  the  fort, 
when  a  white  man  was  seen  running  towards  it  closely  pursued 
by  the  Indians.  When  he  had  come  within  gunshot  of  the 
fort,  the  Indians  gave  way,  and  he  reached  it  in  safety.  This 
man  proved  to  be  the  commandant  of  Sandusky,  who — as  I 
have  already  mentioned — having  been  married  to  an  old  squaw, 
had  now  made  good  his  escape.  He  brought  sad  news  to  the 
fort — the  intelligence  that  Capt.  Campbell  had  been  killed.  It 
appears  that  one  of  the  Indians  killed  by  Lieut.  Hay's  detach 
ment,  was  a  nephew  to  Wasson,  chief  of  the  Ojibwas.  As 
soon  as  he  became  aware  of  what  had  happened,  Wasson  black 
ened  his  face  in  token  of  revenge,  and,  gathering  around  him 
a  band  of  his  followers,  repaired  to  the  house  of  Meloche, 
where  Campbell  was  kept  a  prisoner,  and  murdered  him  in  the 
most  cruel  manner.  The  other  captive,  McDougal,  had  escaped 
some  time  before. 

It  was  now  about  three  months  since  the  siege  began.  From, 
the  beginning,  the  Wyandots  and  Pottawatomies  were  less 
zealous  in  prosecuting  the  war  than  their  brethren,  the  Otta- 


OR,    THE    BOEDER    WARS    OF    TWO    CENTURIES.  93 

was  and  Ojibwas,  "  and  now,  like  children,  they  began  to  tire 
of  the  task  they  had  undertaken."  The  Wyandots  asked  for 
peace  which  the  commandant  granted  them,  but  when  the  Pot- 
tawatomies  came  on  the  same  errand,  Gladwyn  demanded  that 
the  English  prisoners  in  their  village  should  first  be  given  up. 
After  considerable  delay  these  savages  yielded  to  his  request, 
and  a  peace  was  concluded. 


CHAPTEK    XII. 

APPKOACH  OP  DALZELL'S  DETACHMENT — THE  BATTLE  OF  BLOODY  RUN  — 
SLAUGHTER  OF  THE  ENGLISH — THE  FATAL  RETREAT — ADVENTURES 
OF  THE  SCHOONER  GLADWYN — BRAVERY  OF  HER  CREW — THE 
INDIANS  SUE  FOR  PEACE. 

WHILE  events  were  thus  passing  in  Detroit  a  strong  rein 
forcement  was  advancing  to  their  assistance.  Capt.  Dalzell 
had  left  Niagara  with  twenty  barges,  bearing  two  hundred  and 
eighty  men,  with  several  small  cannon  and  a  large  supply  of 
ammunition  and  provisions.  This  convoy  was  observed  ad 
vancing  up  the  Detroit  river  on  the  twenty-ninth  of  July;  but 
it  no  sooner  reached  a  point  midway  between  the  villages  of  the 
Wyandots  and  Pottawatomies  than  these  Indians,  although 
bound  by  a  treaty  made  less  than  two  weeks  previous  to  abstain 
from  the  war,  opened  a  hot  fire  upon  the  boats  from  either 
bank.  It  was  answered  by  a  swivel  from  the  barges,  but  in 
the  contest  the  English  lost  about  twenty  men,  killed  and 
wounded.  When  the  villages  were  passed  the  convoy  landed 
safely  at  the  little  dock  near  the  fort.  The  detachment  con 
sisted  of  soldiers  from  the  fifty-fifth  and  eightieth  regiments, 
with  twenty  independent  rangers  under  Major  Rogers.  % 

Captain  Dalzell  had  rendered  gallant  service  by  the  side  of 
Israel  Putnam,  but  had  more  recently  acted  as  aid-de-camp  to 
Sir  Jeffery  Ainherst.  On  the  day  of  his  arrival  he  held  a  con 
ference  with  Major  Gladwyn,  urging  the  policy  of  going  out 
with  a  strong  detachment  and  attacking  the  camp  of  Pontiac. 
Gladwyn  objected,  but  the  officer  pressed  his  plan  so  urgently 
that  the  commandant  at  length  gave  a  reluctant  consent. 

Pontiae's  camp  at  this  time  was  located  several  miles  above 
Parent's  Creek,  it  having  been  removed  to  escape  the  fire  from 
the  vessels  in  the  river.  On  the  evening  of  the  thirtieth  of 

(94) 


OK,    THE    BORDER    WARS    OF    TWO    CENTURIES.  95 

July  orders  were  issued  and  preparations  made  for  the  attack  ; 
and  about  two  o'clock  on  the  following  morning  the  detach 
ment,  two  hundred  and  fifty  strong,  passed  out  of  the  gates  of 
the  fort.  Through  the  carelessness  of  some  of  the  garrison  the 
plan  became  known  to  the  French,  and  was  by  them  commu 
nicated  to  the  Indians.  Having  thus  received  knowledge  of 
the  affair,  the  Indians  were  on  their  guard.  The  soldiers  passed 
up  the  river  road,  while  two  large  bateaux  rowed  up  the  river 
abreast  of  them.*  Lieut.  Brown  led  the  advance  guard  of 
twenty -five  men;  the  center  was  commanded  by  Capt.  Grey, 
and  the  rear  by  Capt.  Grant.  The  night  was  warm,  and  the 
soldiers  marched  in  light  attire.  On  their  right  lay  the  waters 
of  the  Detroit,  while  on  their  left  a  succession  of  Canadian 
houses,  barns  and  orchards  greeted  them  at  every  hundred 
paces.  As  the  soldiers  passed  along  the  dogs  barked  furiously 
and  the  inhabitants,  roused  from  sleep,  looked  from  the  win 
dows  of  their  dwellings  in  astonishment.  Thus  the  English 
proceeded  to  the  attack,  little  thinking  that  behind  every  barn 
or  in  every  corn-field  Indian  warriors  lay  in  ambush,  ready  to 
slaughter  them  when  an  opportunity  was  presented ;  much  less 
did  they  suppose  that  Pontiac  himself,  having  heard  of  their 
intention,  was  at  that  moment  advancing  upon  them  at  the 
head  of  a  thousand  savages. 

Parent's  Creek,  since  that  night  called  Bloody  Kun,  ran 
through  a  wild  hollow,  and  entered  the  Detroit  about  a  mile 
and  a  half  above  the  fort.  Only  a  few  rods  from  its  mouth  the 
road  crossed  it  by  a  narrow  wooden  bridge.  "  Just  beyond  this 
bridge  the  land  rose  in  abrupt  ridges,  parallel  to  the  stream. 
Along  their  summits  were  rude  intrenchments  made  by  Pon 
tiac,  to  protect  his  camp,  which  had  formerly  occupied  the 
ground  immediately  beyond."  In  this  place  were  huge  piles 
of  wood,  tall  picket  fences,  and  many  other  things  that  served 
as  a  shelter  to  the  Indians.  Behind  all  were  crouched  countless 
savages,  with  their  muskets  ready,  for  now  they  could  hear  the 
steady  tramp  of  the  approaching  enemy.  The  night  was 
exceedingly  dark,  and  as  the  soldiers  approached  this  dangerous 
pass  a  horrible  burst  of  yells  rose  in  their  front,  and  at  that 

*  Parkman's  "  Conspiracy  of  Pontiac." 


96  THE   LIVES    OF    PONTIAC    AND    TEOUMSEHI 

moment  they  were  greeted  with  a  volley  of  musketry.  .Fully 
half  of  the  advance  party  fell  dead  upon  the  spot,  and  the  rest 
fell  back  in  disorder.  In  a  few  moments  the  main  body  of  the 
troops  broke  into  confusion.  But  now  the  clear,  shrill  voice 
of  Dalzell  broke  upon  the  midnight  air.  He  advanced  to  the 
front,  rallied  the  men,  and  led  them  forward  to  the  attack.  As 
the  troops  returned  to  battle,  another  volley  of  musketry  from 
the  Indians  poured  forth,  and  again  the  soldiers  hesitated ;  but 
Dalzell  shouted  to  them,  and  with  this  brave  officer  leading  the 
way,  the  detachment,  "  in  the  madness  of  mingled  rage  and 
fear,"  made  a  desperate  cha'rge,  crossing  the  bridge  at  a  brisk 
run  and  mounting  the  heights  beyond.  Here  the  soldiers  found 
no  one  to  oppose  them.  The  savages  had  fled.  Capt.  Grant 
with  his  company  recrossed  the  bridge,  and  took  a  position  in 
the  road.  The  main  body  of  the  troops  followed,  a  small  party 
only  remaining,  to  hold  the  savages  in  check  while  the  dead 
and  dying  were  being  placed  on  board  the  two  bateaux,  which 
had  come  up  to  the  bridge  during  the  assault.  Before  this  task 
was  completed  the  savages  renewed  the  attack,  and  volleys  of 
musketry  were  also  heard  in  the  direction  of  Grant's  position. 
A  large  force  of  Indians  had  fired  upon  him  from  their  secret 
intrenchments.  These  had  remained  quiet  during  the  action, 
with  a  view  to  surprise  the  troops  on  their  retreat.  Grant  pushed 
forward  and  dislodged  them  at  the  point  of  the  bayonet. 

The  English  now  received  intelligence  that  the  warriors  had 
formed  a  design  to  cut  off  their  retreat,  and  for  this  purpose 
had  gone  in  great  numbers  to  occupy  the  French  houses  which 
commanded  the  road  below.  The  order  for  the  homeward  march 
was  immediately  given,  and  the  soldiers  fell  into  marching 
order  and  moved  forward.  Grant  now  led  the  front,  while 
Dalzell  brought  up  the  rear.  A  few  scattering  Indians  followed 
them,  discharging  their  muskets  and  harrassing  Dalzell's  com 
mand  at  every  turn.  At  intervals  the  rear  party  faced  about 
to  throw  back  a  volley  of  musketry  at  their  pursuers.  In  this 
way  they  proceeded  for  half  a  mile,  when,  reaching  a  point 
opposite  a  thicket  of  orchards  and  pickets,  the  Indians  rose 
from  their  hiding  places  and  poured  a  hot  fire  of  musketry 
among  them.  Again  the  soldiers  broke  into  confusion,  and, 


OR,    THE    BOEDER    WARS    OF    TWO    CENTURIES.  97 

crowding  upon  each  other,  attempted  to  flee  for  their  lives ;  but 
the  strong  voice  of  Dalzell  again  rose  above  the  din.  He  beat 
the  soldiers  with  the  flat  of  his  sword  and  threatened  them  its 
edge.  In  this  way  he  partially  restored  order,  and  charged 
upon  the  Indians,  dislodging  them  and  putting  them  to  flight. . 
A  little  farther  on  the  Indians  had  taken  possession  of  a 
Canadian  house,  and  as  the  soldiers  advanced  the  savages  fired 
down  upon  them.  Major  Rodgers  advanced  with  his  provincial 
rangers,  broke  in  the  door  and  expelled  them.  Capt.  Grey 
now  attempted  to  dislodge  a  party  of  savages  from  behind  a 
cluster  of  buildings,  but  fell,  mortally  wounded,  in  the  attempt. 
The  savages,  however,  gave  way,  and  the  retreat  was  resumed; 
but  the  Indians  pursued  them,  shooting  down  the  rear  and 
scalping  the  fallen.  The  soldiers  hastened  on  towards  the  fort, 
the  rear  now  and  then  turning  back  to  check  their  pursuers 
with  a  discharge  of  musketry.  At  nearly  every  step  one  or 
more  fell  dead  or  wounded.  Dalzell  observed  at  a  little  dis 
tance,  in  the  rear,  a  sergeant  of  the  fifty -fifth  regiment  lying 
upon  the  ground,  helplessly  wounded.  The  dying  man  raised 
himself  up  upon  his  hands  and  looked  after  his  retiring  com 
rades  in  desperation.  The  sight  was  too  much  for  Dalzell.  In 
the  true  spirit  of  heroism  he  ran  out  amidst  the  brisk  fire  of 
the  Indians,  and,  while  attempting  to  assist  the  bleeding  ser 
geant  to  his  feet,  a  ball  pierced  his  breast,  and  he  fell  dead  upon 
the  body  which  he  had  risked  his  own  life  to  rescue.  With 
this  sad  event  the  Indians  rushed  upon  them,  and  had  not  Major 
Rogers  taken  possession  of  a  Canadian  house  and  covered  the 
retreat  with  the  fire  of  his  rangers,  the  loss  would  have  been 
much  more,  severe.  Rogers  entered  this  house  with  his  own 
men,  but  was  soon  followed  by  many  of  the  regulars,  who  ran 
in  to  secure  a  temporary  shelter.  The  house,  which  was  owned 
by  Jacques  Carnpau,  was  filled  with  the  women  of  the  neigh 
borhood,  who  had  taken  shelter  in  the  cellar,  garret,  or  where- 
ever  a  room  promised  safety  from  the  fire  of  the  soldiers  and 
Indians.  The  soldiers  who  had  now  entered  the  house,  tired 
and  warm,  placed  the  furniture  against  the  windows,  and  run 
ning  their  muskets  through  the  openings,  they  opened  an 
effective  fire  upon  their  enemies;  but  this  was  sharply  returned 
7 


J»S  THE    LIVES    OF    PONTIAC    AND    TECUMSEHI 

by  the  savages.  The  bullets  rapped  hard  and  fast  against  tin- 
outer  walls,  and  now  and  then  one  would  fly  sharply  whizzing 
through  a  crevice,  striking  down  a  man  or  harmlessly  piercing 
the  partitions. 

In  the  meantime  Capt.  Grant  had  moved  forward  and  taken 
up  a  position  among  the  orchard  trees  where  he  maintained 
himself  until  the  centre  and  rear  arrived.  From  this  point 
he  detached  all  the  men  he  could  spare  to  occupy  the  soldiers 
below.  In  this  way  he  established  a  complete  line  of  com 
munication  with  the  fort,  and  the  retreat  was  effectually 
secured.  In  less  than  an  hour  the  whole  party,  except  Rogers 
and  his  men,  had  arrived  to  Grant's  new  position.  The  pro 
vincials  were  unable  to  leave  the  house  of  Campau,  being  com 
pletely  surrounded  by  the  savages.  The  two  armed  bateaux, 
which  had  now  arrived  at  the  fort,  with  the  dead  who  fell  at 
the  charge  of  Bloody  Run,  were  ordered  to  proceed  up  the 
river  to  a  point  opposite  the  house  in  which  Rogers  was 
being  besieged,  and  open  fire  upon  the  savages.  This  was 
done  with  good  effect,  enabling  Rogers  and  his  men  to  leave 
the  house  and  continue  their  retreat.  The  bateaux  followed 
them  down  the  river,  protecting  their  rear  from  the  fire  of  the 
Indians.  Rogers  had  no  sooner  left  the  house  at  one  door 
than  the  Indians  entered  it  at  another,  for  the  purpose  of 
scalping  the  corpses  of  the  dead  soldiers.  Foremost  among 
these  was  an  old  squaw,  who  rushed  in,  with  a  wild  scream, 
and  slashing  open  one  of  the  dead  bodies  with  her  knife, 
scooped  up  the  blood  with  her  joined  hands  and  drank  it 
down  greedily. 

About  eight  o'clock  in  the  morning  the  detachment  reached 
the  fort  and  entered  once  more  within  the  palisades,  but  not 
without  losing  fifty-nine  men  killed  and  wounded.  The  loss 
of  the  Indians  did  not  exceed  twenty. 

Pontiac  was  much  gratified  with  his  success  in  routing  the 
English,  and  messengers  were  sent  out  for  hundreds  of  miles 
around  to  announce  their  victory.  Reinforcements  soon  began 
to  come  in,  and  in  a  few  days  Pontiac's  forces  were  nearly 
doubled.  The  English,  however,  were  now  well  prepared  to 
meet  any  force  which  the  Indians  might  be  able  to  muster. 


OR,    THE    BORDER    WARS    OF    TWO    CENTURIES.  99 

The  garrison  could  now  boast  of  three  hundred  effective  men, 
and  being  well  provided  with  provisions  and  ammunition,  they 
fought  with  hope  and  courage.  Day  after  day  passed  on. 
The  beseigers  continued  the  war,  but  nothing  occurred  of 
great  importance  until  the  fourth  of  September.  On  this  day 
the  schooner  Gladwyn,  the  smaller  of  the  two  vessels  already 
mentioned,  which  had  been  sent  to  Niagara  with  dispatches, 
was  returning  up  the  Detroit  river,  having  on  board  Capt. 
Horst,  Jacobs,  the  mate,  and  a  crew  of  ten  men  and  six 
Iroquois  Indians,  believed  to  be  friendly  to  the  English.  As 
soon  as  the  schooner  entered  the  river  the  Indians  desired  to 
be  placed  on  shore.  This  was  granted  them,  and  it  is 
believed  they  proceeded  at  once  to  report  the  approach  of  the 
schooner  and  the  weakness  of  the  crew  to  Pontiac.  On  the 
evening  of  the  fourth  she  was  becalmed  in  the  river,  about 
nine  miles  below  the  fort.  "  The  men  on  board,"  says  Park- 
man,  "  watched  with  anxious  vigilance,  and  as  night  came  on 
they  listened  to  every  sound  which  broke  the  stillness,  from 
the  strange  cry  of  the  night-hawk,  wheeling  round  and  round 
above  their  heads,  to  the  bark  of  the  fox  in  the  woods  on 
shore.  The  night  set  in  with  darkness  so  complete  that  at  the 
distance  of  a  few  rods  nothing  could  be  discerned.  Mean 
while  tnree  hundred  and  fifty  Indians,  in  their  birch  canoes, 
glided  silently  down  with  the  current  and  were  close  upon  the 
vessel  before  they  were  seen.  There  was  only  time  to  fire  a 
single  canon  shot  among  them  before  they  were  beneath  her 
bows  and  clambering  up  her  sides,  holding  their  knives 
clenched  fast  between  their  teeth.  The  crew  gave  them  a  close 
fire  of  musketry  without  any  effect.  Then  flinging  down  their 
guns,  they  seized  their  spears  and  hatchets,  with  which  they 
were  all  provided,  and  met  the  assailants  with  such  furious 
energy  and  courage,  that  within  the  space  of  two  or  three 
minutes  they  had  killed  and  wounded  more  than  thrice  their 
own  number.  But  the  Indians  were  only  checked  for  a 
moment.  The  master  of  the  vessel  was  killed,  several  of  the 
crew  were  disabled,  and  the  assailants  were  leaping  over  the 
bulwarks,  when  Jacobs,  the  mate,  called  out  to  blow  up  the 
schooner.  This  desperate  command  saved  her  and  her  crew. 


100  THE    LIVES   OF    PONTIAC    AND    TECUMSEHI 

Some  Wyandots  who  had  gained  the  deck,  caught  the  meaning 
of  his  words  and  gave  the  alarm  to  their  companions.  Instantly 
every  Indian  leaped  overboard  in  a  panic  and  the  whole  were 
seen  diving  and  swimming  off  in  all  directions  to  escape  the 
threatened  explosion.  The  schooner  was  cleared  of  her  assail 
ants,  who  did  not  dare  to  renew  the  attack,  and  on  the  follow 
ing  morning  she  sailed  for  the  fort,  which  she  reached  without 
molestation.  Six  of  her  crew  escaped  unhurt.  Of  the  remain 
der,  two  were  killed  and  four  seriously  wounded,  while  the 
Indians  had  seven  men  killed  upon  the  spot  and  nearly  twenty 
wounded,  of  whom  eight  were  known  to  have  died  within  a 
few  days  after.  As  the  whole  action  lasted  but  a  few  minutes, 
the  fierceness  of  the  struggle  is  sufficiently  apparent  from  the 
loss  on  both  sides.  The  survivors  of  the  little  crew  were  after 
wards  rewarded  as  their  undaunted  bravery  deserved."  This 
schooner  brought  to  the  fort  a  much  needed  supply  of  pro 
visions,  for  by  this  time  their  supplies  had  become  short.  It 
was  not,  it  will  be  seen,  however,  sufficient  for  the  wants  of  the 
garrison,  and  the  whole  were  now  put  upon  the  shortest  possi 
ble  allowance. 

September  was  now  drawing  to  a  close.  The  savages  having 
pressed  the  siege  since  the  beginning  of  May,  were  now  becom 
ing  tired  of  their  ill-success,  and  hearing  that  Major  Wilkins 
was  now  approaching  with  a  large  army  to  destroy  them,  as  well 
as  becoming  shaken  in  their  faith  regarding  the  advancing 
army  of  the  king  of  France,  they  sued  for  peace. 

The  different  tribes  around  Detroit  who  now,  weary  of  the 
siege,  came  to  the  fort  for  peace,  were  by  no  means  sincere  in 
their  desires.  Fearing  the  advance  of  the  'English  from  Niag 
ara,  and  knowing  that  with  the  approach  of  winter  their 
sufferings  would  be  increased,  and,  their  ammunition  being 
nearly  spent,  they  had  resolved  to  conclude  a  peace,  retire  to 
their  wintering  grounds,  and  renew  the  war  with  increased 
vigor  in  the  spring.  Accordingly,  on  the  twelfth  of  October, 
Wapocomoguth,  great  chief  of  the  Mississaugas,  a  branch  of 
the  Ojibwas,  living  east  of  the  Detroit  Eiver,  visited  the  fort, 
bringing  with  him  a  pipe  of  peace.  He  declared  to  Gladwyn 
that  he  and  his  people  were  fast  friends  of  the  English,  and 


OB,    THE    BORDER    WARS    OF    TWO    CENTURIES.  101 

DOW  desired  to  conclude  a  lasting  peace  with  them.  He  fur 
ther  added  that  he  had  been  requested  by  the  Pottawatomies, 
Ojibwas  and  Wyandots,  to  say  that  these  tribes  were  now  sorry 
for  taking  part  in  the  war;  that  they  repented  of  their  bad 
conduct,  and  also  sincerely  desired  to  conclude  a  treaty  of 
peace,  which  they  had  resolved  on,  if  made  not  to  break.  The 
British  commandant  was  now  too  well  acquainted  with  the 
Indian  character,  and  more  especially  with  the  tricks  of  these 
tribes,  to  believe  these  representations;  but,  the  circumstances 
in  which  he  was  placed  made  it  necessary  for  him  to  adopt  any 
measure  that  would  enable  him  to  procure  further  supplies. 
His  garrison  was  on  the  eve  of  famine,  and  every  attempt  to 
secure  provisions  while  his  fort  was  surrounded  with  hostile 
Indians,  had  been  attended  with  evil  results.  He  replied, 
therefore,  that  he  was  not  empowered  to  grant  peace,  but  he 
would  consent  to  a  truce.  The  Ojibwa  chief  left  the  fort  with 
this  message,  and  Gladwyn,  favored  with  a  lull  in  the  storm, 
hastened  to  collect  provisions  among  the  French  settlers.  He 
met  with  many  difficulties,  as  the  Canadians  were  fearful  lest, 
should  they  be  instrumental  in  supplying  the  garrison  with 
food,  they  would  incur  the  wrath  of  the  savages,  and,  perhaps, 
perish  under  the  tomahawk.  But  he  succeeded  in  collecting  a 
a  very  good  supply,  sufficient  to  &0*--..  rtie  garrison  through  the 
winter. 

It  should  be  remembered,  h^rc,  ii*al  the  Ottawas  had  not  yet 
asked  for  peace.  Goaded  on  by  their  great  leader,  Pontiac, 
they  would  not  humble  themselves  as  their  brethren  had  done, 
but,  continuing  their  hostile  acts,  they  harrassed  the  fort  con 
tinually.  With  the  end  of  October,  however,  Pontiac  received 
a  severe  blow  to  his  energies.  A  French  messenger  came  to 
his  camp  with  a  letter  from  M.  Neyon,  commandant  at  Fort 
Charters,  the  principal  post  in  Illinois.  The  letter  assured 
Pontiac  that  all  the  stories  which  had  been  told  him  regarding 
the  approach  of  his  French  father,  with  a  great  army,  were 
false;  that  the  French  and  the  English  were  now  at  peace  and 
regarded  each  other  as  brothers,  and  that  they  had  better  aban 
don  the  siege.  This  letter  broke  the  pride  of  the  Ottawa 
leader,  and  he  departed  from  Detroit,  accompanied  by  his  prin- 


102  THE    LIVES   OF    PONTIAC    AND   TECUMSEn  : 

cipal  chiefs.  Descending  the  Detroit,  he  encamped  on  the 
Maumee,  when  he  began  to  stir  up  the  tribes  in  that  place, 
with  a  view  of  renewing  the  war  in  the  spring. 

A  few  day's  after  Pontiac's  departure,  two  friendly  Wyan- 
dot  Indians  came  to  the  fort.  One  of  them  handed  Major 
Gladwyn  a  letter.  It  proved  to  be  from  Major  Wilkins,  and 
contained  the  disastrous  news  that  his  detachment  had  been 
overtaken  by  a  storm ;  that  many  of  the  boats  had  been  wrecked, 
and  that  seventy  men  had  perished;  that  all  the  stores  and 
ammunition  had  been  destroyed,  and  he,  and  the  remnant 
of  his  men  had  been  forced  to  return  to  Niagara.  This  news 
had  a  bad  eifect  upon  the  cheer  of  the  garrison,  but,  delighted 
at  the  departure  of  Pontiac,  and  with  the  temporary  peace  which 
they  were  enjoying,  they  took  courage,  and  looked  forward  to 
the  dreary  winter,  with  hopeful  hearts. 

Detroit,  and  the  territory  for  miles  around  was  now  almost 
deserted.  The  besiegers  had  departed  for  the  chase.  Some 
crossed  Lake  Huron  to  the  north,  others  advanced  far  west 
ward  into  the  wilds  of  Michigan,  while,  as  already  observed, 
a  large  number  went  southward  to  the  Maumee. 

Detroit,  as  we  have  seen,  had  been  the  central  point  of 
Indian  operations.  Around  it  they  had  concentrated  their 
greatest  forces.  Its  capture  had  been  their  favorite  project. 
It  was  the  only  barrier  which  prevented  them  from  carrying 
out  the  original  plan  of  uniting  in  one  mighty  onslaught 
against  the  frontier  settlements.  With  the  failure  of  this 
part  of  the  work,  the  savages  become  discouraged,  and,  for  the 
time  being,  they  retired  from  the  siege. 


CHAPTEK   XIII. 

FRONTIER  SETTLEMENTS  AND  FORTS  —  ALARMS  AT  FORT  PITT  — 
SLAUGHTER  OF  TRADERS  —  NARROW  ESCAPE  OP  A  GARRISON  — 
DESTRUCTION  OF  FORTS — THE  WAR  RAGING  TO  THE.  HIGHEST 
PITCH  —  DANGER  THICKENING  AROUND  FORT  PITT. 

WHILE  the  clouds  of  Indians  were  blackening  around  Detroit, 
a  tempest  was  gathering  which  was  soon  to  pour  a  torrent  upon 
the  whole  frontier.  In  1763  the  British  settlements  did  not 
extend  beyond  the  Alleghanies.  The  German  Flats  on  the 
Mohawk  might  have  been  regarded  as  the  extreme  verge  of  the 
frontier  of  the  State  of  New  York.  The  same  could  have 
been  said  of  the  town  of  Bedford,  in  Pennsylvania,  while  the 
settlements  of  Yirginia  extended  to  a  corresponding  distance. 
Through  the  wilderness  immediately  west  of  these  places,  ran 
chains  of  forts,  for  their  protection.  One  of  the  most  import 
ant  of  these  passed  through  the  country  of  the  Six  Nations, 
and  guarded  the  route  between  the  northern  colonies  and  Lake 
Ontario.  The  route  was  by  the  way  of  the  Hudson,  the 
Mohawk,  Wood  Creek,  the  Oneida  Lake  and  the  River  Oswego, 
and  was  defended  by  Forts  Stanwix,  Brewertown,  Oswego  and 
two  or  three  smaller  forts.  Fort  Niagara  stood  near  the  west 
ern  end  of  Lake  Ontario,  at  the  mouth  of  the  river  from  which 
it  derived  its  name.  This  was  a  strong  and  well  supplied  fort, 
guarding,  as  it  did,  access  to  the  whole  interior  country,  both 
by  way  of  the  route  just  mentioned,  also  by  that  of  the  St. 
Lawrence.  From  Fort  Niagara  the  trader  would  make  the 
portage  past  the  great  falls  to  Presque  Isle,  now  the  city  of 
Erie,  Pennsylvania.  Thence  he  would  pass,  by  an  overland 
route,  to  Fort  Le  Boeuf,  on  a  branch  of  the  Alleghany;  thence 
by  water  to  Venango,  and  thence  down  the  Alleghany  to  Fort 
Pitt.  This  last-mentioned  place  stood  on  the  site  of  the  present 

(103) 


104  THE    LIVES    OF    PONT1AC    AND    TECUMSEHI 

prosperous  city  of  Pittsburgh.  Before  the  forests  had  been 
leveled  to  the  earth,  at  the  period  of  which  I  am  writing,  this 
was  a  beautiful  spot.  Everywhere  for  miles  around,  the  land 
scape  was  rich  and  captivating.  On  the  right  the  waters  of 
the  Alleghany,  bordered  by  high,  steep  banks,  flowed  onward 
towards  the  Mississippi.  On  the  left,  the  winding  Mononga- 
hela  came  in  and  emptied  its  gurgling  waters  into  the  former, 
or  both  united  to  form  the  broad  Ohio.  For  a  long  distance 
down  this  placid  stream,  on  either  side,  the  picturesque  hills 
and  declivities  presented  a  scene  of  rare  beauty.  The  place, 
too,  had  its  historic  associations.  It  was  on  this  spot  where 
the  French  had  erected  Fort  Duquesne.  Near  by  the  same 
place,  Braddock  had  been  defeated,  and  on  the  hill,  in  the  rear 
of  the  fort,  Grant's  Highlanders  and  Lewis'  Virginians  had 
been  surrounded  and  captured  after  a  long  and  desperate 
resistance. 

General  Stanwix  erected  Fort  Pitt  in  1T59,  upon  the  ruins 
of  Fort  Duquesne,  which  General  Forbes  had  destroyed.  It  is 
needless  to  say  that  the  walls  of  this  strong  fort  have  long 
since  been  leveled  to  the  ground,  and  that  on  its  site  has  arisen 
the  populous  city  of  Pittsburgh.  But  in  1763,  Fort  Pitt  stood 
alone  in  the  dense  forest,  being  over  two  hundred  miles  from 
the  frontier  settlements  of  Pennsylvania.  There  were  two 
routes  leading  from  this  post  to  the  settlements,  one  of  which 
had  been  cut  out  by  General  Braddock,  in  his  disastrous  march 
in  1755 ;  the  other,  and,  perhaps,  the  one  most  frequented,  was 
by  the  way  of  Carlisle  and  Bedford,  and  was  first  traversed  by 
General  Forbes  in  1758.  Leaving  Fort  Pitt  by  the  Forbes 
route,  the  traveler,  after  journeying  fifty-six  miles,  would  reach 
the  post  of  Ligonier,  whence  he  would  soon  reach  Fort  Bed 
ford.  This  post  was  about  one  hundred  miles  from  Fort 
Pitt.  It  was  nestled  among  the  mountains,  and  surrounded 
by  several  log  cabins,  the  huts  of  the  first  pioneers.  Contin 
uing  on  and  passing  several  small  posts,  the  traveler  would 
come  to  Carlisle,  which  was  nearly  one  hundred  miles  further 
east,  a  place  resembling  Fort  Bedford  in  its  surroundings. 
From  Carlisle,  the  traveler  would  proceed  to  Harris'  Ferry,, 


OK,    THE    BOEDER    WARS    OF    TWO    CENTURIES.  105 

now  Harrisburg,  on  the  Susquehanna.  From  the  latter  place 
the  route  led  directly  into  the  settlements. 

It  would  be  a  difficult  matter  to  give  any  correct  description 
of  the  border  settlements  of  Virginia  and  Pennsylvania  at  this 
early  day,  or  even  the  scattered  forts  that  were  intended  to 
protect  them,  nor,  indeed,  would  the  reader  be  deeply  inter 
ested  in  it,  could  an  accurate  one  be  produced.  There  was 
nothing  in  their  character  widely  different  from  any  other 
border  towns. 

The  inhabitants  of  these  places  had  for  some  time  enjoyed 
peace  with  the  neighboring  tribes,  but  in  May,  1763,  news  of 
the  Pontiac  war  reached  them,  and  in  the  dusk  of  the  evening 
of  the  twenty-seventh  of  the  same  month,  a  party  of  Indians 
were  seen  from  Fort  Pitt,  descending  the  banks  of  the  Alle- 
ghany,  with  pack  horses.  They  encamped  on  the  bank  of  the 
river  till  daybreak  on  the  twenty-eighth,  when  they  all  crossed 
over  to  the  fort.  They  brought  with  them  a  great  quantity  of 
valuable  furs.  These  were  exchanged  for  hatchets,  muskets, 
bullets  and  gunpowder.  Their  peculiar  conduct  excited  sus 
picion,  but  they  were  permitted  to  depart.  Not  long  after  they 
had  gone,  news  was  received  at  the  fort  that  Col.  Clapham, 
with  several  others,  had  been  murdered  and  scalped  near  the 
fort.  Soon  after  it  was  discovered  that  all  the  inhabitants  of 
an  Indian  village,  not  far  up  the  river,  had  abandoned  their 
cabins.  Following  this  came  the  intelligence  that  two  soldiers 
belonging  to  the  garrison  had  been  shot  down  near  the  fort.  A 
messenger  was  sent  out  to  Yenango  to  warn  the  garrison  there  of 
danger,  but  he  had  not  gone  far  when  he  was  twice  fired  at  and 
severely  wounded.  He  returned  almost  immediately  and 
reported  the  situation.  The  clouds  now  began  to  thicken 
around  Fort  Pitt,  as  we  have  seen  them  around  Detroit.  A 
trader  named  Calhoun,  came  in  from  the  Tuscarora  village 
with  the  following  account:  u  At  eleven  o'clock  on  the  night 
of  the  twenty-seventh,  a  chief  and  several  of  the  principal 
warriors  of  the  Tuscarora  village,  had  come  to  Calhoun's  house,, 
and  earnestly  begged  him  to  depart,  declaring  that  they  did 
not  wish  to  see  him  killed  before  their  eyes.  The  Ottawas  and 
Ojibwas,  they  said,  had  taken  up  the  hatchet,  and  captured 


106  THE    LIVES    OF    PONTIAC    AND    TECUMSEHI 

Detroit,  Sandusky  and  all  the  forts  of  the  interior.  The  Del- 
awares  and  Shawanoes  of  the  Ohio  were  following  their  example, 
and  were  murdering  all  the  traders  among  them.  Calhoun 
and  the  thirteen  men  in  his  employ  lost  no  time^in  taking 
their  departure.  The  Indians  forced  them  to  leave  their  guns 
behind,  promising  that  they  would  give  them  "  three  warriors 
to  guide  them  in  safety  to  Fort  Pitt ;  but  the  whole  proved  a 
piece  of  characteristic  dissimulation  and  treachery.  The  three 
guides  led  them  into  an  ambuscade  at  the  mouth  of  Beaver 
Creek.  A  volley  of  balls  showered  among  them;  eleven  men 
were  killed  on  the  spot,  and  Calhoun  and  two  others  alone 
made  their  escape."  The  reports  which  Calhoun  had  received 
concerning  the  slaughter  of  English  traders,  was  only  too  true. 
They  were  scalped  everywhere  without  mercy.  A  boy  named 
McCullough,  who  had  been  captured  during  the  French  War, 
and  who  was  now  a  prisoner  among  the  Indians,  relates 
in  his  published  narrative,  that  he  witnessed  the  killing 
of  a  trader  named  Green,  which  was  conducted  in  the  most 
cruel  manner.  Everywhere  throughout  the  vast  wilder 
ness,  wherever  an  English  trader  had  ventured,  he  was  scalped, 
and,  in  many  instances,  no  white  man  survived  to  tell  the  hor 
rible  news.  Not  less  than  a  hundred  were  thus  murdered  and 
scalped,  along  this  frontier.  Their  goods  were  all  plundered, 
and  the  savages  exulted  in  their  bloody  work.  Among  the 
villages  of  the  Hurons  and  Wyandots,  the  traders  were  so 
numerous  that  that  the  Indians  were  afraid  to  attack  them 
openly.  They,  therefore,  adopted  the  following  ingenious 
plan :  "  They  told  their  unsuspecting  victims  that  the  sur 
rounding  tribes  had  risen  in  arms,  and  were  soon  coming  that 
way,  bent  on  killing  every  Englishman  they  could  find.  The 
Wyandots  averred  that  they  would  gladly  protect  their  friends, 
the  white  men,  but  that  it  would  be  impossible  to  do  so,  unless 
the  latter  would  consent,  for  the  sake  of  appearances,  to  become 
their  prisoners.  In  this  case,  they  said  the  hostile  Indians 
would  refrain  from  injuring  them,  and  they  should  be  set  at 
liberty  as  soon  as  the  danger  was  passed.  The  traders  fell  into 
the  snare.  They  gave  up  their  arms,  and,  the  better  to  carry 
out  the  deception,  even  consented  to  be  bound."  No  sooner 


OK,    THE    BORDER    WARS    OF    TWO    CENTURIES.  107 

had  these  crafty  Indians  thus  secured  the  Englishmen,  than 
they  fell  to  and  murdered  them  in  cold  blood.  This  was  one 
of  the  most  cruel  massacres  in  the  whole  catalogue. 

Among  the  horrifying  incidents  that  were  now  desolating 
the  border  forests  of  New  York,  Pennsylvania  and  Virginia, 
there  were,  now  and  then,  scenes  which  were  not  altogether 
void  of  romance.  An  Englishman  by  the  name  of  Chapman^ 
who  lived  near  Detroit,  was  made  prisoner.  For  some  time  he 
was  protected  by  the  humane  interference  of  a  Frenchman. 
At  length,  however,  his  captors  resolved  to  burn  him  alive. 
For  this  purpose  they  tied  him  to  a  stake,  placed  fuel  around 
him,  and  started  the  fire.  When  the  flames  became  unbearable, 
they  gave  him  a  bowl  of  broth  scalding  hot.  He  snatched  it, 
and,  in  the  rage  of  thirst,  raised  it  to  his  lips  and  began  to 
drink.  Bursting  into  a  rage,  he  flung  the  bowl  into  the  face 
of  the  Indian.  In  a  moment  the  crowd  shouted,  "  He  is  mad! 
He  is  mad!"  and  in  another  they  unbound  him,  and  set  him  at 
liberty.  Such  was  the  superstitious  respect  which  the  Indians 
entertained  for  every  form  of  insanity. 

While  the  war  clouds  were  thus  hovering  over  Fort  Pitt, 
the  war  cry  burst  forth  at  Fort  Ligonier.  This  came  in  the 
form  of  a  volley  of  musketry,  killing  a  number  of  the  horses 
belonging  to  the  fort.  In  the  neighborhood  of  Fort  Bedford, 
several  men  had  been  murdered,  and  many  more  had  narrowly 
escaped.  At  this  place  the  inhabitants  were  mustered  together 
and  organized  for  the  purpose  of  assisting  the  garrison.  A 
number  of  woodsmen  formed  into  a  company,  dressed  and 
painted  like  savages;  they  decoyed  several  bands  of  warriors 
within  rifle  shot  of  them,  and  soon  became  the  terror  of  every 
Indian  in  the  neighborhood. 

The  commandant  at  Fort  Pitt  had  made  every  preparation 
to  receive  the  enemy.  All  the  buildings  in  the  vicinity  were 
leveled  to  the  ground,  nothing  being  left  to  serve  as  a  shelter 
for  the  Indians.  The  garrison,  which  was  commanded  by  Capt. 
Ecuyer,  consisted  of  three  hundred  and  thirty  soldiers,  traders 
and  backwoodsmen.  There  were  also  in  the  fort  about  one 
hundred  women  and  about  one  hundred  and  fifty  children. 

The  outrages  which  were  every  day  being  committed  around 


108  THE    LIVES    OF    PONTIAO    AND    TEOUMSEH: 

these  forts  were  for  the  most  part  the  work  of  the  "  young  men," 
as  they  are  called  among  the  Indians.  It  would  seem  that 
there  was  no  chief  among  them  of  sufficient  power  to  check 
their  reckless  course.  Had  Pontiac  been  among  them  these 
petty  hostilities  would  have  been  concentrated  into  a  well- 
directed  general  attack.  But  now,  as  it  was,  it  was  highly 
dangerous  for  the  soldiers  of  the  garrison  at  Fort  Pitt  to  ven 
ture  outside  of  the  gate,  and  the  few  who  attempted  it  were 
murdered  and  scalped  by  these  savages.  The  surrounding 
woods  were  now  alive  with  prowling  warriors,  and  their  number 
was  daily  increasing. 

On  the  twenty-second  of  June  a  party  of  warriors  appeared 
upon  the  plain,  at  some  distance  behind  the  fort.  They  drove 
off  the  horses  which  were  grazing  there,  and  killed  a  number 
of  cattle.  This  done,  they  opened  a  brisk  fire  upon  the  fort, 
from  which  two  men  were  killed.  The  garrison  replied  by  a 
discharge  of  howitzers,  from  which  the  Indians  fled  in  confu 
sion.  They  soon  appeared  at  another  quarter,  and  re-opened 
their  fire,  which  they  kept  up  steadily  throughout  the  following 
night. 

About  nine  o'clock  on  the  folio  wing  morning  several  Indians 
approached  the  fort  and  took  up  a  position  close  to  the  intrench- 
ment,  when  one  of  them,  a  Delaware,  called  Turtle's  Heart, 
addressed  the  garrison  as  follows  : 

"  My  brothers, — we  that  stand  here  are  your  friends;  but  we 
have  bad  news  to  tell  you.  Six  great  nations  of  Indians  have 
taken  up  the  hatchet  and  cut  off  all  the  English  garrisons 
excepting  yours.  They  are  now  on  their  way  to  destroy  you 
also.  My  brothers,  we  are  your  friends,  and  we  wish  to  s#ve 
your  lives.  What  we  desire  you  to  do  is  this  :  you  must  leave 
this  fort,  with  all  your  women  and  children,  and  go  down  to 
the  English  settlements,  wfeere  you  will  be  safe.  There  are 
many  bad  Indians  already  here,  but  we  will  protect  you  from 
them.  You  must  go  at  once,  because  if  you  wait  till  the  six 
great  nations  arrive  here  you  will  all  be  killed,  and  we  can  do- 
nothing  to  protect  you." 

The  commandant,  fully  understanding  their  design,  made 
tVie  following  curious  reply  :  "My  brothers,  we  are  very  grate- 


OB,    THE    BORDER   WARS    OF   TWO   CENTURIES.  109 

ful  for  your  kindness,  though  we  are  convinced  that  you  must 
be  mistaken  in  what  you  have  told  us  about  the  forts  being 
captured.  As  for  ourselves  we  have  plenty  of  provisions,  and 
are  able  to  keep  this  fort  against  all  the  nations  of  Indians  that 
may  dare  to  attack  it.  We  are  very  well  off  in  this  place,  and 
we  mean  to  stay  here.  My  brothers,  as  you  have  shown  your 
selves  such  true  friends,  we  feel  bound  in  gratitude  to  inform 
you  that  an  army  of  six  thousand  English  will  shortly  arrive 
here,  and  that  another  army  of  three  thousand  is  gone  up  the 
lakes  to  punish  the  Ottawas  and  the  Ojibwas.  A  third  is  gone 
to  the  frontier  of  Virginia,  where  they  will  be  joined  by  your 
enemies,  the  Oherokees  and  Catawbas,  who  are  coming  here  to 
destroy  you;  therefore,  take  pity  on  your  women  and  children 
and  get  out  of  the  way  as  soon  as  possible.  We  have  told  you 
this  in  confidence,  out  of  our  great  solicitude,  lest  any  of  you 
should  be  hurt,  and  we  hope  that  you  will  not  tell  the  other 
Indians,  lest  they  should  escape  from  our  vengeance." 

The  story  of  the  three  armies,  which  Capt.  Ecuyer  invented, 
had  a  very  good  eifect  upon  the  Indians.  They  returned  with 
this  story  to  a  large  band  of  warriors  who  were  advancing 
against  the  fort,  and  were  the  means  of  their  abandoning  their 
purpose.  On  the  twenty-sixth  a  soldier  named  Grey  came  in 
with  the  sad  story  of  the  fall  of  Presque  Isle.  On  his  way  to 
the  fort  he  passed  the  ruins  of  Le  Boeuf  and  Yenango.  During 
the  same  day  Ensign  Price,  the  officer  commanding  at  Le  Boeuf, 
was  seen  approaching,  followed  by  seven  of  his  half-starved 
soldiers.  He  reached  the  fort  in  safety  and  reported  his  loss. 
On  the  evening  of  the  eighteenth  a  great  multitude  of  Indians 
had  surrounded  his  post.  His  only  available  defense  consisted 
of  one  blockhouse.  Showering  bullets  and  fire-arrows  against  it, 
they  soon  set  it  in  fiames  ;  and  at  midnight,  in  spite  of  every 
effort,  the  upper  part  of  the  building  burst  into  sheets  of  flame. 
The  Indians  now  gathered  in  a  semi-circle  before  the  entrance, 
prepared  to  scalp  the  unfortunate  garrison  as  fast  as  they  should 
be  driven  out  by  the  flames.  But  the  commandant  and  his 
men  with  great  effort  hewed  an  opening  through  the  back  wall 
of  the  blockhouse,  and  escaped  into  the  woods.  For  some  time 
they  could  hear  the  reports  of  the  Indian  guns,  "  as  these 


110  THE    LIVES    OF    PONTIAC    AND    TECUMSKH: 

painted  demons  were  still  leaping  and  yelling  in  front  of  the 
blazing  building,  firing  into  the  loopholes,  and  exulting  in  the 
thought  that  their  enemies  were  suffering  in  the  agonies  of 
death  within."  The  trembling  garrison  pressed  onward 
through  the  whole  of  the  night  and  the  following  day,  and  at 
one  o'clock  on  the  succeeding  night  they  came  to  the  spot  where 
Fort  Yenango  had  stood.  All  that  now  remained  were  huge 
piles  of  smouldering  embers,  among  which  were  the  charred 
bodies  of  the  unfortunate  garrison.  They  continued  their 
journey;  but  six  of  the  party,  exhausted  from  hunger,  gave 
way.  and  were  left  behind.  The  rest  barely  reached  Fort  Pitt 
alive.  No  man  lived  to  tell  the  fate  of  the  garrison  of  Yen 
ango,  but  some  time  after  the  destruction  of  that  fort  an  Indian 
who  wTas  present  at  the  affair  related  the  circumstances  to  Sir 
William  Johnson.  The  story  was  short,  but  full  of  horror. 
"  A.  large  body  of  Senecas  gained  an  entrance  under  pretence 
of  friendship,  then  closed  the  gates,  fell  upon  the  garrison  and 
butchered  them  all  except  the  commanding  officer,  Lieut.  Gor 
don,  whom  they  tortured  over  a  slow  fire  for  several  successive 
nights,  till  he  expired.  This  done,  they  burnt  the  place  to  the 
ground  and  departed." 

While  Forts  Le  Boeuf  and  Yenango  were  thus  dispatched, 
Fort  Ligonier  was  furiously  assailed,  but  after  a  day's  hard 
fighting  drove  the  savages  away.  Fort  Augusta,  on  the  Sus- 
quehanna,  was  also  besieged,  but  having  received  large  rein 
forcements  on  the  day  previous  were  able  to  hold  out.  Forts 
Bedford  and  Carlisle  did  not  escape  the  war,  but  being  on  their 
guard  they  survived  the  assaults. 

But  this  desperate  war  of  detail  was  by  no  means  confined 
to  the  military  posts.  All  along  the  whole  fronting  of  Yirginia, 
Pennsylvania  and  New  York,  the  slaughter  raged  with  great 
fury.  No  pen  can  ever  tell  all  the  suffering  these  unfortunate 
settlers  endured. 

At  Fort  Pitt  the  preparations  for  the  expected  attack  were 
continuing.  A  line  of  strong  palisades  was  erected  along  the 
ramparts;  the  barracks  were  made  shot-proof,  to  protect  its 
inmates.  Preparations  were  also  made  for  extinguishing  any 
fire  that  might  be  produced  by  burning  missels  from  the 


OR,    THE    BORDER    WARS    OF    TWO    CENTURIES.  Ill 

enemy.  Time  passed  on,  but  nothing  of  importance  occurred. 
On  the  twenty-sixth  of  July  a  small  party  of  Indians  approached 
the  fort,  and  were  admitted.  Among  the  number  were  Chiefs 
Shingas,  Turtle's  Heart,  and  others,  who  had  hitherto  appeared 
to  be  friendly  to  the  English.  A  council  was  held,  at  which 
Shingas  made  the  following  speech :  "  Brothers,  what  we  are 
about  to  say  comes  from  our  hearts,  and  not  from  our  lips. 
Brothers,  we  wish  to  hold  fast  the  chain  of  friendship  —  that 
ancient  chain  which  our  forefathers  held  with  their  brethren, 
the  English.  You  have  let  your  end  of  the  chain  fall  to  the 
ground,  but  ours  is  still  fast  within  our  hands.  Why  do  you 
complain  that  our  young  men  have  fired  at  your  soldiers  and 
killed  your  cattle  and  your  horses  ?  You  yourselves  are  the 
cause  of  this.  You  marched  your  armies  into  our  country  and 
built  forts  here,  though  we  told  you  again  and  again  that  we 
wished  you  to  remove.  My  brothers,  this  land  is  ours,  and  not 
yours.  My  brothers,  two  days  ago  we  received  a  great  belt  of 
wampum  from  the  Ottawas  of  Detroit,  and  the  message  they 
sent  us  was  in  these  words  :  '  Grandfathers,  the  Delawares  by 
this  belt  inform  you  that  in  a  short  time  we  intend  to  pass  in 
a  very  great  body  through  your  country,  on  our  way  to  strike 
the  English  at  the  forts  of  the  Ohio.  Grandfathers,  you  know 
us  to  be  a  headstrong  people.  We  are  determined  to  stop  at 
nothing,  and  as  we  expect  to  be  very  hungry  we  will  seize  and 
eat  up  everything  that  comes  in  our  way.'  Brothers,  you  have 
heard  the  words  of  the  Ottawas.  If  you  leave  this  place  imme 
diately,  and  go  home  to  your  wives  and  children,  no  harm  will 
come  of  it;  but  if  you  stay  you  must  blame  yourselves  alone 
for  what  may  happen.  Therefore,  we  desire  you  to  remove." 
Capt.  Ecuyer  replied,  saying  the  forts  were  built  to  supply 
the  Indians  with  necessaries.  He  refused  to  leave  the  place, 
and  closed  his  remarks  as  follows  :  "  I  have  warriors,  pro 
visions  and  ammunition  to  defend  it  three  years  against  all  the 
Indians  in  the  woods,  and  we  shall  never  abandon  it  as  long  as 
a  white  man  lives  in  America.  I  despise  the  Ottawas,  and  am 
very  much  surprised  at  our  brothers  the  Delawares  for  pro 
posing  to  us  to  leave  this  place  and  go  home.  This  is  our 
home.  You  have  attacked  us  without  reason  or  provocation. 


112  THE   LIVES    OF    PONTIAC    AND    TECUMSEH I 

You  have  murdered  and  plundered  our  warriors  and  traders. 
You  have  taken  our  horses  and  cattle,  and  at  the  same  time  you 
tell  us  your  hearts  are  good  towards  your  brethren  the  English. 
How  can  I  have  faith  in  you?  Therefore  now,  brothers,  I  will 
advise  you  to  go  home  to  your  town,  and  take  care  of  your 
wives  and  children.  Moreover,  I  tell  you  that  if  any  of  you 
appear  again  about  this  fort  I  will  throw  bomb  shells,  which 
will  burst  and  blow  you  to  atoms,  and  fire  cannons  among  you, 
loaded  with  a  whole  bagful  of  bullets  ;  therefore  take  care,  for 
I  don't  want  to  hurt  you." 

The  chief  departed  in  wrath,  and  on  the  night  of  the  follow 
ing  day  the  Indians  appeared  before  the  fort  in  great  numbers 
-and  began  a  general  attack. 


CHAPTEK    XIY. 

THE  WAR  ON  THE  BORDERS — THE  MARCH  OF  DEATH — THE  TERRIFIED 
INHABITANTS  FLEEING  TO  THE  OLDER  TOWNS  —  BOUQUET'S  ARMY 
AT  CARLISLE — ADVENTURES  OF  VOLUNTEERS  —  BURNING  SETTLE 
MENTS —  THE  BATTLE  OF  BUSHY  RUN  —  DISTRESS  AND  DANGER  OF 
THE  TROOPS — THE  VICTORY. 

LEAVING  Fort  Pitt  for  the  present,  let  us  turn  to  observe  the 
events  that  were  transpiring  in  other  quarters.  All  along  the 
western  frontiers  of  Virginia  and  Pennsylvania,  slaughter  and 
suffering  held  full  sway.  Indian  scalping  parties  were  passing 
to  and  fro  through  the  country,  murdering  men,  women  and 
children.  It  will  be  seen  that  nearly  all  the  tribes  east  of  the 
Mississippi  had  now  engaged  in  the  war  except  the  Six  Nations, 
and  even  the  Senecas,  the  Cayugas,  and  the  Tnscaroras,  belong 
ing  to  this  confederacy,  took  part  in  it.  Had  it  not  been  for 
the  timely  influence  of  Sir  William  Johnson,  in  quelling  the 
spirit  of  the  other  nations  of  the  Iroquois  confederacy,  the 
war  would  have  been  very  much  more  disastrous. 

News  of  the  war  now  spread  to  the  older  eastern  settlements 
and  created  great  alarm.  It  soon  became  known  that  nine 
forts  had  fallen  into  the  hands  of  the  Indians.  Sir  Jeffery 
Amherst  now,  for  the  first  time,  saw  clearly  that  all  the 
western  tribes  had  united  against  the  English.  He  had  but 
few  soldiers  at  his  command,  and  those  who  could  be  mustered 
were  required  to  strengthen  the  garrisons  that  still  held  out. 
A  reinforcement  was  therefore  sent  to  Magara,  and  a  detach 
ment  under  Capt.  Dalzell  was  added  to  the  garrison  of  Detroit, 
as  we  have  already  seen. 

Col.  Bouquet,  who  commanded  at  Philadelphia,  mustered  a 
force  of  five  hundred  men,  and  with  a  large  supply  of  provis 
ions  and  ammunition,  he  set  out  for  Fort  Pitt.  He  reached 
8 


114  THE    LIVES    OF    PONTIAC    AND    TECUMSEH: 

Carlisle  on  the  first  of  July,  where  he  found  the  whole  country 
in  a  panic.  Every  shelter  in  the  settlement  was  crowded  with 
the  families  of  settlers  who  had  fled  from  their  homes  to  escape 
the  savages.  No  hostile  Indians  had  yet  appeared  in  this 
neighborhood,  but  on  Sunday,  the  third  of  July,  a  soldier  came 
riding  into  the  town  with  the  intelligence  that  Presque  Isle, 
Le  Boeuf  and  Venango  had  been  taken,  and  that  the  warriors 
were  then  advancing  on  Carlisle.  This  news  threw  the  settle 
ment  into  consternation.  The  crowded  houses  and  barns  pre 
sented  a  scene  of  lively  commotion.  From  every  quarter  the 
settlers  poured  in  until  the  country  had  been  deserted  for 
miles  in  every  direction.  Soon  the  rumor  was  set  on  foot  that 
the  Indians  had  come.  Some  of  the  fugitives  had  seen  the 
smoke  of  burning  dwellings  rising  from  the  distant  valleys, 
others  came  breathlessly  in  from  the  very  scene  of  massacre. 
A  party  of  the  inhabitants  went  out  to  warn  the  living  and 
bury  the  dead.  Arriving  at  Sherman's  Valley  they  found 
fields  laid  waste,  stacks  of  wheat  on  fire,  and  the  houses  still 
in  flames,  and  they  grew  sick  with  horror  at  seeing  a  group  of 
hogs  tearing  arid  devouring  the  bodies  of  the  dead.  Every 
where  in  this  broad  valley  the  work  of  destruction  was  com 
plete.  They  marched  on  and  on,  but  as  far  as  the  eye  could 
see  the  smoke  was  curling  upwards  from  the  smouldering 
ruins  of  settlers'  houses.  The  Indians  had  made  a  clean  sweep, 
and  it  was  only  now  and  then  that  one  escaped  to  tell  the 
horrifying  story  of  the  massacre  of  his  family.  One  came  in 
with  the  report  that  he  and  seven  others  were  setting  at  the 
table  in  a  cabin  of  a  settler  on  the  Juniata.  Four  or  five 
Indians  burst  the  door  and  fired  among  them,  and  then  beat 
down  the  survivors  with  the  butt  of  their  rifles.  One  of  the 
men  leaped  from  his  seat,  snatched  up  a  loaded  gun  that 
chanced  to  be  standing  in  the  corner,  and  discharged  its  con 
tents  into  the  breast  of  an  Indian,  and  then  leaping  through  a 
window  made  good  his  escape.  He  fled  through  the  forests 
to  a  settlement,  where  he  related  the  news,  and  immediately 
twelve  men  volunteered  to  cross  the  mountains  and  warn  the 
settlers  of  the  Tuscarora  valley,  but  upon  reaching  it  they 
found  that  the  enemy  had  been  there  before  them.  .Many  of 


OK,    THE    BOEDER    WAKS    OF   TWO    CENTURIES.  115 

the  houses  were  still  on  fire,  others  were  standing.  Upon 
entering  these  a  ghastly  scene  was  presented.  The  dead  and 
mangled  bodies  were  strewn  upon  the  floors,  and  the  furniture 
was  stained  with  human  blood.  They  turned  away,  filled  with 
horror.  The  adventurers  came  upon  one  house  where  the 
Indians  had  held  a  feast  only  a  few  hours  previous.  A  large 
number  of  cattle  had  been  killed,  the  meat  roasted,  and,  after 
they  had  eaten  to  their  satisfaction,  they  had  fled.  Pursuing 
their  course,  the  white  men  soon  came  within  a  few  rods  of  the 
enemy.  They  here  boldly  resolved  to  overtake  them  and  see, 
if  possible,  what  direction  they  were  pursuing.  The  trail  led 
them  into  a  thicket,  where,  as  soon  as  they  had  entered  it,  they 
were  surprised  by  a  volley  of  musketry,  and  four  of  their 
number  were  shot  down.  Thirty  warriors  rose  from  their 
hiding  places  and  rushed  upon  them.  The  white  men  returned 
their  fire  and  then  fled  in  all  directions.  A  boy  named  Charles 
Eliot  was  among  the  number.  As  he  ran,  plunging  through 
the  thickets,  he  heard  his  pursuers  close  behind.  He  seized 
his  powder  horn  and  poured  the  contents  into  his  gun,  drop 
ping  a  bullet  in  after  it  without  using  a  ramrod,  and  wheeling 
about  he  discharged  his  gun  into  the  breast  of  the  Indian  who 
had  now  advanced  to  within  three  or  four  yards  from  him. 
He  then  continued  his  flight,  leaving  the  Indian  in  the  agonies 
of  death,  but  at  the  next  moment  a  faint  voice  earnestly  called 
out  his  name.  Turning  to  the  spot  he  beheld  one  of  his  com 
panions  stretched  helplessly  on  the  ground.  He  had  been 
mortally  wounded  by  the  first  shot  from  the  Indians,  but  had 
advanced  thus  far  before  his  strength  gave  out.  Eliot 
approached  him  but  could  offer  no  assistance.  The  dying  man 
looked  up  into  the  face  of  his  comrade,  saying:  "  Here,  Charley, 
take  my  gun,  whenever  you  see  an  Indian  kill  him  with  it,  and 
then  I  shall  be  satisfied."  Eliot  and  several  others  of  the  party 
escaped  to  the  settlement.  They  reported  what  they  had  seen 
and  experienced,  which  added  another  cloud  of  horror  to  the 
desolating  news  that  was  hourly  coming  in  from  all  points  on 
the  frontier.  Several  other  parties  went  out,  and  one  of  them, 
commanded  by  the  sheriff  of  the  place,  encountered  a  band  of 
Indians,  defeated  them,  and  brought  away  many  scalps. 


116  THE    LIVES    OF    PONTIAC    AND    TECUMSEH: 

The  settlers  now  became  frantic  with  alarm,  and  many  of 
them  left  Carlisle  and  pushed  rapidly  towards  Lancaster  and 
Philadelphia.  "Carlisle,"  says  a  reliable  author,  "presented  a 
most  deplorable  spectacle.  A  multitude  of  refugees,  unable 
to  find  shelter  in  the  town,  had  encamped  in  the  woods  or  on 
the  adjacent  fields,  erecting  huts  of  branches  and  bark,  and 
living  on  such  charity  as  the  slender  means  of  the  townspeople 
could  supply.  Passing  among  them,  one  would  have  witnessed 
every  form  of  human  misery.  In  these  wretched  encamp 
ments  were  men,  women  and  children,  bereft,  in  one  stroke,  of 
friends,  of  home,  and  the  means  of  supporting  life.  Some 
stood  aghast  and  bewildered  at  the  sudden  and  fatal  blow, 
others  were  sunk  into  the  apathy  of  despair,  others  were  weep 
ing  and  mourning  with  irrepressible  anguish." 

The  multitude  were  now  threatened  with  famine,  and  crowds 
of  them  flocked  to  the  tents  of  Bouquet  soliciting  food,  which 
he  gave  them. 

In  the  meantime,  the  march  of  the  little  army  had  been  con 
siderably  delayed.  This  was  owing  to  the  fact  that,  the 
necessary  horses  and  wagons  could  not  be  procured,  without 
returning  to  the  older  towns.  After  a  delay  of  eighteen  days 
Bouquet  broke  up  his  camp  and  marched  towards  Fort  Pitt. 
As  the  little  army  passed  through  Carlisle,  the  frightened 
inhabitants  crowded  around  them,  and,  no  doubt,  fervently 
prayed  for  their  success.  Bouquet's  march  was  truly  a  bold 
adventure.  In  his  front  lay  a  vast  wilderness,  filled  wTith  fero 
cious  warriors,  who,  from  their  secret  shelters,  would  shoot 
down  his  soldiers  at  every  turn.  The  memories  of  former  days 
came  up  to  weig"h  upon  the  stout  heart  of  this  gallant  officer. 
He  was  about  to  march  through  a  wild  country  upon  whose 
bosom  slept  the  bones  of  Braddock  and  the  hundreds  of  brave 
soldiers  who  fell  around  him.  The  numbers  of  the  latter  far 
exceeded  Bouquet's  whole  force,  while,  on  the  other  hand,  there 
were  now  a  hundred  warriors  prowling  the  lonely  woods  to  one 
when  Braddock  penetrated  them.  With  one  or  two  exceptions, 
the  soldiers  under  Bouquet's  command  were  wholly  inexpe 
rienced  in  the  perils  of  border  warfare.  To  say  the  least,  the 


OR,    THE    BOEDER    WARS    OF    TWO    CENTURIES.  117 

great  end  which  he  had  set  out  to  accomplish  could  not, 
apparently,  be  achieved  with  so  small  a  force. 

Let  us,  for  a  single  moment,  glance  at  this  brave  officer  who 
was  now,  in  the  eyes  of  all  around  him,  leading  his  army  into 
the  jaws  of  death.  Henry  Bouquet  was  a  Swiss  by  birth. 
His  military  career  began  when  a  boy.  Previous  to  the  war 
between  France  and  England,  he  held  a  commission  under  the 
King  of  Sardinia,  but  when  that  struggle  began,  in  1755,  he 
was  engaged  in  the  service  of  the  King  of  Holland.  At  this 
time  the  Duke  of  Cumberland  formed  a  plan  to  organize  a 
corps  to  serve  in  the  provinces,  and  to  be  called  the  Eoyal 
Americans.  Bouquet  accepted  a  position  as  Lieutenant  Colonel 
in  this  regiment,  and  his  services  soon  proved  of  great  value. 
"  His  person  was  fine,  his  bearing  composed  and  dignified." 
Everywhere  in  the  provinces,  and  more  especially  in  Pennsyl 
vania,  he  was  regarded  with  profound  respect..  He  was  a  good 
English  scholar,  and  could  write  with  ease,  and  in  a  style  of 
great  purity.  As  a  soldier,  he  was  active,  courageous  and 
faithful.  Withal,  he  had  acquired  a  practical  knowledge  of 
Indian  warfare.  Brave  as  a  lion,  he  would  often,  when  the 
most  dangerous  passes  were  to  be  made,  advance  to  the  front 
of  his  men,  and,  with  no  other  guard  than  his  musket,  lead 
the  way  like  the  boldest  Indian  warrior. 

The  army  marched  along  the  beautiful  valley  of  the  Cum 
berland.  On  every  hand  could  be  seen  ruins,  marking  the 
deeds  of  savage  cruelty.  At  length  they  reached  Shippens- 
burg,  about  twenty  miles  from  Carlisle.  Here,  as  at  the  latter 
place,  were  congregated  a  large  number  of  pioneers,  who  had 
fled  in  terror  from  the  scene  of  blood  and  slaughter. 

From  the  latest  advices,  it  now  appeared  that  Fort  Ligonier 
was  about  to  fall  into  the  hands  of  the  Indians  who  were 
besieging  it,  and  Bouquet  resolved  to  send  a  detachment  to  its 
relief.  For  this  purpose,  thirty  of  the  best  men  were  selected, 
and  ordered  to  force  their  way  over  the  desolate  mountains. 
Accordingly  the  party  set  out.  Marching  day  and  night,  they 
at  length  came  in  sight  of  the  hapless  fort.  It  was  surrounded 
by  savages  who  were  firing  upon  it.  The  adventurers  made  a 


118  THE    LIVES    OF    PONTIAO    AND    TECUMSEHI 

rush  for  the  gate,  and,  although  hotly  charged  upon  by  the 
Indians,  entered  it  without  losing  a  man. 

But,  meanwhile,  the  bulk  of  Bouquet's  army  moved  slowly 
on  towards  Fort  Pitt.  They  had  now  entered  a  country  where, 
up  to  this  time,  no  Englishman  had  ever  ventured — the  home 
of  the  fiercest  warriors.  "Far  on  their  right  stretched  the 
green  ridges  of  the  Tuscarora,  while,  in  front,  mountain  beyond 
mountain  rose  high  against  the  horizon.  Climbing  heights, 
and  descending  into  the  valleys,  passing  the  two  solitary  posts 
of  Littleton  and  the  Juniata,  both  abandoned  by  their  garri 
sons,  they  came  in  sight  of  Fort  Bedford,  hemmed  in  by 
encircling  mountains." 

Bouquet's  arrival  was  a  happy  event  for  the  tired  and  worn 
garrison.  They  had  long  been  besieged  by  a  swarm  of  Indi 
ans.  Around  this  post,  the  work  of  scalping  and  murdering 
the  settlers  had  been  carried  on  until  the  forests  rang  with  the 
scalp  yells  of  a  thousand  savages.  All  had  been  killed 
who  failed  to  escape  within  the  gates  of  the  little  fort.  The 
commandant,  Capt.  Gurry  informed  Bouquet  that  for  several 
weeks  he  had  been  unable  to  hear  from  the  garrison  at  Fort 
Pitt.  The  last  accounts  left  it  closely  besieged  by  a  thousand 
warriors.  After  resting  his  men  for  three  days  at  this  post, 
Bouquet  continued  his  march,  and  was  soon  buried  in  the  wil 
derness.  The  forest  was  dense,  affording  a  good  opportunity 
for  ambuscades.  In  the  advance  were  the  provincial  rangers, 
closely  followed  by  the  pioneers.  The  wagons  and  cattle  were 
in  the  centre,  guarded  in  front,  flank  and  rear  by  the  regulars. 
The  rear  was  guarded  by  another  company  of  rangers.  The 
riflemen,  acting  as  scouts,  ranged  through  the  woods  far  in 
front  and  at  either  flank.  In  this  order  the  courageous  army 
marched  on;  up,  up  the  rugged  side  of  the  Alleghany  Moun 
tains.  It  was  in  the  middle  of  July,  and  the  heat  was  intol 
erable,  but  they  toiled  on,  crossing  the  mountains,  and,  at 
length,  reaching  Fort  Ligonier.  At  their  advance  the  Indians 
fled  in  disorder,  and  Bouquet  marched  quietly  up  to  the  fort. 

At  this  place  he  left  the  cattle,  and  some  of  the  heaviest 
luggage,  and  resolved  to  make  forced  marches  towards  Fort 
Pitt.  Thus  relieved,  the  army  pursued  its  course.  At  no 


OR,    THE    BOEDER    WARS    OF    TWO    CENTURIES.  119 

great  distance  in  their  front  were  the  dangerous  passes  of  the 
Turtle  Creek.  At  this  point  Bouquet  expected  to  encounter 
the  enemy,  and  he  therefore  pushed  on  towards  Bushy  Run, 
hoping  to  cross  Turtle  Creek  during  the  night.  They  toiled 
on,  weary  and  foot-sore.  At  length  the  tired  army  was  within 
half  a  mile  of  Bushy  Run.  Here  they  were  to  rest,  preparatory 
to  making  the  forced  march  through  the  dangerous  defiles  of 
Turtle  Creek,  but,  when  within  a  few  rods  of  the  coveted  spot, 
the  report  of  rifles  from  the  front  surprised  the  army.  Alas  ! 
they  had  met  the  enemy.  As  they  listened  the  reports  become 
quicker,  and  now  the  fierce  war-whoop  resounded  through  the 
woods.  The  advanced  guard  was  hotly  engaged.  Two  com 
panies  were  at  once  ordered  to  its  support,  but  as  the  firing 
increased,  indicating  that  the  enemy  had  appeared  in  a  large 
force,  the  army  halted,  the  troops  formed  in  line,  and  a  charge 
was  ordered.  "  Bearing  down  through  the  forest  with  fixed 
bayonets,  they  drove  their  yelping  assailants  before  them,  and 
swept  the  ground  clear."  But  no  sooner  had  this  been  done 
than  a  volley  of  musketry  poured  in  upon  them  from  either 
flank,  and  from  the  rear.  Charging  upon  the  enemy  in  the 
rear,  they  routed  the  savages  in  that  quarter,  and  immediately 
surrounded  their  teams.  In  the  distance,  on  every  side  they 
could  hear  the  whoopings  of  the  savages,  and  at  every  moment 
the  report  of  their  guns  sounded  out  through  the  trees.  Again 
and  again,  now  on  this  side  and  now  on  that,  a  crowd  of  Indi 
ans  rushed  up,  pouring  in  a  heavy  fire,  and  striving  with 
ferocious  outcries  to  break  into  the  circle.  At  every  attempt 
a  well  directed  charge  met  them,  putting  them  to  flight.  Few 
of  the  Indians  were  hurt,  while  the  English  suffered  severely. 
Thus  the  fight  went  on,  without  intermission,  for  several  hours, 
until  the  darkness  of  night  gathered  round  them.  ISTow  the 
Indians  slackened  their  fire,  withdrawing  from  the  scene  of 
action. 

The  soldiers  now  encamped  on  the  spot  where  the  battle  had 
taken  place.  Numerous  sentinels  were  stationed  at  a  suitable 
distance  from  the  camp  in  every  direction. 

Bouquet  now  feeling  confident  that  they  would  be  attacked 
on  the  following  morning,  and  fearing  that  he  would  not  sur- 


120  THE    LIVES    OF    PONTIAC    AND    TECUMSEHI 

vive  the  battle,  wrote  a  short  letter  to  Sir  Jeffery  Amherst,. 
giving  an  account  of  the  day's  events  and  closing  as  follows: 
u  Whatevef  our  fate  may  be,  I  thought  it  necessary  to  give 
your  excellency  this  early  information,  that  you  may,  at  all 
events,  take  such  measures  as  you  may  think  proper  with  the 
provinces  for  their  own  safety  and  the  effectual  relief  of  Fort 
Pitt,  as,  in  case  of  another  engagement,  I  fear  insurmountable 
difficulties  in  protecting  and  transporting  our  provisions, 
being  already  so  much  weakened  by  the  losses  of  this  day  in 
men  and  horses,  besides  the  additional  necessity  of  carrying 
the  wounded,  whose  situation  is  truly  deplorable."  In  this 
action  about  sixty  soldiers  and  several  officers  had  been  killed 
or  wounded.  During  the  fight  the  wounded  were  brought 
into  an  open  space  in  the  centre  and  surrounded  by  bags  of 
flour  to  ward  off  the  bullets.  In  this  situation  they  were  com 
pelled  to  lay  helpless,  suffering  the  agonies  of  thirst,  for  there 
was  no  water  near  at  hand.  Should  their  comrades  be  defeated, 
a  fate  inexpressibly  terrible  would  immediately  follow.  The 
condition  of  those  who  still  survived  was  but  little  better. 
They  were  surrounded  by  a  large  number  of  savages,  who  were 
leaping  from  tree  to  tree  in  the  full  hope  of  success.  Eight 
years  before,  in  these  very  forests,  they  had  destroyed  nearly 
twice  their  number  of  British  soldiers.  They  were  now  thirst 
ing  after  the  blood  of  Bouquet's  army. 

No  fires  were  built  in  the  camp  of  the  English;  nothing  to 
break  the  thick  darkness  that  hovered  over  them.  All  was 
still  as  the  grave  throughout  the  night,  but  with  the  dawn  of 
the  following  day  a  burst  of  Indian  yells  went  up  on  every 
side.  In  another  instant  they  opened  fire  upon  them.  The 
bullets  now  flew  thick  in  every  direction  and  the  soldiers  fell 
dead  on  every  hand.  Volley  after  volley  poured  in  until  many 
had  perished.  As  on  the  previous  day  the  Indians  would  rush 
up,  endeavoring  to  break  the  ring,  but  in  every  such  attempt 
they  were  driven  back  in  disorder.  The  troops  were  now 
suffering  from  thirst  as  well  as  from  the  deadly  fire  of  the 
enemy,  while  in  the  interior  of  the  camp  the  scene  was  all  con 
fusion.  The  horses  became  mad  with  terror  as  the  bullets  flew 
among  them.  They  would  break  away  by  scores,  and  leaping 


OK,    THE    BORDER    WARS    OF    TWO    CENTURIES.  121 

through  the  ring  and  passing  the  savages  in  their  mad  course,, 
they  would  soon  disappear  in  the  thickest  of  the  woods. 

At  ten  o'clock  the  ring  which  encircled  the  convoy  began  to 
waver.  The  soldiers  were  falling  fast.  Bouquet  looked  on  in 
sadness  for  a  moment,  and  then,  conceiving  a  stratagem,  he 
brightened  with  hope.  It  was  plain  that  if  the  Indians  could 
be  brought  together  in  a  body  and  be  made  to  stand  their 
ground  that  he  would  soon  gain  the  day.  To  effect  this  he 
resolved  to  increase  their  confidence.  Two  companies  were 
ordered  to  fall  back  into  the  interior  of  the  camp,  while  the 
troops  on  either  hand  joined  across  the  vacant  space,  as  if  to 
cover  the  retreat  of  their  comrades.  The  orders  were  no  sooner 
obeyed  than  the  Indians,  seeing  that  the  line  had  weakened, 
leaped  from  behind  the  trees  and  rushed  head  long  to  the  assault. 
The  shock  was  unbearable.  The  men  struggled  to  maintain  the 
line,  but  the  Indians  seemed  on  the  point  of  breaking  their 
way  through  it,  when  the  situation  of  affairs  took  a  sudden 
change.  The  movement  is  described  in  a  thrilling  manner  by 
Mr.  Parkman: 

"  The  two  companies  who  had  apparently  abandoned  their 
positions,  were  in  fact  destined  to  begin  the  attack,  and  they 
now  sallied  out  from  the  circle  at  a  point  where  a  depression 
in  the  ground,  joined  to  the  thick  growth  of  trees,  concealed 
them  from  the  eyes  of  the  Indians.  Making  a  short  detour 
through  the  woods  they  came  round  upon  the  flank  of  the 
furious  assailants  and  discharged  a  deadly  volley  in  their  very 
midst.  Numbers  were  seen  to  fall;  yet,  though  completely 
surprised  and  utterly  at  a  loss  to  understand  the  nature  of  the 
attack,  the  Iridians  faced  about  with  the  greatest  intrepidity 
and  boldly  returned  the  fire;  but  the  Highlanders,  with  yells 
as  wild  as  their  own,  fell  on  them  with  the  bayonet.  The  shock 
was  irresistible  and  they  fled  before  the  charging  ranks  of  this 
tumultuous  throng.  Orders  had  been  given  to  two  other  com 
panies  occupying  a  contiguous  part  of  the  circle  to  support 
the  attack  whenever  a  favorable  moment  should  occur,  and 
they  had,  therefore,  advanced  a  little  from  their  position  and 
lay  close,  crouched  in  ambush.  The  fugitives,  pressed  by  the 
Highland  bayonets,  passed  directly  across  their  front,  upon 


122  THE    LIVES    OF    PONTIAC    AND    TEOUMSEH: 

^vThich  they  arose  and  poured  among  them  a  second  volley  no 
less  destructive  than  the  former.  This  completed  the  rout. 
The  four  companies  uniting  drove  the  flying  savages  through 
the  woods,  giving  them  no  time  to  rally  or  reload  their  empty 
rifles,  killing  many  and  scattering  the  rest  in  hopeless  con 
fusion." 

In  another  part  of  the  field  both  the  soldiers  and  the  In 
dians  maintained  their  positions  during  this  movement,  but 
when  the  Indians  saw  their  comrades  totally  routed  they  lost 
their  courage  and  fled.  In  a  few  moments  the  whooping  ceased 
and  the  Indians  had  all  disappeared,  leaving  behind  many 
dead.  In  both  battles  the  English  had  lost  eight  officers  and 
one  hundred  and  fifteen  men. 

Owing  to  the  loss  of  many  of  the  horses,  they  were  now 
unable  to  transport  all  the  stores.  The  surplus  was  destroyed, 
and  again  the  army,  broken  and  haggard,  moved  on  towards 
Fort  Pitt,  which  they  reached  on  the  tenth  of  August.  The 
fort,  which  had  been  closely  besieged  for  nearly  a  month,  was 
now  deserted  and  Bouquet  entered  it  without  opposition. 


CHAPTER    XY. 

DISASTER  AT  THE  DEVIL'S  HOLE  —  FATE  OF  WILKINS'  DETACHMENT — 
THE  FRONTIERS  OF  VIRGINIA  AND  PENNSYLVANIA  —  SLAUGHTER  OF 
THE  SETTLEMENTS  —  TERRIBLE  SCENES  AND  INCIDENTS  OF  BORDER 
WARFARE  —  DESOLATION  —  THE  DEFENSES. 

BEFORE  leaving  the  provincial  frontier  and  passing  along 
with  the  events  of  border  warfare  towards  the  far  west,  I  must, 
in  order  to  perfect  the  narrative,  mention  briefly,  the  events 
that  compelled  the  savages  in  all  quarters  east  of  the  Missis 
sippi  to  sue  for  peace.  While  Dalzell  was  marching  against 
the  strongholds  of  Pontiac,  and  Bouquet  forcing  a  bloody  way 
to  Fort  Pitt,  Sir  William  Johnson  was  laboring  judiciously  to 
secure  the  friendship  of  the  tribes  of  the  Six  Nations.  For 
this  purpose  he  sent  deputies  to  all  the  villages  in  the  lake 
region,  and  indeed  in  the  whole  northwest,  to  invite  the  war 
riors  to  meet  him  in  council  at  Niagara.  The  council  was 
largely  attended  by  the  people  of  the  Six  Nations,  and,  although 
with  reluctance,  the  Indians  promised  friendship  for  themselves 
and  also  to  make  war  on  those  tribes  who  were  still  in  arms 
against  the  English.  The  tribes  of  Canada  were  induced  to 
send  a  deputation  to  the  western  Indians,  requesting  them  to 
lay  down  the  hatchet.  The  Iroquois  also  sent  deputies  among 
the  Delawares  for  the  same  purpose. 

Notwithstanding  these  conciliatory  measures,  the  frontier 
settlements  of  New  York  suffered  from  the  continued  attacks 
of  the  savages,  for  while  one  force  was  on  foot  to  quell  their 

O  "  J- 

fury,  another  was  actively  engaged  to  irritate  it  against  the 
English. 

On  the  fourteenth  of  September,  1763,  a  train  of  wagons 
and  pack-horses  was  proceeding  on  a  return  trip  from  Fort 
Schlosser,  whither  they  had  gone  with  supplies.  When  they 

(123) 


124  THE    LIVES    OF    PONTIAC    AND    TECDMSEH'. 

reached  a  point  opposite  the  Devil's  Hole  they  were  greeted  by 
a  blaze  of  musketry.  The  horses  leaped  madly.  On  the  left 
of  the  train,  far  down  the  awful  precipice,  lay  the  black  gulf, 
while  on  its  right  the  savages  were  leaping  from  tree  to  tree 
towards  them,  yelping  like  bloodhounds.  The  twenty-four 
soldiers  who  guarded  the  train  beheld  death  on  either  side, 
and  prepared  themselves  to  meet  it.  In  a  moment  the  awful 
event  was  over.  The  horses  plunged  blindly  into  the  abyss, 
and  the  whole  train  fell,  crushing  upon  the  sharp  rocks  far 
below.  Only  three  escaped,  among  whom  was  Stedman,  the 
conductor  of  the  train.  Beholding  the  approaching  fate  of  the 
convoy,  he  wheeled  his  horse  and  bravely  spurred  through  the 
crowd  of  Indians.  Flying  through  the  forests  at  a  high  speed 
he  soon  reached  Fort  Schlosser,  where  he  reported  his  loss.  At 
no  great  distance  were  a  party  of  soldiers,  who  had  fortified  a 
camp  near  the  landing  place.  These,  hearing  the  report  of 
Indian  rifles,  and  suspecting  the  real  situation,  hastened  to  the 
relief  of  the  convoy  ;  but  the  Indians,  having  prepared  for 
their  approach,  soon  routed  them  with  great  slaughter.  As 
they  rushed  along  a  party  of  savages  leaped  from  their  ambus 
cade  and  poured  a  volley  of  musketry  among  them,  shooting 
down  fully  half  their  number.  Pursuing  them  hotly,  the 
Indians  picked  them  off,  until  only  a  few  escaped.  These  fled 
to  Niagara  with  the  terrible  account  of  their  adventures. 

Major  Wilkins,  on  hearing  it,  immediately  marched  his  whole 
garrison  to  the  spot,  but  the  Indians  had  gone.  They  gathered 
the  dead  bodies  of  the  scalpless  soldiers  together,  to  the  number 
of  seventy,  and  beheld  with  inexpressible  horror  the  awful 
results  of  the  ambuscade  of  the  Devil's  Hole. 

The  fury  of  the  Senecas,  who  were  the  actors  in  this  bold 
attack,  did  not  end  with  this.  Not  many  days  after,  as  Major 
Wilkins  was  advancing  to  the  relief  of  Detroit,  on  the  river 
above  the  great  fails  of  Niagara,  he  was  pounced  upon  by  a 
handful  of  these  fierce  warriors  and  driven  back  with  disorder. 
Recovering  from  this  shock,  Major  Wilkins  again  started  for 
Detroit,  but  this  time  he  was  overtaken  by  a  severe  storm. 
Nearly  all  the  bateaux  were  overset,  over  seventy  men  perished, 
and  the  few  surviving  boats  returned  to  Niagara. 


OR,    THE    BORDER    WARS    OF    TWO    CENTURIES.  125 

The  reader  will  now  observe  that  all  the  frontier  settlements 
of  the  English  colonies,  and  also  those  of  Canada,  were  in  a 
deplorable  condition.  Everywhere  the  slaughter  reigned  with 
unabated  fury.  Scarcely  an  hour  passed  in  which  the  news  of 
some  horrible  massacre  did  not  startle  the  inhabitants  from 
their  security.  Day  and  night  the  war  whoop  sounded  along 
the  outskirts  of  the  woods,  and  every  moment  a  band  of  Indians 
could  be  seen  flying  across  some  open  space,  with  scalps  flut 
tering  from  their  loins.  Everywhere  the  people  now  fled  to 
the  forts  for  safety.  The  dwellings  were  deserted  by  their 
owners,  and  burned  to  the  ground  by  the  Indians.  But  happy 
were  those  who  escaped.  Hundreds  and  thousands  received 
no  warning,  and  perished  beneath  the  tomahawk.  The  ranging 
parties  who  visited  the  scenes  of  slaughter  beheld,  in  shapes 
too  horrible  for  description,  the  half  consumed  bodies  of  men, 
women  and  children,  still  securely  bound  to  the  trees  where 
they  had  prayed  for  death  amid  liery  tortures. 

While  strong  bands  of  warriors  were  daily  besieging  the 
forts  and  harrassing  the  garrisons  of  the  western  forests,  smaller 
but  no  less  fierce  war  parties  were  skulking  among  the  border 
woods,  leaping  out  upon  the  settlements  whenever  an  oppor 
tunity  was  presented,  and  murdering  every  Englishman,  woman 
and  child  who  came  in  their  way.  It  was,  perhaps,  from  the 
latter  source  that  most  of  the  suffering  came  upon  the  settle 
ments.  Among  these  bands  there  was  none  more  destructive 
than  one.  about  sixty  in  number,  which  ascended  the  Ken- 
awha  and  ravaged  the  settlements  along  the  banks  of  that  river. 
From  valley  to  valley  they  carried  the  bloody  work,  until  every 
English  person  in  their  course  was  scalped.  Sometimes  they 
would  take  the  unsuspecting  families  by  surprise,  but  as  often 
they  would  slaughter  them  under  the  guise  of -friendship.  Thus 
they  continued  their  march  until  they  reached  the  little  town 
cf  Greenbrier,  where  all  the  inhabitants,  having  received  warn 
ing  of  their  approach,  had  fortified  themselves  into  the  house 
of  Archibald  Glendenning.  Nearly  one  hundred  people  were 
now  crowded  into  this  house.  The  savages  appeared,  and  at 
first  seemed  to  be  friendly.  Some  of  them  were  admitted  to 
the  house  while  others  gathered  in  clouds  outside.  In  one 


126  THE    LIVES    OF    PCXNTIAC    AND    TECUMSEHI 

corner  of  the  house  sat  an  old  lady  who  had  recently  received 
a  slight  injury.  She  inquired  of  one  of  the  warriors  whether 
or  not  he  could  cure  her.  He  replied  by  plunging  a  knife  into 
the  wound,  killing  her  instantly.  At  this  the  work  of  slaugh 
ter  began.  Nearly  all  were  killed  and  scalped  on  the  spot. 
The  owner  of  the  house  snatched  up  one  of  his  children  and 
rushed  from  the  house,  but  meeting  a  bullet  from  one  of  the 
savages  on  the  outside,  he  fell  dead  in  his  tracks.  A  negro 
woman  leaped  out  of  one  of  the  windows  and  ran  to  a  place 
of  concealment.  She  was  followed  by  her  screaming  children, 
and  fearing  lest  they  should  betray  her  to  the  Indians,  she 
killed  them  on  the  spot.  Such  was  the  awful  horror  of  the 
moment ! 

Among  those  taken  prisoners  at  this  affray  was  the  wife  of 
Glendenning,  the  mistress  of  the  house.  She  was  a  woman 
of  great  fortitude,  and  far  from  allowing  her  fears  from  over 
coming  her,  she  began  to  abuse  her  captors  for  acting  as  they 
had.  "Neither  the  tomahawk  which  they  brandished  over 
her  head,  nor  the  scalp  of  her  murdered  husband,  with  which 
they  struck  her  in  the  face,  could  silence  the  undaunted  virago." 

When  the  massacre  had  been  finished,  the  Indians  captured 
all  the  horses,  and  packing  up  the  plunder,  they  started  with  a 
large  number  of  prisoners.  Mrs.  Glendenning  and  her  infant 
child  was  placed  among  the  captives.  As  they  marched  along 
through  the  thick  woods,  she  handed  her  child  to  a  woman 
who  was  walking  beside  her,  and  leaving  it  to  a  terrible  fate, 
she  escaped  through  the  woods.  Before  nightfall  she  returned 
to  the  spot  from  whence  they  had  started  and  beheld  the 
smouldering  embers  of  her  house.  She  found  the  dead  body 
of  her  husband  and  buried  it  beneath  fence  rails  to  protect  it 
from  the  wolves. 

Not  long  after  this  butchery,  a  man  chanced  to  be  passing 
by  a  log  school-house  on  the  western  frontier  of  Pennsylvania, 
and  being  struck  with  its  silence,  he  pushed  open  the  door  and 
looked  within.  "In  the  center  lay  the  master  scalped  and 
lifeless,  with  a  Bible  clasped  in  his  hands,  while  around  the 
room  were  strewn  the  bodies  of  his  pupils,  nine  in  number, 
miserably  mangled,  though  one  of  them  still  retained  a  spark 


OB,    THE    BOEDER    WARS    OF    TWO    CENTURIES.  127 

of  life."  It  was  afterwards  known  that  the  horrible  deed  had 
been  committed  by  one  of  those  bands  of  Indians. 

Thus  I  might  go  on  until  the  whole  volume  was  filled  with 
horrors  like  these,  but  I  must  hasten  to  push  the  narrative 
westward  to  a  later  day.  It  will  suffice,,  therefore,  to  say  that 
every  detail  of  the  war  upon  the  settlements  was  full  of  woe. 
Everywhere  the  hand  of  the  fierce  Indian  was  felt;  every wheie 
the  people  fell  back  to  the  older  cities  for  safety  or  perished 
beneath  the  scalping  knife. 

One  of  the  great  features  of  the  sufferings  of  this  period 
was  endured  by  those  who  were  taken  prisoners  and  conducted 
to  the  Indian  villages.  The  torture  which  these  unfortunate 
persons  endured  will  never  be  told.  Indeed,  at  this  late  day, 
it  is  better  that  these  torments  be  passed  over.  Many  of  these 
narratives  are  too  full  of  horror  to  receive  credence,  while 
most  of  them  are  of  a  character  that  cannot  fail  to  shock  the 
reader  beyond  endurance. 

As  the  news  of  increasing  disaster,  as  well  as  flocks  of  refu 
gees,  reached  the  eastern  towns  and  cities,  measures  were  taken 
for  the  relief  of  the  frontier.  Private  contributions  were  made 
for  the  relief  of  the  sufferers,  and  the  several  provincial  gov 
ernments  adopted  such  measures  as  the  situation  seemed  to 
require.  In  this  matter,  however,  Pennsylvania  was  rather 
slow.  There  was  a  majority  of  Quakers  in  the  assembly,  and 
these  singular  persons  were  unwilling  to  believe  that  the  out 
break  of  the  Indians  was  not  based  upon  good  reasons.  They 
however  passed  a  bill  for  "  raising  and  equipping  a  force  of 
seven  hundred  men,  to  be  composed  of  frontier  farmers,  and 
to  be  kept  in  pay  only  during  the  time  of  harvest.  They  were 
not  to  leave  the  settled  parts  of  the  province  to  engage  in 
offensive  operations  of  any  kind,  nor  even  to  perform  garrison 
duty,  their  sole  object  being  to  enable  the  people  to  gather  in 
their  crops  unmolested."  This  force  was  distributed  along 
the  whole  frontier  of  Pennsylvania.  Two  companies  assigned 
to  the  defense  of  Lancaster  county  were  placed  under  the  com 
mand  of  a  clergyman,  Eev.  John  Elder,  pastor  of  the  Presby 
terian  •  church  of  Paxton.  He  is  said  to  have  discharged  his 
military  duties  in  a  highly  satisfactory  manner. 


128  THE    LIVES    OF    PONTIAO    AND    TECUMSEH! 

The  feeble  measures  adopted  by  the  assembly  of  Pennsyl 
vania  called  out  loud  disapproval  both  among  the  people  of 
that  province  and  in  the  neighboring  colonies.  In  Virginia 
the  Governor  and  council  at  once  called  out  a  thousand  of  the 
militia,  five  hundred  being  placed  under  Colonel  Stephens  and 
five  hundred  under  Major  Lewis.  These  forces  marched  against 
the  hostile  tribes  on  the  borders  of  Virginia  and  did  good 
service.  They  routed  the  savages  at  every  point  and  restored 
confidence  among  the  settlers. 

But  with  her  feeble  defenses  Pennsylvania  continued  to 
suffer.  They  now  no  longer  waited  for  the  action  of  their 
government,  but  arming  themselves,  they  organized  for  their 
own  defense.  These  new  forces  were  directed  against  the 
Susquehanna  villages,  and  after  great  slaughter  they  were 
destroyed.  An  expedition  was  now  set  on  foot  against  the 
settlers  of  Wyoming  on  the  east  branch  of  the  Susquehanna. 
The  object  of  the  expedition  was  to  remove  these  settlers  who 
had  come  there  contrary  to  the  laws  of  Pennsylvania,  and '  to 
destroy  their  corn  and  provisions,  which  might  otherwise  fall 
into  the  hands  of  the  enemy.  The  party  started  from  Harris' 
Ferry  under  the  command  of  Major  Clayton,  and  reached 
Wyoming  on  the  seventeenth  of  October.  They  were  too  late. 
The  Indians  had  been  there  before  them,  and  now  the  settle 
ment  was  reduced  to  ashes.  The  bodies  of  its  unfortunate 
inmates  were  brutally  mutilated.  Twenty  had  been  killed  or 
captured.  Having  buried  the  dead  bodies  of  those  who  had 
perished  in  the  massacre,  Clayton  returned  with  his  party  to 
Pennsylvania.  Notwithstanding  these  evidences  of  danger, 
and  that  petitions  from  the  borders  were  daily  arriving,  the 
Quakers  remained  firm  in  their  inactive  policy. 

Sir  Jeffery  Amherst  had  now  resigned  his  office  of  Com- 
mander-in-Chief,  and  General  Gage  was  appointed  in  his  place. 

Before  Amherst  sailed  for  Europe  he  had  made  a  requisition 
upon  all  the  provinces  for  troops  to  march  against  the  Indians 
early  in  the  spring  of  1764,  and  as  soon  as  Gage  arrived  he 
confirmed  this  course.  The  requisition  was  complied  with 
.and  the  troops  were  raised. 


CHAPTEK    XVI. 

THE  MORAVIAN  MISSIONS  —  THEIR  REMOVAL — DIFFICULTIES  IN  PHIL 
ADELPHIA —  ADVANCE  OF  THE  PAXTON  MEN — GREAT  EXCITEMENT  — 
THE  QUAKERS  VOLUNTEERING  TO  ENTER  THE  ARMY  —  THE  DIFFI 
CULTY  SETTLED. 

IN  THE  autumn  of  1763,  the  war  had  spread  from  the  Caro- 
linas  on  the  south  to  ISTova  Scotia  on  the  north  and  east. 
Everywhere  in  the  intervening  provinces  their  border  settle 
ments  were  sorely  harrassed.  Over  two  thousand  persons  had 
been  killed,  or  carried  off,  and  nearly  that  number  of  families 
had  been  driven  from  their  homes.  On  the  borders  of  Penn 
sylvania,  the  settlers  were  now  fighting  the  Indians  on  the  one 
hand  and  the  Quakers  on  the  other.  They  declared  that  the 
latter  would  go  farther  to  befriend  a  murdering  Delaware  than 
to  protect  the  borders.  This  feeling  against  the  Quakers  was 
not  confined  to  the  low.  The  magistrates  and  the  clergy  were 
its  principal  votaries.  The  borderers  in  this  section  were  now 
placed  between  two  fires,  and  they  resolved  on  vent.  The  Pax- 
ton  men,  who,  as  we  have  already  seen,  were  commanded  by  a 
clergymen,  led  the  way  in  this  work.  The  slaughter  of  the 
Indians  at  the  Manor  of  Canestoga,  and  the  breaking  of  the 
jail  and  murder  of  Indians  at  Lancaster,  were  among  the  atroc 
ities  which  these  fierce  borderers,  now  goaded  to  desperation, 
openly  committed.  Mr.  Elder,  their  leader,  however,  remon 
strated  with  them,  but  failed  to  dissuade  them  from  their 
design.  The  tidings  of  his  massacre  threw  the  country  into 
excitement.  Few  regarded  it  as  a  willful  and  deliberate 
crime,  while  many  looked  upon  it  as  the  mistaken  act  of  rash 
men,  fevered  to  desperation  by  wrongs  and  sufferings.  Imme 
diately  following  these  events,  the  war  upon  the  borders 
increased  in  violence,  and  the  excitement,  throughout  the 
9  (129) 


130  THE    LIVES    OF    PONTIAC    AND    TECUMSEH: 

provinces,  become  deeper  on  account  of  the  circumstance& 
which,  in  the  course  of  these  thrilling  events,  now  took  place. 
One  of  the  most  important  of  these  was  the  policy  pursued  by 
the  provincial  government  towards  the  Indians  belonging  to  the 
Moravian  Missions.  The  reader  no  doubt  remembers  that,  for 
many  years  previous  to  these  events,  the  Moravians  had 
labored  with  good  success  among  the  Indians  of  Pennsylvania, 
and  had  established  several  missions  among  them.  These 
missions  had  been  infested  during  the  war  of  1755.  During 
this  struggle,  the  mission  at  Gradenhutten  was  besieged  by 
both  English,  French  and  Indians,  and  totally  destroyed.  The 
other  missions  were  permitted  to  remain  undisturbed  until  the 
opening  of  the  Pontiac  War,  when  they  soon  became  objects  of 
distrust  to  the  English.  Therefore,  soon  after  the  massacre  at 
Canestoga,  a  party  of  drunken  rangers,  fired  by  the  general 
distrust  of  the  Moravian  Indians,  murdered  several  of  them, 
whom  they  found  sheltered  in  a  barn.  ISTot  long  after  this, 
the  same  rangers  were  surprised  and  murdered  by  Indians, 
supposed  to  be  from  the  Moravian  villages,  Nam  and  Wecque- 
tauk,  near  the  Lehigh,  and  from  Wyalusing,  near  Wyoming. 
The  two  former  were,  however,  the  objects  of  the  greatest 
hatred.  The  borderers  now  resolved  to  destroy  these  missions. 
Accordingly,  on  the  tenth  of  October,  1763,  a  party  of  armed 
men  encamped  near  Wecquetauk;  for  the  purpose  of  making 
an  attack  under  cover  of  darkness.  Before  night  had  set  in, 
a  severe  storm  came  on,  wetting  the  ammunition  and  defeating 
the  plan.  On  the  following  day,  the  Christian  Indians  hear 
ing  of  the  attempt  of  the  previous  evening,  broke  up  and  took 
their  flight. 

Meantime,  charges  against  the  Moravian  converts,  had  been 
laid  before  the  Assembly  of  Pennsylvania.  It  was  therefore 
resolved  to  disarm  these  Indians,  and  to  remove  them  to  a  point 
where  it  would  be  impossible  for  them  to  commit  further  dep 
redations.  The  order  reached  them  on  the  first  of  "November, 
and  the  Indians,  yielding  up  their  arms,  prepared  to  depart. 
When  assembled  together  for  the  march,  their  whole  number 
lid  not  exceed  one  hundred  and  twenty.  On  reaching  Phila 
delphia,  and,  indeed,  throughout  the  whole  march,  they  were 


OB,  THE  BORDER  WAKS  OF  TWO  CENTURIES.        131 

greeted  with  threatening  mobs,  whose  fury  it  was  difficult  to 
restrain.  Here  they  were  conducted  to  the  barracks,  which 
had  been  intended  to  receive  them,  but  the  soldiers  refused  to 
admit  them,  saying  that  they  cared  nothing  for  the  order  of 
the  Governor.  All  day  the  savages  remained  in  front  of  the 
barracks,  surrounded  by  a  multitude  who  continued  to  treat 
them  with  abuse.  As  the  soldiers  could  not  be  persuaded  to 
admit  them,  they  took  up  their  march  for  Province  Island, 
below  the  city.  Here  they  occupied  some  waste  buildings,  and 
received  the  friendship  and  attention  of  the  Quakers.  As  they 
marched  through  the  city,  the  crowd  followed  them,  hooting 
at  them  from  every  corner. 

The  Paxton  men  now  threatened  that  they  would  visit  Phil 
adelphia  and  slaughter  the  Indians  who  had  thus  been  placed 
under  government  protection.  Indeed,  the  threat  was  partially 
carried  out.  Having  increased  their  numbers,  they  resolvei 
to  march  on  Philadelphia.  But  this  had  not  been  done  unti> 
every  possible  effort  to  elicit  the  protection  of  the  government 
had  failed.  On  one  occasion  they  sent  a  wagon  load  of  the 
scalped  and  mangled  corpses  of  their  friends  and  relations,  who 
had  fallen  at  a  recent  Indian  onset,  but  even  the  presence  of 
the  awful  spectacle  failed  to  elicit  decisive  measures.  They 
now  organized  under  Matthew  Smith,  and  towards  the  last  of 
January  took  the  road  for  Philadelphia.  Their  numbers 
exceeded  one  thousand  men.  A  part  of  their  purpose  was  to 
kill-  the  Indians  who  had  been  placed  on  Province  Island. 
"  They  pursued  their  march  in  high  confidence,  applauded  by 
the  inhabitants,  and  hourly  increasing  in  numbers." 

The  news  of  this  movement  soon  reached  Philadelphia,  and 
the  alarm  spread  among  the  Quakers  like  wild-fire.  They  sus 
pected  the  Indians  to  be  the  object  of  their  mission,  and,  after 
considerable  parley,  it  was  resolved  to  send  them  to  New  York, 
where  they  could  receive  the  protection  of  Sir  William  Johnson. 
They  were  immediately  removed,  and  escorted  out  of  the  city. 
Arriving  at  Amboy,  N.  J.,  word  was  received  that  they  would 
not  be  permitted  to  enter  the  State  of  New  York.  A  few 
days  after,  the  Governor  of  New  Jersey  ordered  them  to  leave 
that  province.  The  distressed  Indians  therefore  retraced  their 


132  THE    LIVES    OF    PONTIAC    AND    TECUMSEH! 

steps  to  Philadelphia,  where  they  arrived  on  the  twenty- 
fourth  of  January.  This  time  the  soldiers  permitted  them  to 
enter  the  barracks.  Escorting  these  Indians  came  a  detach 
ment  of  a  hundred  and  seventy  soldiers,  which  had  been  sent 
by  Gen.  Gage  from  New  York  in  compliance  with  the  request 
of  Gov.  Penn. 

The  situation  in  Philadelphia  was  now  full  of  danger.  No 
time  could  be  lost.  The  Quakers  in  the  Assembly  concurred 
in  a  measure  looking  towards  the  most  decisive  defense,  and 
everywhere  in  the  once  pacific  city,  the  greatest  excitement 
prevailed.  Franklin  was  the  moving  spirit,  and  "  under  his 
auspices,  the  citizens  were  formed  into  military  companies,  six 
of  which  were  of  infantry,  one  of  artillery,  and  two  of  horse. 
Besides  this  force,  several  thousands  of  the  inhabitants,  includ 
ing  many  Quakers,  held  themselves  ready  to  appear  in  arms  at 
a  moment's  notice." 

But  these  preparations  had  not  been  completed  when  news 
came  in  that  the  Paxton  men  were  advancing  within  a  short 
distance  of  the  city.  Arriving  at  Germantown,  and  hearing 
of  the  preparations  that  had  been  made  for  their  reception, 
they  concluded  to  advance  no  further.  Meanwhile  Philadelphia 
was  full  of  excitement.  Cannon  were  placed  before  the  bar 
racks,  the  soldiers  called  out,  the  citizens  armed,  and  everything 
made  ready.  At  length  a  deputation,  headed  by  Franklin, 
went  out  and  interviewed  the  Paxton  boys.  The  result  of  this 
conference  was  that  Matthew  Smith  and  James  Gibson  were 
appointed  on  the  part  of  the  borderers  to  lay  their  grievances 
before  the  Assembly.  Redress  was  promised,  and  the  frontier- 
men  retired.  The  Indians  remained  secure  within  the  garrison, 
although  before  the  end  of  the  year  more  than  one-third  of 
their  number  died  with  small-pox. 


CHAPTEK    XVII. 

BRADSTREET'S  EXPEDITION  —  THE  COUNCIL  AT  NIAGARA  —  PEACES 
TREATIES  —  BRADSTREET  AT  DETROIT  —  COUNCIL  WITH  THE  INDIANS  — 
PEACE  CONCLUDED  —  CANADIANS  PUNISHED  —  MICHILIMACKINAC  GAR 
RISONED —  FATE  OF  CAPT.  MORRIS  —  BRADSTREET  KETURNS. 

EAKLY  in  the  spring  of  1764  it  was  resolved  to  send  two 
armies  into  the  Indian  country  to  "  beat  them  into  submis 
sion  "  and  bind  them  as  firm  as  possible  by  treaties.  The 
command  of  the  first  was  entrusted  to  Col.  Bouquet,  who,  as 
we  have  seen,  was  now  well  acquainted  with  the  mode  of  Indian 
warfare.  He  received  orders  to  advance  to  Fort  Pitt,  and  from 
thence  to  penetrate  the  wilderness  as  far  as  the  Delaware  and 
Shawanee  villages  and  destroy  them.  The  other  army,  which 
Col.  Bradstreet  was  to  command,  was  to  ascend  the  lakes  and 
force  the  tribes  around  Detroit  into  complete  submission. 

I  shall  not  stop  here  to  give  any  details  as  to  how  these 
armies  were  raised  or  equipped,  but  enter  at  once  into  an 
account  of  their  fortunes  and  failures.  The  army  under  Brad- 
street  left  Albany  on  the  first  of  June  and  moved  toward  Nia 
gara  over  the  usual  route.  Arriving  at  this  place  they  found 
the  plains  beyond  thickly  dotted  with  the  wigwams  of  the 
Indians.  Not  many  months  previous,  in  the  autumn  of  1T63, 
Sir  William  Johnson  had  sent  his  messengers  to  the  tribes  in 
all  parts  of  the  Northwest,  warning  them  that  in  the  spring  a 
large  army  was  corning  to  destroy  them,  and  urging  all  who 
desired  peace  to  meet  him  at  Niagara.  The  defeat  and  suffer 
ings  of  the  Indians  during  the  early  part  of  the  winter  com 
bined  to  urge  a  hearty  acceptance  of  his  proposal,  and  many 
warriors  now  set  out  for  the  council  at  Niagara. 

Alexander  Henry,  of  whose  adventures  at  Michilimackinac 
the  reader  has  already  been  informed,  was  at  the  Saut  Ste. 

(133) 


134  THE    LIVES    OF    PONTIAC    AND    TEOUMSEH: 

Marie  with  a  party  of  Ojibwas  when  a  canoe  filled  with  the 
deputies  of  Sir  William  Johnson  arrived.  A  council  was  held 
at  which  one  of  the  deputies  delivered  the  following  speech: 
"  My  friends  and  brothers,  I  am  come  with  this  belt  from  our 
great  father,  Sir  "William  Johnson.  He  desired  me  to  come  to 
you  as  his  ambassador  and  tell  you  that  he  is  making  a  great 
feast  at  Fort  Niagara ;  that  his  kettles  are  all  ready  and  his 
fires  lighted.  He  invites  you  to  partake  of  the  feast  in  com 
mon  with  your  friends  the  Six  Nations,  who  have  all  made 
peace  with  the  English.  He  advises  you  to  seize  this  oppor 
tunity  of  doing  the  same,  as  you  cannot  otherwise  fail  of  being 
destroyedr  for  the  English  are  on  their  march  with  a  great 
army,  which  will  be  joined  by  different  nations  of  Indians.  In 
a  word,  before  the  fall  of  the  leaf  they  will  be  at  Michilimack- 
inac,  and  the  Six  Nations  with  them." 

The  Ojibwas  had  just  received  a  message  from  Pontiac,  at 
Detroit,  urging  them  to  join  him  against  that  post,  and  now 
the  messenger  from  Sir  William  Johnson  caused  them  to  waver. 
Many  of  them  were  in  favor  of  accepting  the  last  invitation 
to  go  to  Niagara;  but,  unwilling  to  depend  upon  their  own 
judgment  in  the  matter,  they  sought  to  be  guided  by  the 
spirit  of  the  Great  Turtle,  the  chief  of  all  the  spirits.  For 
this  purpose  they  erected  a  large  wigwam,  quite  large  enough 
to  accommodate  all  the  inhabitants  of  the  place.  Within  this, 
in  the  centre,  they  built  a  sort  of  tabernacle,  covering  it  with 
hides.  With  the  approach  of  night  all  the  warriors  gathered 
into  the  wigwam  and  waited  for  the  coming  of  the  spirit.  The 
magician,  stripped  almost  naked,  now  entered  the  little  tent  in 
the  centre.  This  was  only  large  enough  to  receive  him.  At 
once  the  curious  demonstration  began.  The  little  tent  began 
to  shake  and  a  hideous  voice  sounded  from  within.  This  was 
supposed  to  be  an  evil  spirit.  Presently  this  ceased  and  a 
whining  cry  was  heard  in  its  place.  The  warriors  sent  up  a 
cry  of  joy,  declaring  it  to  be  the  voice  of  the  Great  Turtle.  It 
being  now  declared  that  the  spirit  was  ready  to  answer  ques 
tions,  the  principal  chief  asked  if  it  would  be  wise  to  accept 
the  invitation  of  Sir  William  Johnson.  "  Sir  William  John 
son,"  said  the  spirit,  "  will  fill  your  canoes  with  presents,  with 


OR,  THE  BORDER  WARS  OF  TWO  CENTURIES.        135 

blankets,  kettles,  guns,  gunpowder  and  shot,  and  large  barrels 
of  rum,  such  as  the  stoutest  of  the  Indians  will  not  be  able  to 
lift,  and  every  man  will  return  in  safety  to  his  family."  To 
this  the  cry  was  sent  up  from  the  multitude,  "  I  will  go,  I 
will  go!" 

Accordingly  they  set  out  on  their  journey  for  Niagara,  to 
which  point  hundreds  of  savages  were  now  traveling.  Thus 
they  gathered  in  from  all  quarters  until  around  Fort  Niagara 
the  assembly  increased  to  at  least  four  thousand  Indians. 
Among  them  were  the  Menomonies,  Ottawas,  Ojibwas,  Mis- 
sissaugas,  Oaughnawagas,  Wyandots,  Iroquois,  Sacs,  Foxes  and 
Osages.  With  this  large  force  of  savages,  many  of  whom  were 
by  no  means  friendly,  it  was  necessary  to  observe  the  greatest 
caution  to  prevent  a  rupture. 

Notwithstanding  the  tribes  were  fully  represented,  there 
still  remained  many  hostile  Indians,  who  were  already  moving 
towards  the  frontier  settlements  with  uplifted  hatchets.  Among 
these  were  the  Dela wares  and  Shawanoes,  against  whom  Bou 
quet  was  now  marching.  These  were  already  moving  against 
the  settlements  on  the  borders  of  Pennsylvania  and  Virginia. 

Before  the  council  could  proceed  Johnson  sent  for  the  Senecas, 
who,  it  would  seem,  were  not  disposed  to  put  in  an  appearance. 
The  messenger  was  told  to  inform  them  that  unless  they  came 
to  Niagara  immediately,  a  strong  army  would  march  against 
them  and  destroy  them  utterly.  This  message  had  full  effect. 
The  Senecas  sent  a  full  deputation,  accompanied  by  several 
prisoners.  The  council  now  began.  A  treaty  was  made  with 
this  nation  in  which  they  agreed  never  again  to  lift  the  hatchet 
against  the  English.  They  also,  by  this  treaty  ceded  a  strip 
of  land  between  Lakes  Ontario  and  Erie,  bordering  on  the 
Niagara  river.  A  treaty  was  next  made  with  the  Wyandots, 
from  Detroit.  They  were  to  deliver  up  their  prisoners,  and 
for  the  future  continue  peaceful.  Councils  were  now  held  with 
each  tribe  in  turn  and  treaties  made.  This  occupied  several 
days,  during  which  the  ground  around  Fort  Niagara  presented 
a  lively  appearance. 

During  all  this  time  Bradstreet's  army  had  been  detained  at 
Niagara.  It  was  feared  that  some  of  the  warriors  would 


136  THE    LIVES    OF    PONTIAC    AND    TECUMSEH: 

attack  the  fort,  and  that,  should  the  troops  leave,  the  vast 
number  of  savages  in  the  neighborhood  might  form  a  design 
to  slaughter  the  garrison.  On  the  sixth  of  August,  Johnson 
departed  for  Oswego,  and,  soon  after,  the  Indians  disappear 
ing,  Bradstreet  proceeded  on  his  way  towards  Detroit.  About 
three  hundred  Canadians  and  as  many  Indians  accompanied 
the  army,  in  arms.  It  was  believed  that  the  Indians  would  be 
discouraged  at  seeing  the  French  on  the  side  of  the  English. 

Alexander  Henry,  who  accompanied  the  Ojibwa  deputies 
from  the  Saut  Ste.  Marie,  commanded  the  Indian  forces.  He 
had  received  the  appointment  on  account  of  his  extensive 
acquaintance  among  the  savages  to  whose  country  Bradstreet 
was  now  marching. 

Reaching  Presque  Isle,  the  command  was  met  by  a  strag 
gling  band  of  warriors,  who  styled  themselves  deputies  from 
the  Dela wares  and  Shawanoes.  They  said  they  had  been  sent 
to  sue  for  peace  in  the  name  of  these  nations.  They  were 
suspected  as  spies  by  all  but  the  commanding  officer,  who,  not 
only  foolishly  entered  into  a  treaty  with  them,  but  sent  a  mes 
senger  to  Bouquet,  informing  him  that  the  Delawares  and 
Shawanoes  had  been  reduced  to  submission  without  his  assist 
ance,  and  that  he  might  discontinue  his  march  towards  Fort 
Pitt.  Bouquet  was  indignant  at  this  message,  and  took  no 
notice  of  it.  Everywhere  on  the  border  slaughter  reigned 
almost  undisputed. 

Passing  on  to  Sandusky,  Bradstreet  was  met  by  a  deputation 
from  the  Wyandots,  Ottawas  and  Miamis  dwelling  in  that 
neighborhood,  and,  although  he  had  been  instructed  to  destroy 
their  villages,  he  now  entered  into  a  treaty  with  these  Indians, 
promising  not  to  injure  them,  on  the  conditions  that  they 
would  never  again  lift  the  hatchet  against  the  English.  At 
this  place  Bradstreet  dispatched  Capt.  Morris,  with  a  few 
friendly  Canadians  and  Indians,  to  persuade  the  Indians  in  the 
country  of  the  Illinois  to  treat  for  peace  with  the  English. 
The  fate  of  Morris'  detachment  will  be  seen  in  the  course  of 
the  narrative. 

On  the  twenty-sixth  of  August,  the  army  under  Brad  street's 
command  arrived  at  Detroit,  where  it  received  a  most  hearty 


OK,    THE    BOEDER    WARS    OF    TWO    CENTURIES.  137 

welcome.  At  the  earliest  possible  moment  the  garrison  was 
relieved,  and  fresh  troops  substituted  in  their  place.  The 
Canadians  who  had  aided  Pontiac  in  the  war  were  next  tried, 
found  guilty,  and  punished.  Many  of  them,  however,  had  fled 
to  Illinois,  and  thus  escaped  punishment. 

Bradstreet  next  summoned  the  surrounding  tribes  to  a 
council,  which  was  held  in  the  open  air,  on  the  seventh  of 
September,  and  at  which  a  general  peace  was  concluded.  He 
next  despatched  Capt.  Howard,  with  a  strong  detachment,  to 
take  possession  of  Michilimackinac.  Howard  performed  this 
duty,  meeting  with  no  resistance  whatever.  He  also  sent 
parties  to  garrison  the  posts  at  Green  Bay  and  Saut  Ste.  Marie. 

Let  us  now  see  what  had  become  of  Capt.  Morris  and  his 
expedition.  Soon  after  leaving  the  army  at  Sandusky,  he 
arrived  at  the  camp  of  Pontiac,  on  the  Maumee.  Here  the 
Ottawa  chief  plundered  the  expedition  of  everything  except 
their  arms  and  clothing,  and  suffered  them  to  depart.  On 
every  hand  Morris  was  treated  with  contempt,  and  being  men 
aced  with  death  should  he  attempt  to  continue  his  journey 
towards  Illinois,  he  set  out  for  Detroit,  hoping  to  find  Brad- 
street  there.  In  this  hope  he  was  disappointed.  Morris  was 
informed  that  his  commander  had  gone  down  to  Sandusky  r 
but  he  refused  to  follow  him. 

While  at  Sandusky,  Bradstreet  received  a  letter  from  Gen. 
Gage,  disapproving  of  the  course  he  had  taken,  and  ordering 
him  to  march  against  the  Indian  village  on  the  Scioto.  This 
intelligence,  together  with  the  news  of  Capt.  Morris'  failure 
was  too  much  for  the  temper  of  the  commander.  Refusing  to 
obey  the  orders  of  his  superior  officer,  on  the  pretext  that  the 
season  was  too  far  advanced,  he  returned  home,  with  his- 
broken  and  disheartened  army. 


CHAPTER    XVIII. 

BOUQUET'S  ARMY  IN  THE  INDIAN  COUNTRY — HE  SUBDUES  THE  DELA- 
WARES  AND  SHAWANOES — SCENES  AT  THE  ENGLISH  CAMP  —  TWO 
HUNDRED  PRISONERS  GIVEN  UP  —  RETURN  OF  THE  EXPEDITION. 

TURNING  our  attention  once  more  to  the  borders  of  Pennsyl 
vania,  we  find  Indian  war-parties  active  in  the  work  of  deso 
lating  the  settlements.  So  desperate  had  the  savages  now 
become  that  the  English  Governor  of  Pennsylvania  issued  a 
proclamation  offering  a  high  bounty  for  Indian  scalps,  whether 
of  men  or  women.  As  might  be  supposed,  this  measure  pro 
duced  additional  butcheries.  Among  these  I  will  cite  that 
perpetrated  by  David  Owens.  Several  years  previous  he  had 
deserted  and  joined  the  Indians.  One  day  early  in  the  spring 
of  1764  he  came  to  the  settlements,  bringing  with  him  a  young 
man  recently  taken  prisoner  by  the  Delawares.  While  living 
among  the  Indians  Owens  had  formed  a  connection  with  one 
of  their  women,  who  had  borne  him  several  children.  He  now 
resolved  to  return  to  the  settlements,  and  to  carry  with  him  a 
number  of  scalps.  One  night  he  had  been  encamped  on  the 
Susquehanna  with  a  party  consisting  of  four  Shawaiioe  warriors, 
a  boy  of  the  same  tribe,  his  own  wife  and  two  children,  and 
another  Indian  woman.  The  prisoner  already  mentioned  was 
also  present.  In  the  middle  of  the  night  Owens  arose,  and 
finding  all  fast  asleep  he  awakened  the  prisoner  and  told  him 
his  intentions,  requesting  him  to  go  out  a  little  way  and  lie 
quietly  concealed  until  he  had  finished  his  bloody  work.  Owens 
then  removed  the  weapons  from  the  sides  of  the  savages,  and 
hid  them  in  the  woods.  Returning  he  knelt  on  the  ground 
between  two  of  the  unconscious  warriors,  and  pointing  a  rifle 
at  the  head  of  each,  touched  the  triggers  and  shot  both  dead 
at  once.  The  two  surviving  warriors  sprang  up  and  ran  for 

(138) 


OK,    THE    BORDER    WARS    OF    TWO    CENTURIES.  139 

their  lives,  while  the  women  and  children,  benumbed  with  ter 
ror,  had  no  power  to  escape,  and  one  and  all  died,  shrieking 
beneath  the  tomahawk.  Having  completed  the  slaughter  he 
sat  down  among  the  dead  and  waited  patiently  for  the  dawn. 
As  soon  as  it  was  light  he  scalped  the  dead,  excepting  the  two 
•children,  and  left  for  the  settlements,  which  he  reached  in  safety, 
in  company  with  the  young  man  who  had  been  held  a  prisoner 
in  the  camp. 

Bouquet  was  now  on  the  march  with  his  army.  On  the  fifth 
of  August  he  reached  Carlisle.  His  force  consisted  of  five 
hundred  regulars,  most  of  whom  had  fought  with  him  at  the 
battle  of  Bushy  Eun,  a  thousand  Pennsylvanians,  and  a  corps 
of  Virginia  riflemen.  The  army  now  advanced  to  Fort  Loudon, 
where  Bouquet  received  a  letter  from  Bradstreet,  informing 
him  that  he  could  return  with  his  army,  as  peace  had  already 
been  concluded  with  the  Delawares  and  Shawanoes.  As  before 
mentioned,  Bouquet  took  no  notice  of  the  communication,  but 
pushed  forward  towards  Fort  Pitt,  where  he  arrived  on  the  sev 
enteenth  of  September.  Immediately  after  his  arrival  a  party 
of  Delawares  appeared  on  the  opposite  bank  of  the  river,  pro 
fessing  to  be  sent  as  deputies  from  their  nation  to  treat  of  peace 
with  the  English.  After  some  hesitation  three  of  them  came 
to  the  fort,  where  they  were  held  as  spies.  The  remainder  fled 
in  haste  to  their  villages.  Bouquet,  however,  released  one  of 
the  captives  and  sent  him  home  with  a  message  as  follows  : 
"  I  have  received  an  account  from  Colonel  Bradstreet  that  your 
nations  had  begged  for  peace,  which  he  had  consented  to  grant 
upon  assurance  that  you  had  recalled  all  your  warriors  from 
our  frontiers,  and  in  consequence  of  this  I  would  not  have 
proceeded  against  your  towns  if  I  had  not  heard  that  in  open 
violation  of  your  engagement  you  have  since  murdered  several 
of  our  people.  I  was  therefore  determined  to  have  attacked 
you,  as  a  people  whose  promise  can  no  more  be  relied  on  ;  but 
I  will  place  it  once  more  in  your  power  to  save  yourselves  and 
your  families  from  total  destruction,  by  giving  us  satisfaction 
for  the  hostilities  committed  against  us.  And  first  you  are  to 
leave  the  path  open  for  my  expresses  from  hence  to  Detroit ; 
and  as  I  am  now  to  send  two  men  with  dispatches  to  Col.  Brad- 


THE    LIVES    OF    PONTIAO    AND    TEOUMSEH : 

street,  who  commands  on  the  lakes,  I  desire  to  know  whether 
you  will  send  two  of  your  people  to  bring  them  safe  back  with 
an  answer;  and  if  they  receive  any  injury,  either  in  going  or 
coming,  or  if  the  letters  are  taken  from  them,  I  will  immedi 
ately  put  the  Indians  now  in  my  power  to  death,  and  will  show 
no  mercy,  for  the  future,  to  any  of  your  nation  that  shall  fall 
into  my  hands.  I  will  allow  you  ten  days  to  have  my  letters 
delivered  at  Detroit,  and  ten  days  to  bring  me  back  an  answer." 

This  Indian  repaired  to  his  village  and  delivered  the  message 
in  good  faith.  The  warriors  were  singularly  impressed  with 
its  decisive  tone,  and  they  were  now  ready  to  sue  for  peace. 
Soon  after  some  Iroquois  Indians  appeared  near  the  fort,  and 
endeavored  to  discourage  Bouquet  from  penetrating  the  coun 
try  any  further.  They  represented  the  great  numbers  of  the 
savages,  and  the  dangerous  passes  which  he  would  have  to 
encounter;  but  to  all  Bouquet  made  but  one  reply  —  that  he 
was  determined  to  move  against  them  with  his  whole  army 
immediately. 

Accordingly  he  set  out  early  in  October,  and  in  ten  days 
reached  the  river  Muskingum.  As  they  passed  along  through 
the  lonely  forests  the  Indian  cabins  were  all  deserted.  But 
now  Bouquet  was  in  the  heart  of  the  Indian  country,  and 
within  a  few  days'  march  of  the  strongest  Indian  villages.  He 
continued  his  march  down  the  river  until  he  came  to  a  favorable 
spot  for  encamping.  Here  he  erected  a  small  palisade  work, 
as  a  depot  for  the  stores  and  baggage ;  but  before  the  task  was 
half  completed  a  deputation  of  chiefs  arrived,  saying  that  the 
warriors  were  encamped  in  great  numbers  about  eight  miles 
distant.*  They  desired  Bouquet  to  appoint  a  time  and  place 
for  holding  a  council.  The  colonel  complied,  telling  them  to 
meet  him  on  the  next  day,  near  the  margin  of  the  river,  a  little 
below  his  camp.  A  rude  tent  was  erected  on  the  spot,  to 
accommodate  the  assembly.  In  the  morning  Bouquet  moved 
his  little  army  in  marching  order  to  the  spot.  Soon  after  the 
Indians  arrived,  and  the  great  chiefs  of  the  Delawares  and 
Shawanoes  took  seats  upon  mats  prepared  for  them.  Except 
ing  Pontiac,  these  two  men  stood  unequalled  in  the  American 
forests.  A  full  deputation  was  present.  When  all  had  been 


OB,    THE    BORDER    WARS    OF    TWO    CENTURIES.  141 

seated,  and  the  formalities  of  smoking  the  pipe  ended,  Turtle 
Heart,  a  chief  of  the  Delawares,  and  the  most  noted  orator 
present,  addressed  the  English  commander  as  follows,  deliver 
ing  a  belt  of  wampum  at  the  end  of  every  clause  of  his  speech  : 

"Brother,  I  speak  in  behalf  of  the  three  nations  whose 
chiefs  are  here  present.  With  this  belt  I  open  your  ears  and 
your  hearts,  that  you  may  listen  to  my  words. 

"Brother,  this  war  was  neither  your  fault  nor  ours  ;  it  was 
the  work  of  the  nations  who  live  to  the  westward,  and  of  our 
wild  young  men,  who  would  have  killed  us  if  we  had  resisted 
them.  We  now  put  away  all  evil  from  our  hearts,  and  we  hope 
that  your  mind  and  ours  will  once  more  be  united  together. 

"  Brother,  it  is  the  will  of  the  Great  Spirit  that  there  should 
be  peace  between  us.  We  on  our  side  now  take  fast  hold  of 
the  chain  of  friendship,  but  as  we  cannot  hold  it  alone,  we 
desire  that  you  will  take  hold  also,  and  we  must  look  up  to  the 
Great  Spirit  f.hat  he  may  make  us  strong  and  not  permit  this 
chain  to  fall  from  our  hands. 

"  Brother,  these  words  come  from  our  hearts  and  not  from 
our  lips.  You  desire  that  we  should  deliver  up  your  flesh  and 
blood  now  captives  among  us,  and  to  show  you  that  we  are 
sincere,  we  now  return  you  as  many  of  them  as  we  have  at 
present  been  able  to  bring.  [Here  he  delivered  up  eighteen 
prisoners.]  You  shall  receive  the  rest  as  soon  as  we  have  time 
to  collect  them." 

The  council  now  adjourned  till  the  following  day,  in  accord 
ance  with  the  Indian  custom,  but  a  heavy  storm  coming  up,  it 
was  postponed  two  days.  On  the  third  day,  the  weather  being 
fair,  the  army  again  moved  down  to  the  rude  council-house. 
Here  all  the  warriors  were  assembled,  and  here,  on  this  occa 
sion,  Bouquet  delivered  his  reply  as  follows: 

"  Sachems,  war-chief,  and  warriors,  the  excuses  you  have 
offered  are  frivolous  and  unavailing,  and  your  conduct  is 
without  defense  or  apology.  You  could  not  have  acted  as  you 
pretend  you  have  done,  through  fear  of  the  western  nations, 
for,  had  you  stood  faithful  to  us  you  knew  that  we  would  have 
protected  you  against  their  anger,  and  as  for  your  young  men 
it  was  your  duty  to  punish  them  if  they  did  amiss.  You  have 


142  THE    LIVES    OF    PONTIAC    AND    TECUMSEHI 

drawn  down  our  just  resentment  by  your  violence  and  per- 
tidity.  Last  summer,  in  cold  blood,  and  in  a  time  of  profound 
peace,  you  robbed  and  murdered  the  traders  who  had  come 
among  you  at  your  own  express  desire.  You  attacked  Fort 
Pitt,  which  was  built  by  your  consent,  and  you  destroyed  our 
forts  and  garrisons  whenever  treachery  could  place  them  in 
your  power.  You  assailed  our  troops,  the  same  who  now  stand 
before  you,  in  the  woods  at  Bushy  Run,  and  when  we  had 
routed  and  driven  you  off,  you  sent  your  scalping  parties  to 
the  frontier  and  murdered  many  hundreds  of  our  people.  Last 
July,  when  the  other  nations  came  to  ask  for  peace  at  Niagara, 
you  not  only  refused  to  attend,  but  sent  an  insolent  message 
instead,  in  which  you  expressed  a  pretended  contempt  for  the 
English,  and  at  the  same  time  told  the  surrounding  nations 
that  you  would  never  lay  down  the  hatchet.  Afterwards,  when 
Colonel  Bradstreet  came  up  Lake  Erie,  you  sent  a  deputation 
of  your  chiefs  and  concluded  a  treaty  with  them,  but  your 
engagements  were  no  sooner  made  than  broken,  and  from  that 
day  to  this  you  have  scalped  and  butchered  us  without  ceas 
ing.  Nay,  I  am  informed  that  when  you  heard  that  this  army 
was  penetrating  the  woods  you  mustered  your  warriors  to 
attack  us,  and  were  only  deterred  from  doing  so  when  you 
found  how  greatly  we  outnumbered  you.  This  is  not  the  only 
instance  of  your  bad  faith,  for  since  the  beginning  of  the  last 
war  you  have  made  repeated  treaties  with  us  and  promised  to 
give  up  your  prisoners,  but  you  have  never  kept  these  engage 
ments  nor  any  others.  We  shall  endure  this  no  longer,  and  I 
am  now  come  among  you  to  force  you  to  make  atonement  for 
the  injuries  you  have  done  us.  I  have  brought  with  me  the 
relatives  of  those  you  have  murdered.  These  are  eager  for 
vengeance,  and  nothing  restrains  them  from  taking  it,  but  my 
assurance  that  this  army  shall  not  leave  your  country  until 
you  have  given  them  an  ample  satisfaction.  Your  allies,  the 
Ottawas,  Ojibwas,  and  Wyandots,  have  begged  for  peace. 
The  Six  Nations  have  leagued  themselves  with  us.  The  great 
lakes  and  rivers  around  you  are  all  in  "our  possession,  and  your 
friends,  the  French,  are  in  subjection  to  us,  and  can  do  no 
more  to  aid  you.  You  are  all  in  our  power,  and  if  we  choose 


OR,    THE   BORDER    WARS    OF    TWO    CENTURIES.  143 

we  can  exterminate  you  from  the  earth.  But  the  English  are  a 
merciful  and  generous  people,  averse  to  shed  the  blood  even 
of  their  greatest  enemies,  and  if  it  were  possible  that  you 
could  convince  us  that  you  sincerely  repent  of  your  perfidy, 
and  that  we  could  depend  upon  your  good  behavior  for  the 
future,  you  might  yet  hope  for  mercy  and  peace.  If  I  find 
that  you  faithfully  execute  the  conditions  which  I  shall  pre 
scribe,  I  will  not  treat  you  with  the  severity  you  deserve.  I 
will  give  you  twelve  days  from  this  date  to  deliver  into  my 
hands  all  the  prisoners  in  your  possession,  without  exception, 
Englishmen,  Frenchmen,  women  and  children,  whether  adopted 
in  your  tribes,  married  or  living  among  you  under  any  denom 
ination  or  pretence  whatever;  and  you  are  to  furnish  those 
prisoners  with  clothing,  provisions  and  horses  to  carry  them 
to  Fort  Pitt.  When  you  have  fully  complied  with  these  con 
ditions,  you  shall  then  know  on  what  terms  you  may  obtain 
the  peace  you  sue  for." 

This  speech  had  the  desired  eifect.  The  council  broke  up 
and  the  Indians  fully  believing  that  they  would  all  be  destroyed 
should  they  fail  to  comply  with  Bouquet's  demands,  hastened 
to  gather  in  the  prisoners.  Meanwhile  Bouquet,  wishing  to 
perpetuate  the  fear  in  which  he  had  placed  them,  moved  down 
with  his  army  in  the  midst  of  their  villages,  where  he  could 
punish  them  whenever  they  deserved  it. 

The  savages  now  departed  to  collect  the  prisoners,  and  in  a 
few  days  over  two  hundred  had  been  delivered  to  Bouquet. 
This  was  by  no  means  all  who  had  been  captured,  but  it  was 
all  that  could  be  obtained  within  the  time  allowed.  The 
others  had  been  carried  into  Illinois  and  were  for  the  present 
beyond  their  reach. 

It  will  not  be  proper  to  pass  over  these  prisoners  without 
noticing  their  condition  and  the  circumstances  by  which  they 
had  been  surrounded  while  in  the  hands  of  their  captors.  In 
the  ranks  of  Bouquet's  army,  were  the  fathers,  brothers  and 
husbands  of  these  unfortunate  persons,  for  whose  rescue  they 
had  volunteered  to  march  into  the  wilds  of  the  Indian  country. 
"  Ignorant  of  what  had  befallen  them,  and  doubtful  whether 
they  were  yet  among  the  living,  these  men  had  joined  the 


144  THE   LIVES   OF    PONTIAC    AND   TECUMSEHI 

army  in  the  feverish  hope  of  winning  them  back  to  home  and 
civilization."  No  doubt  many  whom  they  now  sought  had 
perished  by  the  elaborate  torments  of  the  stake  or  the  hatchet, 
while,  on  the  other  hand,  many  still  lived  among  the  savages. 
In  many  instances  whole  families  had  been  carried  off.  In 
such  cases  the  old  and  the  sick  were  tomahawked,  while  the 
rest,  divided  among  the  warriors,  were  scattered  among  the 
various  tribes.  It  was,  indeed,  a  thrilling  sight,  when  troop 
after  troop  of  prisoners  arrived  at  the  camp  of  Bouquet.  The 
meeting  of  husbands  with  wives,  fathers  with  children,  brothers 
with  sisters,  who  had  long  been  separated,  was  full  of  dramatic 
situations.  Some  were  groaning  beneath  agonies  on  hearing 
of  the  horrible  death  of  their  relatives.  Frantic  women  were 
flying  to  and  fro,  amid  the  throng,  in  search  of  those  whose 
bodies,  perhaps,  had  long  since  been  thrown  to  the  wolves; 
others  were  pausing  in  an  agony  of  doubt,  unable  to  identify 
their  long  lost  children.  Again,  others  were  divided  between 
delight  and  anguish;  joy  of  unexpected  recognition,  on  the  one 
hand,  and  doubts  not  yet  resolved,  on  the  other.  Not  a  single 
spectator  could  look  on  unmoved.  The  scene  was  full  of 
impressive  features.  Among  the  children  brought  in  were 
those  who  had  been  captured  several  years  before  while  infants. 
These,  of  course,  were  unable  to  understand  why  they  should 
be  placed  into  the  hands  of  strangers,  and  were  deeply  terrified 
at  parting  with  their  adopted  mothers.  But,  sadder  than  all, 
there  were  young  women  who  had  become  the  partners  of 
Indian  husbands,  and  now,  with  their  strange  hybrid  offspring, 
were  led  reluctantly  into  the  presence  of  fathers  or  brothers, 
whose  images  they  had  forgotten.  Agitated  and  bewildered, 
they  stood,  painfully  contending  with  passions  that  bound  them 
to  their  tawny  lovers,  and  trying  to  overcome  the  shame  of 
their  real  or  fancied  disgrace.  These  women  were  compelled 
to  leave  their  sorrowing  husbands,  and,  with  their  children, 
return  to  the  settlements.  It  is  true,  however,  that  they  pro 
tested  against  it,  and  that  afterwards  several  made  their  escape, 
eagerly  hastening  back  to  their  Indian  husbands. 

Perhaps  the  most  touching  scene  of  all  was  this.     A  young 
Virginian,  robbed   of  his  wife  but  a  few  months  before,  had 


OR,    THE    BORDER    WARS    OF    TWO    CENTURIES.  145 

volunteered  in  the  expedition,  with  the  faint  hope  of  recovering 
her,  and,  after  long  suspense,  had  recognized  her  among  a  troop 
of  prisoners,  bearing  in  her  arms  a  child  born  during  her  cap 
tivity.  The  joy  of  their  meeting  was  marred  by  the  absence 
of  an  older  child  who  had  been  captured  with  her  mother,  but 
soon  taken  from  her.  At  length,  however,  the  child  was 
brought  to  the  camp  in  the  arms  of  a  warrior,  and  the  mother, 
recognizing  it,  sprang  forward  and  snatched  it  in  frantic 
delight. 

When  the  army  reached  Carlisle  on  its  return,  hundreds 
flocked  hither  to  see,  if  among  the  prisoners,  they  might  not 
find  some  lost  relative.  Among  these  was  an  old  woman,  whose 
daughter  had  been  carried  off  nine  years  before.  In  the  crowd 
of  female  captives,  she  discovered  one  in  whose  countenance  she 
decerned  the  altered  lineaments  of  her  daughter;  but  the  girl, 
having  almost  lost  her  command  of  the  English  language,  and 
forgetting  the  looks  of  her  mother,  took  no  notice  of  her.  At 
this  the  old  lady  wept  bitterly,  saying  that  "  the  daughter 
whom  she  had  so  often  sung  to  sleep  on  her  knee,  had  forgot 
ten  her  in  her  old  age."  Bouquet,  hearing  her  complaint, 
said:  "Sing  the  song  that  you  used  to  sing  to  her  when  a 
child."  The  anxious  old  lady  obeyed,  and  as  her  trembling 
voice  ran  over  the  air,  the  tears  rushed  to  the  eyes  of  her 
daughter,  for  she  now  recognized  and  remembered  her  mother's 
voice. 

Having  finished  its  work,  Bouquet's  army  returned  to  Fort 
Pitt,  and  from  thence  to  the  settlements,  where  the  prisoners 
were  distributed  to  their  homes.  Bouquet  had  fully  accom 
plished  the  mission  for  which  he  had  penetrated  the  forest,  and 
now  he  received  the  praise  of  every  good  citizen  in  the  prov 
inces.  At  the  next  session  of  the  Pennsylvania  Assembly,  it 
lost  no  time  in  voting  the  country's  thanks  to  Col.  Bouquet. 
The  Assembly  of  Virginia  passed  a  similar  vote,  and  both  houses 
concurred  in  recommending  Bouquet  to  the  King  for  promotion. 
But  the  news  of  his  success  having  reached  the  throne  before 
the  intelligence  of  this  just  recognition,  the  King,  without 
provincial  advice,  had  promoted  him  to  the  rank  of  Brigadier, 
10 


14:6  THE    LIVES    OF    PONT1AG    AND    TECUMSEH: 

and  the  command  of  the  Southern  Department.     Bouquet  died 
three  years  after. 

One  condition  of  the  treaty  which  this  gallant  officer  had 
made  with  the  Indians  was  that  all  the  tribes  were  to  send 
deputies  to  Sir  William  Johnson,  with  whom  they  were  to  con 
clude  a  permanent  treaty.  Having  given  hostages  for  the 
fulfillment  of  this  engagement,  they  were  up  to  their  promise 
and  the  nations  were  fully  represented.  In  the  treaty  which 
they  now  made  with  Sir  William  Johnson,  it  was  stipulated 
that  they  should  all  join  the  English  army  in  its  march  into 
Illinois,  for  the  purpose  of  aiding  the  British  in  getting  pos 
session  of  the  forts  in  that  country. 


CHAPTEK    XIX. 

GROGHAN'S  EXPEDITION  —  MURDER  OF  INDIANS  —  EXPEDITION  AGAINST 
THE  INDIANS  —  BATTLE  OF  POINT  PLEASANT  —  DUNMORE  RETIRES 
FROM  THE  WEST  —  FORT  ERECTED  AT  BOONSBOROUGH  —  CONSPIRACY 
TO  UNITE  THE  INDIANS. 

AFTER  the  peace  which  was  concluded  between  the  Indians 
and  Sir  William  Johnson  in  1764,  Col.  George  Groghan,  a 
commissioner  under  the  latter,  was  sent  to  explore  the  country 
adjacent  to  the  Ohio  river  and  to  conciliate  the  Indians  in  that 
quarter.  Accompanied  by  the  deputies  of  the  Senecas,  Shaw- 
anoes  and  Delawares,  he  left  Fort  Pitt  on  the  fifteenth  of  May, 
1765,  and  in  two  bateaux  proceeded  down  the  Ohio  river.  On 
the  fifth  of  June  he  reached  the  mouth  of  the  Wabash,  and 
from  this  point  he  dispatched  two  Indian  runners  with  letters 
to  Lord  Frazer,  a  British  officer  commanding  at  a  post  in  Illi 
nois,  and  to  M.  St.  Auge,  the  French  commandant  at  Fort 
Charters.  On  the  eighth  of  the  same  month  his  party  was 
attacked  by  eighty  Indian  warriors.  They  killed  two  white 
men  and  three  Indians,  wounded  Col.  Groghan  and  made  him 
and  all  the  white  men  prisoners,  and  plundered  them  of  all 
the  valuables  in  their  possession.  After  a  perilous  route,  in 
which  Groghan  visited  many  Indian  villages,  he  made  his  way 
to  Niagara,  reaching  that  fort  in  October.  So  matters  stood 
in  the  West  in  1765.  All  beyond  the  Alleghanies,  with  the 
exception  of  a  few  forts,  was  a  wilderness,  until  the  Wabash 
was  reached,  where  dwelt  a  few  French,  with  some  fellow  coun 
trymen  not  far  from  them,  upon  the  Illinois  and  Kaskaskia. 
The  Indians,  a  few  years  since,  undisputed  owners  of  the 
prairies  and  broad  vales,  now  held  them  by  sufferance,  having 
been  twice  conquered  by  the  arms  of  England.  They,  of 
course,  felt  both  hatred  and  fear ;  and,  while  they  despaired  of 

(147) 


148  THE    LIVES    OF    PONTIAC    AND    TEGUMSEH: 

holding  their  lands  and  looked  forward  to  unknown  evils,  the 
deepest  and  most  abiding  spirit  of  revenge  was  roused  within 
them.  They  had  seen  the  British  coming  to  take  their  hunt 
ing  grounds  upon  the  strength  of  a  treaty  they  knew  not  of. 
They  had  been  forced  to  admit  British  troops  into  their 
country;  and,  though  now  nominally  protected  from  settlers, 
the  promised  protection  would  be  but  an  incentive  to  pas 
sion,  in  case  it  was  not  in  good  faith  extended  to  them. 

And  it  was  not  in  good  faith  extended  to  them  by  either 
individuals  or  governments.  During  the  year  that  succeeded 
the  treaty  of  German  Flats,  settlers  crossed  the  mountains  and 
took  possession  of  lands  in  western  Virginia  and  along  the 
Monongahela.  The  Indians,  having  received  no  pay  for  these 
lands,  murmured,  and  once  more  a  border  war  was  feared. 
Gen.  Gage,  commander  of  the  king's  forces,  issued  orders  for 
the  removal  of  the  settlers,  but  they  defied ,  his  power  and 
remained  where  they  were.  But  not  only  did  the  frontier  men 
thus  pass  the  line  urged  on,  but  Sir  William  Johnson  himself 
was  even  then  meditating  a  step  which  would  have  produced, 
had  it  been  taken,  a  general  Indian  war.  This  was  the  forma 
tion  of  an  independent  colony  south  of  the  Ohio  river.  It 
was  the  intention  to  purchase  the  lands  from  the  Six  Nations 
and  then  to  procure  from  the  king  a  grant  of  as  much  territory 
as  the  company  would  require.  Other  schemes  were  also  on 
foot  for  a  similar  purpose,  which  resulted  in  a  good  deal  of 
rivalry  and  speculation.  Franklin,  however,  was  in  favor  of 
making  large  settlements  in  the  West,  and  as  the  system 
of  managing  the  Indians  by  superintendents  was  then  in  bad 
odor,  it  was  thought  changes  should  be  made  in  this  respect. 

The  discussion  of  the  boundary  line  between  the  Indians 
and  the  settlements  now  began  to  receive  attention.  Sir  Wil 
liam  Johnson  was  authorized  to  treat  with  the  savages  on  this 
subject,  and,  accordingly,  he  summoned  them  to  meet  him  in 
council  at  Fort  Stanwix.  The  council  was  held  in  the  following 
October  and  was  attended  by  representatives  from  New  Jersey, 
Virginia  and  Pennsylvania,  by  Sir  William  Johnson  and  his 
deputies,  by  the  agents  of  those  traders  who  had  suffered  in 
the  war  of  1763,  and  by  deputies  from  all  the  Six  Nations, 


OK,  THE  BORDER  WARS  OF  TWO  CENTURIES.        149 

the  Delawares  and  the  Shawanoes.  The  first  question  that 
came  up  was  that  of  the  boundary  line  which  was  to  determine 
the  Indian  lands  of  the  West  from  that  time  forward,  and  this 
line  the  Indians  claimed,  upon  the  first  of  November,  should 
begin  on  the  Ohio,  at  the  mouth  of  the  Cherokee  river;  thence 
up  the  Ohio  and  Alleghany  to  Kittaning;  thence  across  to  the 
Susquehanna,  etc.,  whereby  the  whole  country  south  of  the 
Alleghany  was  ceded  to  the  British.  A  deed  for  part  of  this 
land  was  made  in  November  to  William  Trent.  The  tract  thus 
conveyed  lay  between  the  Kanawha  and  Monongahela,  and  was 
called  Indiana.  Two  days  afterwards  a  deed  for  the  remaining 
western  lands  was  made  to  the  king  and  the  price  agreed  upon 
paid  down. 

Other  grants  were  also  made  and  now  the  white  man  could 
quiet  his  conscience  when  driving  the  native  from  his  forest 
home,  and  feel  confident  that  an  army  would  assist  him,  if 
necessary.  The  work  of  settlement  now  began  to  revive,  and 
in  a  few  years  scattering  colonies  had  been  planted  along  the 
Ohio  and  in  Kentucky,  as  well  as  in  Indiana.  The  savages 
now  became  jealous  at  seeing  their  best  hunting  grounds 
invaded,  and  notwithstanding  the  treaty  at  Fort  Stanwix,  they 
were  not  disposed  to  give  up  the  territory  without  a  struggle. 
Widespread  dissatisfaction  prevailed  among  the  Shawanoes  and 
Mingoes.  This  was  fostered  by  the  French  traders,  who  still 
came  among  them,  and  now  a  series  of  events  followed  well 
calculated  to  renew  the  hostility  of  the  Indians.  Everywhere 
emigration  flowed  in  and  the  best  grounds  of  the  savages  were 
occupied.  In  addition  to  the  murder  of  several  single  Indians 
by  the  frontier  men,  in  1772,  five  families  of  the  natives  on 
Little  Kanawha  were  killed  in  revenge  for  the  death  of  a  white 
family  on  Gauley  river,  although  no  evidence  existed  to  prove 
who  committed  the  last  named  outrage.  It  would  now  seem 
that  the  settlers  were  foremost  in  raising  a  quarrel. 

In  April  news  was  received  that  the  Shawanoes  could  no 
longer  be  trusted,  and  when  Capt.  Michael  Gresap,  who  was 
now  at  Wheeling  speculating  in  lands,  heard  that  three  Cher- 
okees  had  attacked  a  canoe  in  which  were  three  white  men, 
killing  one  of  them,  he  went  out  with  a  party,  and  attacked 


150  THE    LIVES    OF    PONTIAO    AND    TECT7MSEH: 

a  band  of  friendly  Shawanoes,  killing  two  of  them,  and  throw 
ing  their  bodies  into  the  river.  This  event  occurred  near 
Wheeling,  and  was  soon  followed  by  other  atrocities  committed 
by  the  same  party.  During  the  same  day,  hearing  that  there 
was  an  encampment  of  savages  at  the  mouth  of  the  Captina,  they 
went  down  the  river  to  the  place,  attacked  them  and  killed 
several.  In  this  affair  one  of  Gresap's  party  was  severely 
wounded.  In  a  few  days  another  massacre  of  Indians  occur 
red  about  forty  miles  above  Wheeling  by  a  party  of  frontiermen 
led  on  by  Daniel  Greathouse.  In  this  affair  twelve  Indians 
were  killed  and  several  wounded. 

These  outrages  increased  the  fury  of  the  savages  against  the 
settlers,  and  it  was  now  evident  that  a  general  war  would  fol 
low.  The  Virginia  frontiermen  deemed  it  advisable  to  assume 
the  .offensive,  as  soon  as  it  could  be  done,  and,  accordingly, 
an  army  was  gathered  at  Wheeling,  which,  in  July,  1774, 
under  Colonel  McDonald,  descended  the  Ohio  to  the  mouth  of 
Captina  (Fish)  Creek,  when  it  was  proposed  to  march  against 
the  Indian  town  of  Wappatomica,  on  the  Muskingum.  The 
march  was  successfully  accomplished,  and  the  Indians  having 
been  frustrated  in  an  expected  surprise  of  the  invaders,  sued 
for  peace,  and  gave  five  of  their  chiefs  as  hostages.  Two  of 
these  were  afterwards  set  at  liberty  for  the  purpose  of  calling 
the  tribes  together  to  ratify  the  treaty,  and  thus  put  an  end  to 
the  war.  It  was  now  ascertained  that  the  Indians  were  merely 
trying  to  gain  time  in  which  to  prepare  for  a  general  outbreak, 
and  the  Virginians,  therefore,  proceeded  to  destroy  their  vil 
lages  and  crops,  and  then  retired  to  Williamsburg,  carrying  with 
them  three  of  their  chiefs  as  prisoners.  But  even  these  decis 
ive  acts  did  not  discourage  the  savages  from  pursuing  their 
designs.  The  Delawares,  however,  were  anxious  for  peace. 
Sir  William  Johnson  sent  out  word  to  his  flock  to  remain  quiet, 
and  even  the  Shawanoes  were  prevailed  on  by  their  great  leader, 
Cornstalk,  to  exercise  their  influence  to  prevent  a  war;  indeed 
they  went  so  far  as  to  protect  some  wandering  traders  from  the 
vengeance  of  the  Mingoes,  whose  relatives  had  been  slain  at 
Yellow  Creek  and  Captina,  and  sent  them  with  their  property 


OR,    THE    BOEDER    WARS    OF    TWO    CENTURIES.  151 

safe  to  Fort  Pitt,  now  Fort  Dunmore.  But  Logan,*  who  had 
been  turned  by  the  murders  on  the  Ohio  from  a  friendly  to  a 
deadly  foe  of  the  whites,  came  suddenly  upon  the  Mononga- 
hela  settlements,  and  while  the  other  Indians  were  hesitating 
as  to  their  course,  took  his  thirteen  scalps  in  retaliation  for  the 
murder  of  his  family  and  friends  by  the  party  under  Gresap, 
and  returning  home,  expressed  himself  satisfied,  and  ready  to 
listen  to  the  Long-Knives.  But  it  was  not,  apparently,  the 
wish  of  Dunmore  or  Connolly  to  meet  the  friendly  spirit  of 
the  natives,  and  when,  about  the  tenth  of  June,  three  of  the 
Shawanoes  conducted  the  traders,  who  had  been  among  them, 
safely  to  Fort  Pitt,  Connolly,  who  had  possessed  himself  of 
this  post  and  called  it  Fort  Dunmore,  had  even  the  meanness 
to  attempt  first  to  seize  them,  and  when  foiled  in  this  by  Col. 
Croghan,  his  uncle,  who  had  been  alienated  by  his  tyranny,  he 
sent  men  to  watch,  waylay  and  kill  them;  and  one  account 
says  that  one  of  the  three  was  slain.  Indeed,  the  character 
developed  by  this  man,  while  commandant  at  Fort  Dunmore, 
was  such  as  to  excite  universal  detestation,  and  at  last  to  draw 
down  upon  Lord  Dunmore  the  reproof  of  Lord  Dartmouth. 
He  seized  property,  and  imprisoned  white  men  without  warrant 
or  propriety;  and,  in  many  cases  beside  that  just  mentioned, 
treated  the  natives  with  an  utter  disregard  of  justice.  It  is 
not,  then,  surprising  that  Indian  attacks  occurred  along  the 
frontiers  from  June  to  September;  nor,  on  the  other  hand, 
need  we  wonder  that  the  Virginians  became  more  and  more 
excited,  and  eager  to  repay  the  injuries  received. 

To  put  a  stop  to  these  devastations,  two  large  bodies  of  troops 
were  gathering  in  Virginia;  the  one  from  the  southern  and 
western  part  of  the  State,  under  General  Andrew  Lewis,  met 
.at  Camp  Union,  now  Lewisburg,  near  the  "White  Sulphur 
Springs ;  the  other  from  the  northern  and  eastern  counties,  was 
to  be  under  the  command  of  Dunmore  himself,  and,  descend 
ing  the  Ohio  from  Fort  Pitt,  was  to  meet  Lewis'  army  at  the 
mouth  of  the  Great  Kanawha.  The  force  under  Lewis, 
amounting  to  eleven  hundred  men,  commenced  its  march  upon 
the  sixth  'of  September,  and  upon  the  sixth  of  October  reached 

*  Perkins'  Narrative. 


152  THE    LIVES    OF    PONTIAC    AND    TECUMSEH I 

the  spot  agreed  upon.*  As  Lord  Dunmore  was  not  there,  and 
as  other  troops  were  to  follow  down  the  Kanawha  under  Col. 
Christian,  General  Lewis  dispatched  runners  towards  Fort  Pitt 
to  inform  the  Commander-in-Chief  of  his  arrival,  and  pro 
ceeded  to  encamp  at  the  point  where  the  two  rivers  meet. 
Here  he  remained  until  the  ninth  of  October,  when  dispatches 
from  the  Governor  reached  him,  informing  him  that  the  plan 
of  the  campaign  was  altered;  that  he  (Dunmore)  meant  to 
proceed  directly  against  the  Shawanoes  towns  of  the  Scioto, 
and  Lewis  was  ordered  at  once  to  cross  the  Ohio  and  meet  the 
other  army  before  those  towns.  But  on  the  very  day  when 
this  movement  should  have  been  executed,  the  Indians  in  force, 
headed  by  the  able  and  brave  chief  of  the  Shawanoes,  Corn 
stalk,  appeared  before  the  army  of  Virginians,  determined  then 
and  there  to  avenge  past  wrongs  and  cripple  vitally  the  power 
of  the  invaders.  Delawares,  Iroquois,  Wyandots  and  Shawa 
noes,  under  their  most  noted  chiefs,  among  whom  was  Logan, 
formed  the  army  opposed  to  that  of  Lewis,  and  with  both  the 
struggle  of  that  day  was  one  of  life  and  death.  Soon  after 
sunrise  the  presence  of  the  savages  was  discovered;  General 
Lewis  ordered  out  his  brother,  Colonel  Charles  Lewis,  and 
Colonel  Fleming,  to  reconnoitre  the  "ground  where  they  had 
been  seen;  this  at  once  brought  on  the  engagement.  In  a 
short  time  Colonel  Lewis  was  killed,  and  Colonel  Fleming  dis 
abled;  the  troops,  thus  left  without  commanders,  wavered,  but 
Colonel  Field  with  his  regiment  coming  to  the  rescue,  they 
again  stood  firm;  about  noon  Colonel  Field  was  killed,  afcid 
Captain  Evan  Shelby  (father  of  Isaac  Shelby,  Governor  of  Ken 
tucky  in  after  time,  and  who  was  then  Lieutenant  in  his 
father's  company,)  took  the  command;  and  the  battle  still  con 
tinued.  It  was  now  drawing  toward  evening,  and  yet  the 
contest  raged  without  decided  success  for  either  party,  when 
General  Lewis  ordered  a  body  of  men  to  gain  the  flank  of  the 
enemy  by  means  of  Crooked  Creek,  a  small  stream  which  ran 
into  the  Kanawha  about  four  hundred  yards  above  its  month. 
This  was  successfully  performed,  and  resulted  in  driving  the 
Indians  across  the  Ohio.  The  Virginians  lost  in  this  battle 

*  Peck's  Narrative. 


OK,    THE    BORDER    WARS    OF    TWO    CENTURIES.  153 

seventy-five  men  killed,  and  one  hundred  and  forty  wounded — 
nearly  one-fifth  of  their  entire  number.  Among  the  slain, 
were  Colonels  Charles  Lewis  and  Field,  and  Captains  Buford, 
Morrow,  Wood,  Cundiff,  Wilson  and  Robert  McClanahan  and 
others.  The  loss  of  the  enemy  could  not  be  fully  ascertained. 
Next  morning,  Colonel  Christian  explored  the  battle  ground, 
and  found  the  dead  bodies  of  thirty-three  Indians.  It  is  prob 
able  that  many  others  had  been  carried  off  before  the  savages 
were  routed. 

In  the  meantime  Lord  Dunmore  had  descended  the  river 
from  Fort  Pitt,  and  was,  at  the  time  he  sent  word  to  Lewis  of 
his  change  of  plans,  at  the  mouth  of  the  Hocking,  where  he 
built  a  blockhouse,  called  Fort  Gower,  and  remained  until  after 
the  battle  at  that  point.  Thence  he  marched  to  the  Scioto, 
while  Lewis  and  the  remains  of  the  army  under  his  command, 
strengthened  by  the  troops  under  Colonel  Christian,  pressed  for 
ward  to  the  same  place,  with  the  full  hope  of  annihilating  the 
Indian  towns,  and  punishing  the  inhabitants  for  all  they  had 
done.  However,  before  reaching  the  enemy's  country,  Dun- 
more  was  visited  by  the  chiefs  asking  for  peace.  He  listened 
to  their  requests,  and,  appointing  a  place  where  a  council  was 
to  be  held,  sent  orders  to  Lewis  to  discontinue  his  march  against 
the  Shawanoe  towns.  Lewis,  however,  saw  fit  to  disobey  these 
orders,  and  proceeded  on.  Dunmore  now  set  out  in  person, 
and,  overtaking  Lewis,  compelled  him  to  return. 

Dunmore  remained  for  some  time  at  Camp  Charlotte,  upon 
Sippo  Creek,  near  Westfall,  where  he  met  Cornstalk,  who,  being 
satisfied  of  the  futility  of  any  further  struggle,  was  determined 
to  make  peace  and  arranged  with  the  governor  the  prelimi 
naries  of  a  treaty.  This  action  created  great  dissatisfaction  in 
Virginia,  as  it  had  been  hoped  that  the  army  would  strike  an 
effectual  blow.'55'  It  is  believed,  however,  that  the  governor  of 
Virginia,  foresaw  the  contest  between  England  and  the  colonies,, 
and  desired  to  gain  the  friendship  of  these  savages.  When 
Lord  Dunmore  retired  from  the  West,  he  left  one  hundred 
men  at  the  mouth  of  the  Great  Kanawha,  a  few  more  at  Fort 
Pitt,  and  another  corps  at  Wheeling,  then  called  Fort  Fincastle. 

*  Western  Annals,  p.  152. 


154  THE   LIVES    OF    PONT1AC    AND    TECUMSEHI 

These  were  dismissed  as  the  prospect  of  war  ceased.  Lord 
Dunmore  agreed  to  return  to  Pittsburg  in  the  spring,  meet  the 
Indians  and  form  a  definite  peace;  but  the  commencement  of 
the  revolt  of  the  colonies  prevented. 

During  "  Dunmore's  War,"  as  these  hostilities  were  called, 
the  militia  was  called  out  and  Daniel  Boone  was  appointed  by 
the  Governor  to  the  command  of  three  garrisons  on  the  frontier. 
Peace  being  now  concluded,  Boone  and  his  companions  turned 
their  attention  towards  the  purchase  of  lands.  Several  com 
panies  were  organized,  and  negotiations  began  with  a  view  to 
purchasing  lands  from  the  Indians.  These  companies,  however, 
failed  to  gain  the  support  of  the  government,  and  their  plans 
were  in  a  great  measure  thwarted. 

From  the  day  of  the  unpopular  treaty  at  Camp  Charlotte, 
the  western  settlers  had  been  apprehensive  of  another  Indian 
outbreak.  The  tribes  were  now  every  day  being  wrought  up 
to  fury  by  agents  of  the  English  who  reached  their  villages 
through  Canada.  It  was  not  long  before  all  the  inhabitants 
of  the  Eastern  colonies  saw  the  dangers  that  were  accumulating 
from  this  source.  Early  in  the  spring  of  1775  the  Assembly 
of  Massachusetts  wrote  to  a  missionary  among  the  Oneidas, 
informing  him  that  having  heard  that  the  English  were  trying 
to  attach  the  Six  Nations  to  their  interest,  it  had  been  thought 
proper  to  ask  the  several  tribes,  through  him,  to  stand  neutral. 
Steps  were  also  taken  to  secure  the  co-operation,  if  possible, 
of  the  Penobscot  and  Stockbridge  Indians;  the  latter  of  whom 
replied  that  though  they  could  never  understand  what  the 
quarrel  between  the  Provinces  and  old  England  was  about,  yet 
they  would  stand  by  the  Americans.  They  also  offered  to  do 
what  they  could  towards  winning  the  Iroquois  over  from  the 
support  of  the  English.* 

But  it  is  not  within  the  scope  of  our  narrative  to  set  forth 
the  important  part  which  the  savages  took  in  the  war  of  the 
Revolution.  Confining  myself  to  the  war  on  the  borders — the 
result,  in  almost  every  instance,  of  the  encroachments  and 
insolence  of  English  and  American  settlers — we  will  follow  its 
desolating  train  as  it  retreats  before  the  power  of  civilization 

*  Stone's  Works— Spark's  Washington. 


OR,  THE  BOEDER  WARS  OF  TWO  CENTURIES.        155 

beyond  the  Rocky  Mountains  and  into  the  far  West.  Yet,  how 
ever,  some  of  the  most  bloody  struggles  of  the  Indians  against 
the  onset  of  civilization,  of  which  we  have  next  to  treat,  were, 
in  a  great  measure,  consequent  upon  the  war  of  the  Revolution. 
The  savages  had,  to  a  great  extent,  been  engaged  on  the  side 
of  England,  and  in  1776  most  of  them  were  regarded  by  the 
colonists  as  being  engaged  in  the  war.  The  nations  nearest  the 
Americans,  and,  perhaps,  interested  in  their  behalf,  found 
themselves  pressed  upon  and  harrassed  by  the  more  distant 
bands,  and  through  the  whole  winter  of  1776-7,  rumors  were 
flying  along  the  frontiers  of  Virginia  and  Pennsylvania  of 
approaching  troubles.  Nor  were  the  people  of  New  York  less 
fearful.  Along  the  Mohawk  and  upper  Susquehanna  the  set 
tlers  were  standing  in  constant  dread.*  However,  the  winter 
and  spring  of  1777  passed  without  an  outbreak.  At  length 
the  blow  was  struck.  It  was  brought  on  by  the  murder  of 
Cornstalk,  the  leading  chief  of  the  Shawanoes,  of  the  Scioto. 
This  truly  great  man,  who  was  himself  for  peace,  but  who  found 
all  his  neighbors,  and  even  those  of  his  own  tribe  stirred  up  to 
war  by  the  agents  of  England,  went  over  to  the  American  fort 
at  Point  Pleasant,  at  the  mouth  of  the  Great  Kanawha  in  order 
to  discuss  the  situation  with  Capt.  Arbuckle,  the  commandant. 
This  was  in  the  beginning  of  the  summer  of  1777.  The  Amer 
icans,  being  aware  that  the  Shawanoes  had  taken  up  arms  for 
England,  decided  to  retain  Cornstalk  and  Redhawk,  a  young 
chief  of  note,  who  was  with  him,  and  make  them  hostages  for 
the  good  conduct  of  their  people.  The  old  warrior,  accordingly, 
after  he  had  finished  his  statement  of  the  position  he  was  in, 
and  the  necessity  under  which  he  and  his  friends  would  be 
of  joining  in  with  the  popular  voice  of  his  people  unless  the 
Americans  would  guarantee  protection,  found  that  in  seeking 
council  and  safety,  he  had  walked  into  a  snare  and  was  secure 
there.  However  he  did  not  complain  but  waited  the  result 
with  great  composure.-)-  On  the  following  day  Ellinipsco,  the 
son  of  Cornstalk,  came  to  the  fort  and  was  also  made  prisoner. 

*  Doddridge's  Indian  Wars — Stone's  Works. 

f  Withers'  Border  Warfare.  \ 


156  THE    LIVES    OF    PONTIAC    AND    TECUMSEHJ 

The  three  noted  Indians  now  sat  down  calmly  and  waited  the 
course  of  events.  They  had  not  been  confined  but  three  days 
when  two  savages  in  the  neighborhood,  unknown  to  the  whites, 
shot  a  white  hunter  towards  evening.  Instantly  the  friends 
of  the  murdered  man  declared  their  intention  of  killing  the 
three  chiefs  within  the  fort.  The  commandant  endeavored  to 
prevent  them,  but  they  were  too  furious  to  listen  to  his  words, 
and 'his  own  life  was  threatened.  They  rushed  to  the  house 
where  the  captives  were  confined.  Cornstalk  met  them  at  the 
entrance  but  fell  pierced  with  seven  bullets.  His  son  and  Red- 
hawk  shared  his  fate.  "  From  that  hour,"  says  Doddridge, 
"  peace  was  not  to  be  hoped  for." 

Meanwhile  throughout  the  scattered  settlements  of  Ken 
tucky,  Indian  hostilities  had  been  raging,  but  I  have  no  space 
for  the  details  of  these.  At  times  the  stations  were  assailed 
by  large  bodies  of  savages,  and  again  single  settlers  were 
picked  off  by  skulking  warriors.  The  numbers  of  the  settlers 
became  fewer  and  fewer,  and  from  the  older  settlements  little 
or  no  aid  came  to  the  frontier  stations,  until  Col.  Bowman,  in 
August,  1777,  came  from  Virginia  with  one  hundred  men.. 
This,  as  the  reader  will  remember,  was  a  period  of  great  distress 
throughout  all  the  colonies,  but  of  course  none  suffered  more, 
or  evinced  more  courage  and  fortitude,  than  the  settlers  of  the 
West.  On  the  other  hand,  these  men  bore  an  important  burden 
of  the  war  for  independence.  What  might  have  become  of  the 
resistance  of  the  colonies  had  England  been  allowed  to  pour 
her  troops  upon  the  rear  of  the  Americans,  through  Canada, 
assisted  as  they  would  have  been  by  all  the  Indian  tribes?  No 
doubt  the  contest  before  the  stations  of  Kentucky  and  Clark's 
bold  incursions  into  Illinois,  and  against  Vincennes,  had  much 
to  do  in  deciding  the  fortunes  of  the  great  struggle. 


CHAPTEE    XX 

THE  CONQUEST  OF  ILLINOIS  —  COLONEL  GEORGE  ROGERS  CLARK — His 
EXPEDITION  AGAINST  THE  POSTS  IN  ILLINOIS  —  A.  BLOODLESS  CON 
QUEST —  SINGULAR  STRATAGEM  -COLONEL  CLARK'S  SPEECH  TO  THE 
INDIANS  —  INTERESTING  INCIDENTS. 

THE  pioneers  of  the  west,  although  surrounded  by  those 
dangers  and  difficulties  in  1777,  held  fast  to  their  purposes.  In 
the  autumn  of  this  year  the  settlers  of  Kentucky  began  to 
organize,  and  George  Rogers  Clark,  her  chief  spirit,  he  that 
had  represented  her  beyond  the  mountains  the  year  before,  was 
meditating  a  trip  to  Williamsburg,  for  the  purpose  of  urging 
a  bolder  and  more  decided  measure  than  any  yet  proposed.  He 
understood  the  whole  game  of  the  British.*  He  saw  that  it 
was  through  their  possession  of  Detroit,  Yincennes,  Kaskaskia, 
and  the  other  western  posts,  which  gave  them  easy  and  constant 
access  to  the  Indian  tribes  of  the  northwest,  that  the  British 
hoped  to  effect  such  a  union  of  the  wild  men  as  would  annihil 
ate  the  frontier  fortresses.  He  knew  that  the  Delawares  were 
divided  in  feeling,  and  the  Shawanoes  but  imperfectly  united 
in  favor  of  England  ever  since  the  murder  of  Cornstalk.  He 
was  convinced  that  could  the  British  in  the  northwest  be 
defeated  and  expelled,  the  natives  might  be  easily  awed  or 
bribed  into  neutrality  ;  and  by  spies  sent  for  the  purpose,  and 
who  were  absent  from  the  twentieth  of  April  till  the  twenty- 
second  of  June,  he  had  satisfied  himself  that  an  enterprise 
against  the  Illinois  settlements  might  easily  succeed. 

George  Rogers  Clark,  whose  portrait  appears  on  another 
page,  was  truly  the  founder  of  Kentucky,  and  the  most  emi 
nent  of  the  early  settlers  of  the  west.  He  was  born  November 
19th,  1752,  in  Albemarle  county,  Yirginia.  f  In  early  life  he 

*  Western  Annals.  f  Clark's  Papers. 

(157) 


158  THE    LIVES    OF    PONTIAO    AND    TECTJMSEHI 

had  been,  like  Washington,  a  surveyor,  and  more  lately  had 
served  in  Dunmore's  war.  He  first  visited  Kentucky  in  1775,. 
and  held  apparently  at  that  time  the  rank  of  major.  Beturning 
to  Virginia  in  the  autumn  of  1775,  he  prepared  to  move  per 
manently  to  the  west  in  the  following  spring.  Having  done 
this  early  in.1776,  Clark,  whose  views  reached  much  farther  than 
those  of  most  of  the  pioneers,  set  himself  seriously  to  consider 
the  condition  and  prospects  of  the  young  republic  to  which  he 
had  attached  his  life  and  fortune. 

As  we  have  seen,  he  was  now  preparing  to  move  against  the 
British  posts  in  the  west;  and  accordingly,  on  the  first  of  Oc 
tober,  1777,  he  left  Harrodsburg,  Kentucky,  and  reached  the 
capital  of  Virginia  on  the  fifth  of  JSTovember.  Telling  no  one 
of  his  purpose,  he  diligently  watched  the  state  of  feeling  among 
those  in  power,  waiting  for  the  proper  moment  to  present  his 
plan.  Fortunately,  before  his  arrival  Burgoyne  had  surren 
dered,  which  animated  the  Americans  with  new  hope.  On  the 
tenth  of  December  Colonel  Clark  presented  his  scheme  to 
Patrick  Henry,  who  was  still  governor.  Henry  received  the 
idea  with  favor.  Already  the  necessity  of  securing  possession 
of  the  western  outposts  had  been  presented  to  Congress,  and 
many  events  that  had  taken  place  on  the  frontier  combined  to 
urge  the  expediency  of  the  plan.  Clark  having  satisfied  the 
Virginia  leaders  of  the  feasibility  of  his  plan,  received,  on  the 
second  of  January,  1778,  two  sets  of  instructions  —  the  public 
one  authorizing  him  to  enlist  seven  companies  to  go  to  Ken 
tucky,  subject  to  his  orders,  and  to  serve  for  three  months  from 
their  arrival  in  the  west ;  the  secret  orders  provided  for  the 
expedition  against  Kaskaskia,  the  British  post  in  Illinois.* 

*  "VIRGINIA:  SECRET.  IN  Council  —  Williamsburg,  January  2, 1778.  Lieut.  Colonel 
George  R.  Clark:  You  are  to  proceed,  with  all  convenient  speed,  to  raise  seven  companies 
of  soldiers,  to  consist  of  fifty  men  each,  officered  in  the  usual  manner,  and  armed  most 
properly  for  the  enterprise,  and  with  this  force  attack  the  British  force  at  Kaskasky. 

"  It  is  conjectured  that  there  are  many  pieces  of  cannon  and  military  stores  to  consider 
able  amount  at  that  place,  the  taking  and  preservation  of  which  would  be  a  valuable 
acqiisition  to  the  State.  If  you  are  so  fortunate,  therefore,  as  to  succeed  in  your  expedi 
tion,  you  will  take  every  possible  measure  to  secure  the  artillery  and  stores,  and  whatever 
may  advantage  the  State. 

"For  the  transportation  of  the  troops,  provisions,  etc.,  down  the  Ohio,  you  are  to  apply 
to  the  commanding  officer  at  Fort  Pitt  for  boats;  and  during  the  whole  transaction  you 
are  to  take  especial  care  to  keep  the  true  destination  of  your  force  secret.  Its  success 


OR,    THE    BORDER    WARS    OF    TWO    CENTURIES. 

With  these  instructions  and  twelve  hundred  pounds  in  the 
depreciated  currency  of  the  time,  Colonel  Clark  started  for 
Fort  Pitt.  As  the  country  was  in  need  of  all  the  soldiers  that 
could  be  mustered  east  of  the  Alleghanies,  Clark  therefore  pro 
posed  to  raise  his  men  in  the  neighborhood  of  Fort  Pitt,  while, 
for  the  purpose  of  hurrying  up  the  enlistments,  Major  "W.  B.. 
Smith  went  to  Holston,  and  other  officers  to  other  points.  They 
did  not  succeed,  however,  as  they  had  hoped  to.  At  vFort  Pitt 
Clark  found  the  people  unwilling  to  forsake  their  own  homes,, 
which  were  in  imminent  danger,  to  defend  Kentucky.  At 
length  Clark,  with  three  or  four  companies,  which  was  all  he 
could  raise,  descended  the  Ohio,  which  he  navigated  as  far  as 
the  falls,  where  he  took  possession  of  and  fortified  Corn  Island, 
opposite  the  sight  of  the  present  city  of  Louisville.  At  this 
place  Colonel  Bowman  was  to  meet  him  with  additional  troops. 
At  this  point  he  told  his  army  their  real  mission.  Having 
waited  until  his  arrangements  were  all  completed,  he  departed 
on  the  twenty-fourth  of  June,  and  descended  the  river.  His 
plan  was  to  follow  the  Ohio  clown  as  far  as  Fort  Massac,  and 
thence  to  go  by  land  direct  to  Kaskaskia.  But  little  baggage 

depends  upon  this.  Orders  are  therefore  given  to  Captain  Smith  to  secure  the  two  men 
from  Kaskasky.  Similar  conduct  will  be  proper  in  similar  cases. 

"  It  is  earnestly  desired  that  you  show  humanity  to  such  British  subjects  and  other  per 
sons  as  fall  in  your  hands.  If  the  white  inhabitants  at  that  post  and  neighborhood  will 
give  undoubted  evidence  of  their  attachment  to  this  State  (for  it  is  certain  they  live  within 
its  limits),  by  taking  the  test  prescribed  by  law,  and  by  every  other  way  and  means  in  their 
power,  let  them  be  treated  as  fellow  citizens,  and  their  persons  and  property  duly  secured. 
Assistance  and  protection  against  all  enemies  whatever  shall  be  afforded  them,  and  the 
Commonwealth  of  Virginia  is  pledged  to  accomplish  it.  But  if  these  people  will  not 
accede  to  these  reasonable  demands ,  they  must  feel  the  miseries  of  war  under  the  direc 
tion  of  that  humanity  that  has  hitherto  distinguished  Americans,  and  which  it  is  expected 
you  will  ever  consider  as  the  rule  of  your  conduct,  and  from  which  you  are  in  no  instance 
to  depart. 

"•  The  corps  you  are  to  command  are  to  receive  the  pay  and  allowance  of  militia,  and  to 
act  under  the  laws  and  regulations  of  this  State  now  in  force,  as  militia.  The  inhabitants 
at  this  post  will  be  informed  by  you.  that  in  case  they  accede  to  the  offers  of  becoming 
citizens  of  this  Commonwealth,  a  proper  garrison  will  be  maintained  among  them,  and 
every  attention  bestowed  to  render  their  commerce  beneficial,  the  fairest  prospects  being 
opened  to  the  dominions  of  both  France  and  Spain. 

u  It  is  in  contemplation  to  establish  a  post  near  the  mouth  of  the  Ohio.  Cannon  will 
be  wanted  to  fortify  it.  Part  of  those  at  Kaskasky  will  be  easily  brought  thither,  or  other 
wise  secured,  as  circumstances  will  make  necessary. 

"  You  arc  to  apply  to  General  Hand,  at  Pittsburgh,  for  powder  and  lead  necessary  for 
this  expedition.  If  he  can't  supply  it,  the  person  who  has  tha>t  which  Captain  Lynn 
brought  from  New  Orleans  can.  Lead  was  sent  to  Hampshire  by  my  orders,  and  that  may 
be  delivered  you.  Wishing  you  success,  I  am,  sir,  your  humble  servant,  P.  HENRY." 


160  *  THE    LIVES    OF    PONTIAC    AND    TECUMSEH'. 

was  taken.  He  depended  for  success  entirely  upon  surprise. 
Should  lie  fail,  he  intended  to  cross  the  Mississippi  and  escape 
into  the  Spanish  settlements.  Before  he  commenced  his  march 
he  received  two  pieces  of  information  of  which  he  made  good 
use  at  the  proper  time,  by  means  of  which  he  conquered  the 
west  without  bloodshed.  One  of  these  important  items  was 
the  alliance  of  France  with  the  colonies.  This  at  once  made 
the  American  side  popular  with  the  French  and  Indians  of 
Illinois  and  the  lakes  ;  France  having  never  lost  her  hold  upon, 
her  ancient  subjects  and  allies,  and  England  having  never 
secured  their  confidence.  The  other  item  was  that  the  inhabit 
ants  of  Kaskaskia  and  other  old  towns  had  been  led  by  the 
British  to  believe  that  the  "  Long  Knives  "  or  Virginians  were 
the  most  fierce,  cruel  and  blood-thirsty  savages  that  ever  scalped 
a  foe.  With  this  impression  on  their  minds  Clark  saw  that 
proper  conduct  would  readily  force  them  to  submit  from  fear, 
if  surprised,  and  then  to  become  friendly  from  gratitude  when 
treated  with  unexpected  kindness. 

After  some  time  the  party  landed  at  Fort  Massac,  and 
secured  their  boats  in  the  mouth  of  a  small  creek.  From  this 
point  their  route  lay  through  a  wilderness  without  a  path  a 
distance  of  over  one  hundred  miles.  After  a  tedious  journey 
they  approached,  on  the  fourth  of  July,  1TT8,  near  the  town, 
and  secreted  themselves  among  the  hills  east  of  the  Kaskaskia 
river.  Colonel  Clark  sent  forward  his  spies  to  watch  the  pro 
ceedings  of  the  people,  and  after  dark  put  his  troops  in  motion 
and  took  possession  of  a  house,  where  'a  family  lived,  about 
three-quarters  of  a  mile  above  the  town.  Here  they  found 
boats  and  canoes.  The  troops  were  divided  into  three  parties, 
two  of  which  were  ordered  to  cross  the  river,  while  the  other, 
under  the  immediate  command  of  Col.  Clark,  took  possession 
of  the  fort.  Kaskaskia  then  contained  about  two  hundred  and 
fifty  houses.  Persons  who  could  speak  the  French  language 
were  ordered  to  pass  through  the  streets  and  make  proclama 
tion,  that  all  the  inhabitants  must  keep  within  their  houses, 
under  penalty  of  being  shot  down  in  the  streets.  The  few 
British  officers,  who  had  visited  these  French  colonies  since  the 
commencement  of  the  rebellion  of  their  Atlantic  colonies,  as 


GEN.  GEORGE  ROGERS  CLARK. 


OK,    THE    BORDER    WARS    OF    TWO    CENTURIES.  161 

they  termed  the  Revolution,  had  told  the  most  exaggerated 
stories  about  the  brutality  and  ferocity  of  the  "Long-Knives;" 
that  they  would  not  only  take  the  property  of  the  people,  but 
would  butcher,  in  a  most  horrible  manner,  men,  women  and 
children  !  The  policy  of  these  stories  was  to  excite  in  the 
minds  of  these  simple-hearted  French  people  the  most  fearful 
apprehensions  against  the  colonists,  that  they  might  be  watch 
ful  and  be  prepared  for  a  determined  resistance,  should  any 
attempt  be  made  on  these  remote  posts.  These  stories  were  a 
stimulus  to  the  French  traders  to  supply  the  Indians  with 
guns,  ammunition  and  scalping-knives,  to  aid  their  depreda 
tions  on  the  settlements  of  Kentucky.* 

Clark  had  possessed  himself  of  these  facts,  and  respecting 
them  says:  "  I  was  determined  to  improve  upon  this,  if  I  was 
fortunate  enough  to  get  them  into  my  possession;  as  I  con- 
cieved  the  greater  the  shock  I  could  give  them  at  first,  the 
more  sensibly  they  would  feel  my  lenity,  and  become  more 
valuable  friends." 

Clark's  plan  was  to  produce  a  terrible  panic  in  the  town,  and 
then  to  capture  it  without  bloodshed,  and  with  his  keen  sagac 
ity,  he  accomplished  it  in  a  perfect  manner. 

The  two  parties  having  crossed  the  "river,  entered  the  quiet 
and  unsuspecting  village  at  both  extremes,  yelling  in  the  most 
furious  manner,  while  those  who  made  the  proclamation  in 
French,  ordered  the  people  into  their  houses,  on  pain  of 
instant  death.  In  a  few  moments  all  were  screaming,  "  les 
long  Couteaux!  les  long  Couteaux!"  •  -  the  long  knives  !  the 
long  knives ! 

Not  more  than  half  an  hour  after  the  surprise  of  the  town, 
the  inhabitants  all  surrendered  and  delivered  up  their  arms  to 
their  conqueror.  No  blood  had  been  shed,  yet  the  victory  was 
complete.  M.  Eocheblave,  the  governor  of  the  place,  was  taken, 
in  his  chamber,  but  his  public  papers  and  documents  were 
either  concealed  or  destroyed  by  his  wife.  Throughout-  the 
whole  of  the  following  night  the  troops  marched  up  and  down 
the  streets,  yelling  and  whooping  after  the  Indian  fashion. 
This  was  a  part  of  Colonel  Clark's  plan  to  terrify  the  inhabit- 

*  Peck's  narrative. 
11 


162  THE    LIVES    OF    PONTIAC    AND    TECUMSEHt 

ants.  Indeed,  he  took  every  possible  measure  to  raise  the 
fears  of  the  people.  The  town  was  in  possession  of  an  enemy 
the  inhabitants  had  been  taught  were  the  most  ferocious  and 
brutal  of  all  men,  and  of  whom  they  entertained  the  most 
horrible  apprehensions,  and  all  intercourse  was  strictly  pro 
hibited  between  each  other,  and  the  conquerors.  After  five 
days  the  troops  were  removed  to  the  outskirts  of  the  town,  and 
the  citizens  were  permitted  to  walk  in  the  streets.  But  finding 
them  engaged  in  conversation,  one  with  another,  Col.  Clark 
ordered  some  of  the  officers  to  be  put  in  irons,  without  assign 
ing  a  single  reason,  or  permitting  a  word  of  defense.  This 
singular  display  of  despotic  power  in  the  conqueror,  did  not 
spring  from  a  cruel  disposition,  or  a  disregard  to  the  principles 
of  liberty,  but  it  was  the  course  of  policy  he  had  marked  out 
to  gain  his  object. 

At  length  M.  G-ibault,  the  parish  priest,  got  permission  to 
wait  on  Col.  Clark.  He  was  accompanied  by  several  of  the 
elderly  inhabitants  of  the  place.  When  they  came  into  the 
presence  of  Clark  and  his  soldiers,  they  were  shocked  at  their 
untidy  personal  appearance.  Their  clothes  were  dirty  and 
torn,  their  beards  of  four  weeks'  growth,  and  they  looked  as 
frightful  as  native  warriors.  Finally,  the  priest,  in  a  very 
submissive  tone  and  posture,  remarked  that  the  inhabitants 
expected  to  be  separated  perhaps  never  to  meet  again,  and  they 
begged  through  him,  as  a  great  favor  from  their  conqueror,  to 
be  permitted  to  assemble  in  the  church,  offer  up  their  prayers 
to  God  for  their  souls,  and  take  leave  of  each  other! 

Colonel  Clark  replied  carelessly,  saying  that  the  Americans 
did  not  trouble  themselves  about  the  religion  of  others,  but 
left  every  man  to  worship  God  as  he  pleased;  that  they  might 
go  to  church  if  they  pleased,  but  on  no  account  must  a  single 
person  leave  the  town.  Thus  saying,  the  Colonel  dismissed 
them  abruptly,  hoping  to  raise  their  alarm  to  the  highest  pitch. 

The  priest  and  the  Frenchmen  hurried  away  and  in  a  few 
hours  the  whole  population  assembled  in  the  church,  where,  as 
for  the  last  time,  they  mournfully  chanted  their  prayers  and 
bid  each  other  farewell,  "  never  expecting  to  meet  again  in 
this  world."  After  the  service,  the  priest  and  the  old  men  of 


OK,    THE    BORDER    WARS    OF   TWO    CENTURIES.  163 

the  town  returned  to  the  headquarters  of  the  conqueror  and 
began  to  plead  in  behalf  of  their  lives.  They  were  willing  to 
give  up  all  their  property,  but  asked  for  sufficient  clothing  for 
their  present  requirements,  and  prayed  that  they  might  not 
be  separated  from  their  families. 

Clark  having  now  fully  accomplished  his  purpose,  addressed 
them  the  following  reply: 

"  Who  do  you  take  me  to  be?  Do  you  think  we  are  sav 
ages —  that  we  intend  to  massacre  you  all?  Do  you  think 
Americans  will  strip  women  and  children,  and  take  the  bread 
out  of  their  mouths?  My  countrymen,"  said  the  gallant 
Colonel,  "  never  make  war  upon  the  innocent !  It  was  to 
protect  our  own  wives  and  children  that  we  have  penetrated 
this  wilderness,  to  subdue  these  British  posts,  from  whence  the 
savages  are  supplied  with  arms  and  ammunition  to  murder  us. 
"We  do  not  war  against  Frenchmen.  The  King  of  France,  your 
former  master,  is  our  ally.  His  ships  and  soldiers  are  fighting 
for  the  Americans.  The  French  are  our  firm  friends.  Go, 
and  enjoy  your  religion  and  worship  when  you  please.  Retain 
your  property  —  and  now  please  to  inform  all  your  citizens 
for  me  that  they  are  quite  at  liberty  to  conduct  themselves 
as  usual,  and  dismiss  all  apprehensions  of  alarm.  We  are  your 
friends  and  come  to  deliver  you  from  the  British." 

The  reader  will  hardly  be  able  to  imagine  the  sudden  revul 
sion  of  feeling  which  this  reply  produced,  lit  a  few  moments 
the  news  had  been  communicated  to  all  within  the  town,  and 
now  the  bells  rang  out  merrily.  The  people,  headed  by  the 
priest,  again  repaired  to  the  little  church,  where  the  Te  Devm 
was  loudly  sung.  All  now  cheerfully  acknowledged  Col.  Clark 
as  commandant  of  the  country. 

An  expedition  was  next  formed  against  Cahokia,  and  Major 
Bowman,  with  his  detachment  mounted  on  French  ponies,  was 
ordered  to  surprise  that  post.  Several  Kaskaskia  gentlemen 
offered  their  services  to  proceed  ahead,  notify  the  Cahokians 
of  the  change  of  government,  and  prepare  them  to  give  the 
Americans  a  cordial  reception.  The  plan  was  entirely  success 
ful,  and  the  post  was  subjugated  without  the  disaster  of  a 


164  THE    LIVES    OF    FONTIAC    AND   TKCUMSEIII 

battle.  Indeed,  there  were  not  a  dozen  British  soldiers  in  the 
garrison. 

These  cunning  Virginians,  in  their  talk  with  the  towns 
people,  represented  that  a  large  army  was  encamped  at  the 
falls  of  the  Ohio,  which  would  soon  subjugate  all  the  British 
posts  in  the  West,  and  that  Post  Vincent  would  be  invaded  by  a 
detachment  from  that  army.  He  soon  learned  from  the  French 
that  Abbott,  the  commandant  of  that  post,  had  gone  to  Detroit 
and  that  the  defense  of  the  place  was  left  with  the  citizens, 
who  were  mostly  French.  M.  Gibalt  readily  undertook  the 
task  of  bringing  the  inhabitants  of  that  place  over  to  the 
Americans,  which  he  accomplished  without  the  aid  of  a  mili 
tary  force,  and  now  the  American  flag  was  raised  above  the 
fort,  and  Capt.  Helm  appointed  to  the  command,  much  to  the 
disgust  of  the  neighboring  savages. 

The  three  months  term  on  which  the  soldiers  had  enlisted 
now  expired,  but  Col.  Clark,  determined  not  to  leave  the 
country  half  conquered,  opened  a  new  enlistment.  He  also 
issued  commissions  for  French  officers  in  the  country  to  com 
mand  a  company  of  the  inhabitants. 

A  garrison  was  next  established  at  Cohokia,  commanded  by 
Capt.  Bowman,  and  another  at  Kaskaskia,  commanded  by 
Capt.  Williams.  As  we  have  seen  Capt.  Helm,  had  been  ap 
pointed  to  the  command  at  Fort  Vincent.  Everywhere  through 
out  Illinois  the^French  enlisted  themselves  warmly  in  the 
support  of  the  Americans.  The  French  Governor,  M.  Roche- 
blave,  was  conducted  to  Virginia  a  prisoner  of  war. 

Soon  after  the  House  of  Burgesses  of  Virginia  created  the 
county  of  Illinois*  and  appointed  John  Todd,  Esq.,  then  of 

*The  act  contained  the  following  provisions:  "All  the  citizens  of  the  Commonwealth 
of  Virginia,  who  are  already  settled,  or  shall  hereafter  settle,  on  the  western  side  of  the 
Ohio,  shall  be  included  in  a  distinct  county  which  shall  be  called  Illinois  county;  and 
the  Governor  of  this  Commonwealth,  with  the  advice  of  the  Council,  may  appoint  a 
county  Lieutenant,  or  Commander-in-Chief,  in  that  county,  during  pleasure,  who  shall 
appoint  and  commission  so  many  deputy  commandants,  militia  and  officers,  and  com 
missaries,  as  he  shall  think  proper,  in  the  different  districts,  during  pleasure,  all  of 
whom,  before  they  enter  into  office,  shall  take  the  oath  of  fidelity  to  this  Common 
wealth,  and  the  oath  of  office,  according  to  the  form  of  their  own  religion.  And  all 
civil  officers  to  which  the  inhabitants  have  been  accustomed,  necessary  to  the  preserva 
tion  of  peace  and  the  administration  of  justice,  shall  be  chosen  by  a  majority  of 
cittzens  in^their  respective  districts,  to  be  convened  for  that  purpose,  by  the  county 
Lieutenant  or  Commandant,  or  his  deputy,  and  shall  be  commissioned  by  the  said 
county  Lieutenant  or  Commander-in-Chief.  " 


OB,    THE    BORDER    WARS    OF   TWO    CENTURIES.  165 

Kentucky,  lieutenant  colonel  and  civil  commandant.  In  No 
vember  the  Legislature  passed  a  complimentary  resolution  to 
Clark  and  his  men  for  the  valuable  services  rendered  in  subdu 
ing  the  British  outposts. 

After  organizing  a  civil  government  and  ^providing  for  an 
election  of  magistrates  by  the  people,  Col.  Clark  directed  his 
attention  to  the  subjugation  of  the  Indian  tribes.  In  this  he 
also  displayed  great  ability.  It  has  been  said  that  no  com 
mander  ever  subdued  as  many  warlike  tribes  in  so  short  a  time 
and  at  so  little  expense  of  life.  His  meetings  with  them  began 
at  Cahokia  in  September,  1778,  and'  his  principles  of  action 
are  worthy  of  comment.  He  never  loaded  them  with  presents; 
never  manifested  any  fear  of  them,  yet  he  always  respected 
their  courage  and  ability.  He  always  waited  for  them  to  make 
the  first  advance  of  peace,  and  after  they  had  concluded  their 
speeches  and  thrown  away  the  bloody  wampum  sent  them  by 
the  English,  Clark  would  coldly  tell  them  that  he  would  give 
them  an  answer  on  the  following  day,  but  at  the  same  time 
cautioned  them  against  shaking  hands  with  the  Americans,  as 
peace  was  not  yet  concluded.  The  next  day  the  Indians  would 
come  to  hear  the  answer  of  the  "  Big  Knife,"  as  they  called 
Col.  Clark,  which  they  always  found  full  of  decision  and 
firmness. 

The  following  is  the  speech  he  delivered  to  the  tribes  who 
sued  for  peace  at  the  Council  of  Cahokia: 

"Men  and  Warriors:  pay  attention  to  my  words.  You  informed  me 
yesterday,  that  the  Great  Spirit  had  brought  us  together,  and  that  you  hoped 
that  as  he  was  good,  it  would  be  for  good.  I  have  also  the  same  hope,  and 
expect  that  each  party  will  strictly  adhere  to  whatever  may  be  agreed 
upon,  whether  it  shall  be  peace  or  war,  and  henceforward,  prove  ourselves 
worthy  of  the  attention  of  the  Great  Spirit.  I  am  a  man  and  a  warrior, 
not  a  counsellor ;  I  carry  war  in  my  right  hand,  and  in  my  left,  peace.  I 
am  sent  by  the  Great  Council  of  the  Big  Knife,  and  their  friends,  to  take 
possession  of  all  the  towns  possessed  by  the  English  in  this  country,  and 
to  watch  the  motions  of  the  red  people;  to  bloody  the  paths  of  those  who 
attempt  to  stop  the  course  of  the  river ;  but  to  clear  the  roads  for  us  to  those 
that  desire  to  be  in  peace;  that  the  women  and  children  may  walk  in  them 
without  meeting  anything  to  strike  their  feet  against.  I  am  ordered  to 
call  upon  the  Great  Fire  for  warriors  enough  to  darken  the  land,  and  that 
the  red  people  may  hear  no  sound,  but  of  birds  who  live  on  blood.  I  know 


166  THE    LIVES    OF    PONTIAC    AND   TECUMSEHI 

there  is  a  mist  before  your  eyes;  I  will  dispel  the  clouds,  that  you  may 
clearly  see  the  causes  of  the  war  between  the  Big  Knife  and  the  English ; 
then  you  may  judge  for  yourselves,  which  party  is  in  the  right;  and  if 
you  are  warriors,  as  you  profess  yourselves  to  be,  prove  it  by  adhering 
faithfully  to  the  party,  which  you  shall  believe  to  be  entitled  to  your 
friendship,  and  not  show  yourselves  to  be  squaws. 

"  The  Big  Knife  is  very  much  like  the  red  people,  they  don't  know  how 
to  make  blankets,  and  powder,  and  cloth ;  they  buy  these  things  from  the 
English,  from  whom  they  are  sprung.  They  live  by  making  corn,  hunt 
ing  and  trade,  as  you  and  your  neighbors,  the  French,  do.  But  the  Big 
Knife,  daily  getting  more  numerous,  like  the  trees  in  the  woods,  the  land 
became  poor,  and  the  hunting  scarce ;  and  having  but  little  to  trade  with, 
the  women  began  to  cry  at  seeing  their  children  naked,  and  tried  to  learn 
how  to  make  clothes  for  themselves ;  some  made  blankets  for  their  hus 
bands  and  children ;  and  the  men  learned  to  make  guns  and  powder.  In 
this  way  we  did  not  want  to  buy  so  much  from  the  English;  they  then  got 
mad  with  us,  and  sent  strong  garrisons  through  our  country  (as  you  see 
theyliave  done  among  you  on  the  lakes,  and  among  the  French,)  they 
would  not  let  our  women  spin,  nor  our  men  make  powder,  nor  let  us  trade 
with  any  body  else.  The  English  said,  we  should  buy  every  thing  from 
them,  and  since  we  had  got  saucy,  we  should  give  two  bucks  for  a  blanket, 
which  we  used  to  get  for  one ;  we  should  do  as  they  pleased,  and  they  killed 
some  of  our  people,  to  make  the  rest  fear  them.  This  is  the  truth,  and  the 
real  cause  of  the  war  between  the  English  and  us ;  which  did  not  take  place 
for  some  time  after  this  treatment.  But  our  women  become  cold  and  hun 
gry,  and  continued  to  cry ;  our  young  men  got  lost  for  want  of  counsel  to 
put  them  in  the  right  path.  The  whole  land  was  dark,  the  old  men  held 
down  their  heads  for  shame^  because  they  could  not  see  the  sun,  and  thus 
there  was  mourning  for  many  years  over  the  land.  At  last  the  Great 
Spirit  took  pity  on  us,  and  kindled  a  great  council  fire,  that  never  goes 
out,  at  a  place  called  Philadelphia;  he  then  stuck  down  a  post,  and  put  a 
war  tomahawk  by  it,  and  went  away.  The  sun  immediately  broke  out,  the 
sky  was  blue  again,  and  the  old  men  held  up  their  heads,  and  assembled 
at  the  fire ;  they  took  up  the  hatchet,  sharpened  it,  and  put  it  into  the 
hands  of  our  young  men,  ordering  them  to  strike  the  English  as  long  as 
they  could  find  one  on  this  side  of  the  great  waters.  The  young  men 
immediately  struck  the  war  post,  and  blood  was  shed ;  in  this  way  the  war 
began,  and  the  English  were  driven  from  one  place  to  another,  until  they 
got  weak,  and  then  they  hired  you  red  people  to  fight  for  them.  The 
Great  Spirit  got  angry  at  this,  and  caused  your  old  Father,  the  French 
King,  and  other  great  nations,  to  join  the  Big  Knife,  and  fight  with  them 
against  all  their  enemies.  So  the  English  have  become  like  a  deer  in  the 
woods ;  and  you  may  see  that  it  is  the  Great  Spirit  that  has  caused  your 
waters  to  be  troubled ;  because  you  have  fought  for  the  people  he  was  mad 
with.  If  your  women  and  children  should  now  cry,  you  must  blame 
yourselves  for  it,  and  not  the  Big  Knife.  You  can  now  judge  who  is  in 
the  right;  I  have  already  told  you  who  I  am;  here  is  a  bloody  belt,  and  a 


OK,    THE    BOEDER    WARS    OF    TWO    CENTURIES.  167 

-white  one,  take  which  you  please.  Behave  like  men,  and  don't  let  your 
being  surrounded  by  the  Big  Knife,  cause  you  to  take  up  the  one  belt  with 
your  hands,  while  your  hearts  take  up  the  other.  If  you  take  the  bloody 
path,  you  shall  leave  the  town  in  safety,  and  may  go  and  join  your  friends, 
the  English ;  we  will  then  try  like  warriors,  who  can  put  the  most  stumb 
ling  blocks  in  each  other's  way,  and  keep  our  clothes  longest  stained  with 
blood.  If,  on  the  other  hand,  you  should  take  the  path  of  peace,  and  be 
received  as  brothers  to  the  Big  Knife,  with  their  friends,  the  French, 
should  you  then  listen  to  bad  birds,  that  may  be  flying  through  the  land, 
you  will  no  longer  deserve  to  be  counted  as  men ;  but  as  creatures  with 
two  tongues,  that  ought  to  be  destroyed  without  listening  to  anything  you 
might  say.  As  I  am  convinced  you  never  heard  the  truth  before,  I  do  not 
wish  you  to  answer  before  yon  have  taken  time  to  counsel.  We  will, 
therefore,  part  this  evening,  and  when  the  Great  Spirit  shall  bring  us 
together  again,  let  us  speak  and  think  like  men,  with  one  heart  and  one 
tongue." 

This  speech  produced  the  desired  effect,  and,  upon  the  fol 
lowing  day,  the  "  Red  People,"  and  the  "  Big  Knives  "  united 
in  peace.  It  will  be  impossible,  within  the  scope  of  this  vol 
ume,  to  give  a  full  account  of  all  the  interesting  incidents 
which  surrounded  the  actions  of  Colonel  Clark  in  the  West. 
Following  is  one,  however,  which  I  cannot  omit:  A  party  of 
Indians,  known  as  the  Meadow  Indians,*  had  come  to  attend 
the  council  with  their  neighbors.  These,  by  some  means,  were 
induced  to  attempt  the  murder  of  the  invaders,  and  tried  to 
obtain  an  opportunity  to  commit  the  crime  proposed,  by  sur 
prising  Clark  and  his  officers  in  their  quarters.  In  this  plan 
they  failed,  and  their  purpose  was  discovered  by  the  sagacity 
of  the  French  in  attendance;  when  this  was  done,  Clark  gave 
them  to  the  French  to  deal  with  as  they  pleased,  but  with  a 
hint  that  some  of  the  leaders  would  be  as  well  in  irons.  Thus 
fettered  and  foiled,  the  chiefs  were  brought  daily  to  the  council 
house,  where  he  whom  they  proposed  to  kill,  was  engaged  daily 
in  forming  friendly  relations  with  their  red  brethren.  At 
length,  when  by  these  means  the  futility  of  their  project  had 
been  sufficiently  impressed  upon  them,  the  American  com 
mander  ordered  their  irons  to  be  struck  off,  and  in  his  quiet 
way,  full  of  scorn,  said,  "  Everybody  thinks  you  ought  to  die 
for  your  treachery  upon  my  life,  amidst  the  sacred  deliberations 

*  Peck's  Narrative. 


168  THE    LIVES    OF    PONTIAC    AND   TECUMSEHI 

of  a  council.  I  had  determined  to  inflict  death  upon  you  for 
your  base  attempt,  and  you  yourselves  must  be  sensible  that 
you  have  justly  forfeited  your  lives;  but  011  considering  the 
meanness  of  watching  a  bear  and  catching  him  asleep,  I  have 
found  out  that  you  are  not  warriors,  only  old  women,  and  too 
mean  to  be  killed  by  the  Big  Knife.  But,"  continued  he,  "  as 
you  ought  to  be  punished  for  putting  on  breech  cloths  like  men, 
they  shall  be  taken  away  from  you,  plenty  of  provisions  shall 
be  given  for  your  journey  home,  as  women  don't  know  how  to 
hunt,  and  during  your  stay  you  shall  be  treated  in  every 
respect  as  squaws."  These  few  cutting  words  concluded,  the 
Colonel  turned  away  to  converse  with  others.  The  children 
of  the  prairie,  who  had  looked  for  anger,  not  con-tempt — pun 
ishment,  not  freedom — were  unaccountably  stirred  by  this 
treatment.  They  took  counsel  together,  and  presently  a  chief 
came  forward  with  a  belt  and  pipe  of  peace,  which,  with  proper 
words,  he  laid  upon  the  table.  The  interpreter  stood  ready  to 
translate  the  words  of  friendship,  but,  with  curling  lip,  the 
American  said  he  did  not  wish  to  hear  them,  and  lifting  a 
sword  which  lay  before  him,  he  shattered  the  offered  pipe,  with 
the  cutting  expression  that  "  he  did  not  treat  with  women." 
The  bewildered,  overwhelmed  Meadow  Indians,  next  asked  the 
intercession  of  other  red  men,  already  admitted  to  friendship, 
but  the  only  reply  was,  "  The  Big  Knife  has  made  no  war  upon 
these  people ;  they  are  of  a  kind  that  we  shoot  like  wolves  when 
we  meet  them  in  the  woods,  lest  they  eat  the  deer."  All  this 
wrought  more  and  more  upon  the  oifeiiding  tribe;  again  they 
took  counsel,  and  then  two  young  men  came  forward,  and,  cov 
ering  their  heads  with  their  blankets,  sat  down  before  the 
impenetrable  commander;  then  two  chiefs  arose,  and  stating 
that  these  young  warriors  offered  their  lives  as  an  atonement 
for  the  misdoings  of  their  relatives,  again  they  presented  the 
pipe  of  peace.  Silence  reigned  in  the  assembly,  while  the  fate 
of  the  proffered  victims  hung  in  suspense;  all  wa.tched  the 
countenance  of  the  American  leader,  \vho  could  scarce  master 
the  emotion  which  the  incident  excited.  Still,  all  sat  noiseless, 
nothing  heard  but  the  deep  breathing  of  those  whose  lives  thus 
hung  by  a  thread.  Presently,  he  upon  whom  all  depended,, 


OK,    THE   BORDER   WARS    OF   TWO    CENTURIES. 

arose,  and,  approaching  the  young  men,  he  bade  them  be 
uncovered  and  stand  up.  They  sprang  to  their  feet.  "  I  am 
glad  to  find,"  said  Clark,  warmly,  "  that  there  are  men  among 
all  nations.  With  you,  who  alone  are  fit  to  be  chiefs  of  your 
tribe,  1  am  willing  to  treat;  through  you  I  am  ready  to  grant 
peace  to  your  brothers;  I  take  you  by  the  hands  as  chiefs, 
worthy  of  being  such."  Here  again  the  fearless  generosity, 
the  generous  fearlessness  of  Clark,  proved  perfectly  successful, 
and  while  the  tribe  in  question  became  the  allies  of  America, 
the  fame  of  the  occurrence,  which  spread  far  and  wide  through 
the  Northwest,  made  the  name  of  the  white  negotiator  every 
where  respected. 


CHAPTEK    XXI. 

CONQUEST  OF  ILLINOIS  CONTINUED — BRAVERY  OF  GEORGE  ROGERS 
("LARK  —  RE-TAKING  OF  POST  VINCENNES  BY  COL.  HAMILTON  — 
COURAGE  OF  CAPT.  HELM  —  CLARK'S  EXPEDITION  AGAINST  HAMIL 
TON  —  HAMILTON  TAKEN  PRISONER  —  RESULTS  OF  CLARK'S  CAM 
PAIGN. 

IT  was  not  long  before  Yincennes  (Yincent)  was  recaptured 
by  Henry  Hamilton,  the  British  Lieut-Governor  of  Detroit. 
He  collected  an  army  ol  thirty  regulars,  fifty  French  volun 
teers,  and  four  hundred  Indians,  and  went  down  from  Detroit, 
to  the  Wabash,  and  thence  to  Yincennes,  where  he  appeared  on 
the  fifteenth  of  December,  1778.  The  people  did  not  attempt 
to  defend  the  place,  as  Capt.  Helm  and  a  man  named  Henry 
were  the  only  Americans  in  the  post.  Helm,  however,  placed 
a  cannon  in  the  open  gateway,  and  stood  beside  it  with  a 
lighted  match,  and  as  Col.  Hamilton's  party  approached  within 
hailing  distance,  the  bold  captain  commanded  them  to  halt, 
whereupon  the  British  commander  stopped  and  summoned  the 
garrison  to  surrender.  "  No  man  shall  enter  here  until  I  know 
the  terms,"  said  Helm.  Seeing  this  firmness,  Hamilton 
replied:  "You  shall  have  the  honors  of  war."  The  fort  was 
then  surrendered,  and  the  one  officer  and  the  one  soldier 
received  due  marks  of  respect  for  their  bravery.  Helm  was 
held  in  the  fort  as  a  prisoner,  the  French  were  disarmed,  and, 
bands  of  hostile  Indians  began  to  appear  around  the  other 
posts.  Col.  Clark's  situation  now  became  dangerous.  He 
ordered  Major  Bowman  to  evacuate  the  fort  at  Cahokia,  and 
join  him  at  Kaskaskia.  "  I  could  see,"  says  Clark,  "  but  little 
probability  of  keeping  possession  of  the  country,  as  my  num 
ber  of  men  was  too  small  to  stand  a  seige,  and  my  situation 
too  remote  to  call  for  assistance.  I  made  all  the  preparations 

(170) 


OK,    THE    BOEDER    WARS    OF    TWO    CENTURIES.  171 

I  possibly  could  for  the  attack,  and  was  necessitated  to  set  fire 
to  some  of  the  outhouses  in  the  town  to  clear  them  out  of  the 
way."  At  this  time  Clark  was  trying  to  conceive  a  plan  for 
capturing  Col.  Hamilton,  and -retaking  Post  Vincennes.  He 
engaged  Col.  Francis  Vigo,  then  a  wealthy  resident  of  St. 
Louis,  to  go  to  Vincennes  and  investigate  its  strength.  At 
Clark's  request  this  brave  Spanish  officer,  with  a  single  attend 
ant,  started  for  Vincennes,  but  was  captured  at  the  Embarrass 
by  a  party  of  Indians,  who  plundered  him  and  brought  him  to 
Col.  Hamilton.  Being  a  Spanish  subject,  Hamilton  had  no 
power  to  hold  him  prisoner,  but,  set  him  at  liberty  only  on  the 
condition  that  he  would  return  direct  to  St.  Louis.  This  Vigo 
did,  but  remained  only  long  enough  to  change  his  dress,  when 
he  returned  to  Kaskaskia,  and  gave  Col.  Clark  full  information 
-of  the  condition  of  the  British  post  at  Vincennes,  the  pro 
jected  movement  of  Hamilton,  and  the  friendly  feelings  of  the 
French  towards  the  Americans.  From  him  Col.  Clark  learned 
that  a  portion  of  the  British  troops  were  absent  on  marauding 
parties  with  the  Indians,  that  the  garrison  consisted  of  about 
eighty  regular  soldiers,  three  brass  field  pieces,  and  some 
swivels,  and  that  Gov.  Hamilton '  meditated  the  re-capture  of 
Kaskaskia  early  in  the  spring.  Col.  Clark  determined  on  the 
bold  project  of  an  expedition  to  Vincennes,  of  which  he  wrote 
to  Gov.  Henry,  and  sent  an  express  to  Virginia.  As  a  reason 
for  this  hazardous  project,  Col.  Clark  urged  the  force  and 
designs  of  Hamilton,  saying  to  Governor  Henry  in  his  letter, 
"  I  knew  if  I  did  not  take  him  he  would  take  me." 

A  boat  was  prepared,  carrying  two  four  pounders,  and  four 
swivels,  and  commanded  by  Capt.  John  Hogers,  with  forty-six 
men,  and  provisions,  was  dispatched  from  Kaskaskia  to  the 
Ohio,  with  orders  to  proceed  up  the  Wabash  as  secretly  as 
possible  to  a  place  near  the  mouth  of  the  Embarrass.  Two 
companies  of  men  were  raised  from  Cahokia,  and  Kaskaskia, 
commanded  by  Captains  McCarty  and  Charleville,  which,  with 
the  Americans,  amounted  to  one  hundred  and  seventy  men. 
The  winter  was  exceedingly  wet,  and  all  the  streams  and  low 
land  in  that  section  of  the  country  were  overflowed,  but  not 
withstanding  this,  the  fragment  of  an  army,  on  the  seventh  of 


172  THE    LIVES    OF    PONTIAC    AND    TECTJMSEH: 

February,  1779,  commenced  its  march  from  Kaskaskia.  Their 
route  lay  through  the  prairies  and  points  of  timber  east  of  the 
Kaskaskia  river  —  a  northeasterly  course,  through  Washington 
and  Marion  counties,  into  Clay  county,  where  the  trail,  notice 
able  as  late  as  1830,  crossed  the  route  from  St.  Louis  to  Vin- 
cennes.  "  This  was  one  of  the  most  dreary  and  fatiguing 
expeditions  of  the  Revolutionary  War."  After  inexpressible 
hardships,  the  little  army  reached  the  Little  Wabash,  the  low 
bottoms  of  which,  for  many  miles,  were  covered  with  water 
from  three  to  four  feet  deep.  On  the  thirteenth  of  February 
they  arrived  at  the  mouth  of  "  Muddy  River,"  as  it  was  then 
called,  where  they  made  a  canoe  and  ferried  over  their  bag 
gage,  which  they  placed  on  a  scaffold  on  the  opposite  bank,  to 
keep  it  out  of  the  water.  Rains  fell  nearly  every  day,  but  the 
weather  was  not  extremely  cold.  Up  to  this  point  they  had 
borne  their  hardships  with  great  fortitude,  but  now  the  spirits 
of  many  began  to  flag.  Among  the  party  was  an  Irishman 
wrho  could  sing  many  comic  songs,  and  as  the  party  were 
wading  in  the  water  up  to  their  waists,  this  curious  fellow  sat 
upon  his  large  drum,  which  readily  floated  him,  and  enter 
tained  the  half  perishing  troops  with  his  comic  musical  talents. 
On  the  eighteenth  of  the  same  month  they  heard  the  morning 
gun  of  the  fort,  and  on  the  evening  of  the  same  day  they  were 
on  the  Great  Wabash,  below  the  mouth  of  the  Embarrass. 
This  is  the  spot  where,  as  we  have  seen,  they  were  to  meet  the 
boat  with  supplies.  But  now  there  were  no  signs  of  it,  and 
the  troops  were  in  the  most  exhausted,  destitute  and  starving 
condition.  The  river  had  overflowed  its  banks,  all  the  low 
ground  was  covered  with  water,  and  canoes  could  not  be  con 
structed  to  carry  them  over  before  the  British  garrison  would 
discover  and  capture  the  whole  party.  On  the  twentieth  of 
February  they  captured  a  boat  from  Post  Virieennes,  and  from 
the  crew,  whom  they  detained,  they  learned  that  the  French 
population  were  friendly  to  the  Americans,  and  that  no  sus 
picion  of  the  expedition  had  reached  the  British  garrison. 

The  remainder  of  the  march  is  so  full  of  incident,  and  so 
worthy  of  preservation,  that  I  will  permit  Col.  Clark  to  give 
the  narrative  in  his  own  peculiar  language  : 


OR,  THE  BOBBER  WARS  OF  TWO  CENTURIES.        173 

"This  last  day's  march,*  (February  21st,)  through  the  water, 
was  far  superior  to  any  thing  the  Frenchmen  had  any  idea  of; 
they  were  backward  in  speaking — said  that  the  nearest  land  to 
us  was  a  small  league,  called  the  sugar  camp,  on  the  bank  of 
the  slough.  A  canoe  was  sent  off  and  returned  without  finding 
that  we  could  pass.  I  went  in  her  myself  and  sounded  the 
water;  found  it  deep  as  to  my  neck.  I  returned  with  a  design 
to  have  the  men  transported  on  board  the  canoes  to  the  sugar 
camp,  which  I  knew  would  spend  the  whole  day  and  ensuing 
night,  as  the  vessels  would  pass  slowly  through  the  bushes. 
The  loss  of  so  much  time,  to  men  half  starved,  was  a  matter 
of  consequence.  I  would  have  given  now  a  great  deal  for  a 
day's  provision,  or  for  one  of  our  horses.  I  returned  but 
slowly  to  the  troops,  giving  myself  time  to  think.  On  our 
arrival  all  ran  to  hear  what  was  the  report.  Every  eye  was 
fixed  on  me.  I  unfortunately  spoke  in  a  serious  manner  to 
one  of  the  officers;  the  whole  were  alarmed  without  knowing 
what  I  said.  I  viewed  their  confusion  for  about  one  minute — 
whispered  to  those  near  me  to  do  as  I  did — immediately  put 
some  water  in  my  hand,  poured  on  powder,  blackened  my 
face,  gave  the  war-whoop,  marched  into  the  water,  without 
saying  a  word.  The  party  gazed,  fell  in,  one  after  another, 
without  saying  a  word,  like  a  flock  of  sheep.  I  ordered  those 
near  me  to  give  a  favorite  song  of  theirs;  it  soon  passed 
through  the  line,  and  the  whole  went  on  cheerfully.  I  now 
intended  to  have  them  transported  across  the  deepest  part  of 
the  water,  but  when  about  waist  deep,  one  of  the  men  informed 
me  that  he  thought  he  felt  a  path.  We  examined  and  found 
it  so,  and  concluded  that  it  kept  on  the  highest  ground,  which 
it  did,  and  by  taking  pains  to  follow  it  we  got  to  the  sugar 
camp  without  the  least  difficulty,  where  there  was  about  half 
an  acre  of  dry  ground,  at  least  not  under  water,  where  we  took 
up  our  lodgings.  The  Frenchmen  that  we  had  taken  on  the 
river  appeared  to  be  uneasy  at  our  situation.  They  begged 
that  they  might  be  permitted  to  go  in  the  two  canoes  to  town 
in  the  night;  they  said  they  would  bring  from  their  own  houses 
provisions  without  the  possibility  of  any  person  knowing  it; 

*  Clark's  Journal. 


174:  THE    LIVES    OF    PONTIAC    AND    TECUMSEH  T 

that  some  of  our  men  should  go  with  them  as  a  surety  of  their 
good  conduct — that  it  was  impossible  we  could  march  from 
that  place  till  the  water  fell,  for  the  plain  was  too  deep  toi 
inarch.  Some  of  the  [officers?]  believed  that  it  might  be  done. 
I  would  not  suffer  it.  I  never  could  well  account  for  this  piece 
of  obstinacy,  and  give  satisfactory  reasons  to  myself,  or  any 
body  else,  why  I  denied  a  proposition  apparently  so  easy  to 
execute,  and  of  so  much  advantage;  but  something  seemed  to 
tell  me  it  should  not  be  done,  and  it  was  not  done. 

"  The  most  of  the  weather  that  we  had  on  this  march  was 
moist  and  warm,  for  the  season.  This  was  the  coldest  night 
we  had.  The  ice  in  the  morning  was  from  one-half  to  three- 
quarters  of  an  inch  thick,  near  the  shores,  and  in  still  water. 
The  morning  was  the  finest  we  had  on  our  march.  A  little 
after  sunrise  I  lectured  the  whole.  What  I  said  to  them  I  forget,, 
but  it  may  easily  be  imagined  by  a  person  that  could  possess 
my  affections  for  them  at  that  time;  I  concluded  by  informing 
them  that  passing  the  plain  that  was  then  in  full  view,  and 
reaching  the  opposite  woods  would  put  an  end  to  their  fatigue — 
that  in  a  few  hours  they  would  have  a  sight  of  their  long 
wished  for  object — and  immediately  stepped  into  the  water 
without  waiting  for  any  reply.  A  huzza  took  place.  As  we 
generally  marched  through  the  water  in  a  line,  before  the  third 
entered  I  halted  and  called  to  Major  Bowman,  ordered  him  to 
fall  in  the  rear  with  twenty-five  men,  and  to  put  to  death  any 
man  who  refused  to  march,  as  we  wished  to  have  no  such  per 
son  among  us.  The  whole  gave  a  cry  of  approbation,  and  on 
we  went.  This  was  the  most  trying  of  all  the  difficulties  we 
had  experienced.  I  generally  kept  fifteen  or  twenty  of  the 
strongest  men  next  myself,  and  judged  from  my  own  feelings 
what  must  be  that  of  others.  Getting  about  the  middle  of  the 
plain,  the  water  about  mid-deep,  I  found  myself  sensibly  failing; 
and  as  there  were  no  trees  or  bushes  for  the  men  to  support 
themselves  by,  I  feared  that  many  of  the  most  weak  would  be 
drowned.  I  ordered  the  canoes  to  make  the  land,  discharge 
their  loading,  and  play  backwards  and  forwards  with  all  dili 
gence,  and  pick  up  the  men;  and  to  encourage  the  party,  sent 
some  of  the  strongest  men  forward  with  orders,  when  they  got 


OB,  THE  BOEDER  WARS  OF  TWO  CENTURIES.        175 

to  a  certain  distance,  to  pass  the  word  back  that  the  water  was 
getting  shallow;  and  when  getting  near  the  woods  to  cry  out 
'Land!'  This  stratagem  had  its  desired  effect.  The  men, 
encouraged  by  it,  exerted  themselves  almost  beyond  their  abil 
ities,  the  weak  holding  by  the  stronger.  *  *  .  *  The  water 
never  got  shallower,  but  continued  deepening.  Getting  to  the 
woods  where  the  men  expected  land,  the  water  was  up  to  my 
shoulders;  but  gaining  the  woods  was  of  great  consequence; 
all  the  low  men  and  weakly,  hung  to  the  trees,  and  floated  on 
the  old  logs  until  they  were  taken  off  by  the  canoes.  The 
strong  and  tall  got  ashore  and  built  fires.  Many  would  reach 
the  shore  and  fall  with  their  bodies  half  in  the  water,  not  being 
able  to  support  themselves  without  it. 

"  This  was  a  delightful  dry  spot  of  ground  of  about  ten  acres. 
We  soon  found  that  fires  answered  no  purpose;  but  that  two 
strong  men  taking  a  weaker  one  by  the  arms  was  the  only 
way  to  recover  him;  and,  being  a  de  'ghtful  day,  it  soon  did. 
But,  fortunately,  as  if  designed  by  Providence,  a  canoe  of 
Indian  squaws  and  children  were  coining  up  to  town,  and  took 
through  part  of  this  plain  as  a  nigh  way.  It  was  discovered 
by  our  canoes  as  they  were  out  after  the  men.  They  gave 
chase  and  took  the  Indian  canoe,  on  board  of  which  was  near 
half  a  quarter  of  buffalo,  some  corn,  tallow,  kettles,  etc.  This 
was  a  grand  prize,  and  was  invaluable.  Broth  was  immediately 
made  and  served  out  to  the  most  weakly  with  great  care ;  most 
or  the  whole  got  a  little;  but  a  great  many  gave  their  part  to 
the  weakly,  jocosely  saying  something  cheering  to  their  com 
rades.  This  little  refreshment  and  fine  weather,  by  the  after 
noon,  gave  life  to  the  whole.  Crossing  a  narrow  deep  lake  in 
the  canoes,  and  marching  some  distance,  we  came  to  a  copse 
of  timber  called  the  '  Warrior's  Island.'  We  were  now  in  full 
view  of  the  fort  and  town,  not  a  shrub  between  us,  at  about 
two  miles  distance.  Every  man  now  feasted  his  eyes  and 
forgot  that  he  had  suffered  anything — saying  that  all  that  had 
passed  was  owing  to  good  policy,  and  nothing  but  what  a  man 
could  bear  ;  and  that  a  soldier  had  no  right  to  think,  etc., 
passing  from  one  extreme  to  another,  which  is  common  in  such 
cases.  It  was  now  we  had  to  display  our  abilities.  The  plain 


176  THE    LIVES    OF    PONTIA.C    AND    TECUMSEH: 

between  us  and  the  town  was  not  a  perfect  level.  The  sunken 
grounds  were  covered  with  water  full  of  ducks.  We  observed 
several  men  out  on  horseback,  shooting  them,  within  half  a 
mile  of  us,  and  sent  out  as  many  of  our  active  young  French 
men  to  decoy  and  take  one  of  these  men  prisoner,  in  such  a 
manner  as  not  to  alarm  the  others,  which  they  did.  The 
information  we  got  from  this  person  was  similar  to  that  which 
we  got  from  those  we  took, on  the  river,  except  that  of  the 
British  having  that  evening  completed  the  wall  of  the  fort,  and 
that  there  were  a  good  many  Indians  in  town. 

"Our  situation  was  now  truly  critical;  no  possibility  of 
retreating  in  case  of  defeat,  and  in  full  view  of  a  town  that 
had  at  this  time  upwards  of  six  hundred  men  in  it,  troops, 
inhabitants  and  Indians.  The  crew  of  the  galley,  though  not 
fifty  men,  would  now  have  been  a  reinforcement  of  immense 
magnitude  to  our  little  army,  (if  I  may  so  call  it,)  but  we 
would  not  think  of  them.  "We  were  now  in  the  situation  that 
I  had  labored  to  get  ourselves  in.  The  idea  of  being  made 
prisoner  was  foreign  to  almost  every  man,  as  they  expected 
nothing  but  torture  from  the  savages  if  they  fell  into  their 
hands.  Our  fate  was  now  to  be  determined,  probably  in  a  few 
hours.  We  knew  that  nothing  but  the  mosjb  daring  conduct 
would  ensure  success.  I  knew  that  a  number  of  the  inhabitants 
wished  us  well,  that  many  were  lukewarm  to  the  interest  of 
either,  and  I  also  learned  that  the  Grand  Chief,  the  Tobacco's 
son,  but  a  few  days  before  openly  declared  in  council  with  the 
British,  that  he  was  a  brother  and  a  friend  to  the  Big  Knives. 
These  were  favorable  circumstances,  and  as  there  was  but  little 
probability  of  our  remaining  until  dark  undiscovered,  I  deter 
mined  to  begin  the  career  immediately,  and  wrote  the  follow 
ing  placard  to  the  inhabitants  : 

To  THE  INHABITANTS  OF  VINCENNES.  —  Gentlemen:  Being  now  within 
two  miles  of  your  village,  with  my  army,  determined  to  take  your  fort  this 
night,  and  not  being  willing  to  surprise  you,  I  take  this  method  to  request 
such  of  you  as  are  true  citizens  and  willing  to  enjoy  the  liberty  I  bring 
you,  to  remain  still  in  your  houses,  and  those,  if  any  there  be,  that  are 
friends  to  the  king,  will  instantly  repair  to  the  fort  and  join  the  hair-buyer 
General  and  fight  like  men.  And  if  any  such  as  do  not  go  to  the  fort 
shall  be  discovered  afterwards,  they  may  depend  on  severe  punishment. 


OR,    THE    BORDER    WARS    OF    TWO    CENTURIES.  l7T 

On  the  contrary,  those  who  are  true  friends  to  liberty  may  depnnd  on  being 
well  treated,  and  I  once  more  request  them  to  keep  out  of  the  streets.  For 
every  one  I  find  in  arms  on  my  arrival  I  shall  treat  him  as  an  enemy. 

(Signed)  G.  R.  CLARK. 

This  notice  had  the  desired  effect.  It  inspired  the  friendly 
inhabitants  with  confidence  and  filled  the  enemy  with  terror. 
On  the  same  day  about  sunset  the  little  army  set  off  to  attack 
the  fort.  In  order  to  convince  Hamilton  that  the  invaders 
consisted  of  a  large  army,  Col.  Clark  divided  his  men  into 
platoons,  each  displaying  a  different  flag,  and  after  marching 
and  counter-marching  around  some  mounds  within  sight  of 
the  fort,  and  making  other  demonstrations  of  numbers  and 
strength  till  dark,  Lieut.  Bayley,  with  fourteen  men,  was  sent 
to  attack  the  fort.  This  party  secured  themselves  within  thirty 
yards  of  the  fort,  defended  by  a  bank  and  safe  from  the  enemy's 
fire,  and  as  soon  as  a  port  hole  was  opened  a  dozen  rifles  were 
directed  to  the  aperture.  One  soldier  fell  dead,  and  the  rest 
could  not  be  prevailed  upon  to  stand  to  the  guns.  On  the 
morning  of  the  twenty-fourth,  Col.  Clark  sent  a  flag  of  truce 
with  the  following  letter  to  Col.  Hamilton,  while  his  men,  for 
the  first  time  in  six  days,  were  providedtwith  breakfast: 

Sir:  In  order  to  save  yourself  from  the  impending  storm  that  now 
threatens  you,  I  order  you  immediately  to  surrender  yourself,  with  all  your 
garrison,  stores,  etc.,  etc.  For  if  I  am  obliged  to  storm,  you  may  depend 
upon  such  treatment  as  is  justly  due  to  a  murderer.  Beware  of  destroying 
stores  of  any  kind,  or  any  papers  or  letters  that  are  in  your  possession,  or 
hurting  one  house  in  town,  for,  by  Heavens,  if  you  do,  there  shall  be  no 
mercy  shown  you.  G.  R.  CLARK. 

To  Gov.  Hamilton. 

Col.  Hamilton  replied  as  follows: 

Gov.  Hamilton  begs  leave  to  acquaint  Col.  Clark  that  he  and  his  gar 
rison  are  not  disposed  to  be  awed  into  any  action  unworthy  British 
subjects. 

The  attack  was  renewed  with  great  vigor,  and  soon  after 
Hamilton  sent  another  message  to  the  invader,  as  follows : 

Gov.  Hamilton  proposes  to  Col.  Clark  a  truce  for  three  days,  during 
which  time  he  promises  that  there  shall  be  no  defensive  works  carried  on 
12 


178  THE    LIVES    OF    PONTIAC    AND   TECUMSEH  '. 

in  the  garrison,  on  condition  that  Col.  Clark  will  observe,  on  his  part,  a 
like  cessation  of  offensive  work :  that  is,  he  wishes  to  confer  with  Col. 
Clark,  as  soon  as  can  be,  and  promises  that  whatever  may  pass  between 
them  two  and  another  person  mutually  agreed  on  to  be  present,  shall 
remain  secret  till  matters  be  finished;  as  he  wishes  that  whatever  the 
result  of  the  conference  may  be,  it  may  tend  to  the  honor  and  credit  of 
each  party.  If  Col.  Clark  makes  a  difficulty  of  coming  into  the  fort, 
Lieut.  Gov.  Hamilton  will  speak  with  him  by  the  gate. 

HENRY  HAMILTON. 

This  message  was  written  on  the  24th  of  February,  1779, 
and  manifested  a  feeling  that  Clark  had  expected.  His  reply 
was:  "  Col.  Clark's  compliments  to  Gov.  Hamilton,  and  begs 
leave  to  say  that  he  will  not  agree  to  any  terms  other  than  Mr. 
Hamilton  surrendering  himself  and  garrison  prisoners  at  dis 
cretion.  If  Mr.  Hamilton  wants  to  talk  with  Col.  Clark,  he 
will  meet  him  at  the  church  with  Capt.  Helm." 

A  conference  was  held  as  proposed,  when  Clark  would  agree 
only  to  a  surrender,  and  threatened  to  massacre  the  leading 
men  ...  the  fort  for  supplying  the  Indians  with  the  means  of 
annoyance  and  purchasing  scalps,  if  his  terms  were  not 
accepted.  In.  a  few  moments  afterwards  Col.  Clark  dictated 
terms  of  sur  v/ider  which  were  accepted.*  On  the  twenty-fifth 
of  February  Fort  Sackville  was  surrendered  to  the  American 
troops  and  the  garrison  treated  as  prisoners  of  war.  The  stars 
and  stripes  were  unfolded  above  its  battlements  and  thirteen 
guns  celebrated  the  victory.  Seventy -nine  prisoners  and  stores 
to  the  amount  of  fifty  thousand  dollars  were  captured  by  this 
bold  enterprise,  and  the  whole  country  along  the  Mississippi 
and  Wabash  remained  ever  after  in  the  peaceful  possession  of 

*  1st,  Lieuten ant-Governor  Hamilton  agrees  to  deliver  up  to  Col.  Clark  Fort  Sack 
ville,  as  it  is  at  present,  with  its  stores,  etc. 

2d.  The  garrison  are  to  deliver  themselves  as  prisoners  of  war  and  march  out  with 
their  arms  and  accoutrements. 

3d.    The  garrison  to  be  delivered  up  to-morrow,  at  ten  o'clock. 

4th.  Three  days1  time  to  be  allowed  the  garrison  to  settle  their  accounts  with  the 
inhabitants  and  traders. 

5th.    The  officers  of  the  garrison  to  be  allowed  their  necessary  baggage,  etc. 

Signed  at  Post  St.  Vincennes,  the  24th  day  of  February,  1779;  agreed  to  for  the  fol 
lowing  reasons :  1st.  Kemoteness  from  succor;  2d.  The  state  and  quantity  of  provisions; 
3d.  The  unanimity  of  the  officers  and  men  in  its  expediency;  4th.  The  honorable  terms 
allowed:  and,  lastly,  the  confidence  in  a  generous  enemy. 

HENRY  HAMILTON, 
Lieutenant- Governor  and  Superintendent. 


OR,    THE    BORDER   WARS    OF   TWO   CENTURIES.  179 

the  Americans.  In  the  short  contest  only  one  of  the  Americans 
was  wounded.  The  British  had  one  killed  and  six  severely 
wounded.  Gov.  Hamilton  was  sent  prisoner  to  Virginia, 
where  he  was  confined  in  jail,  fettered  and  alone,  as  a  punish 
ment  for  his  wicked  policy  of  offering  rewards  for  American 
scalps,  but  as  this  punishment  was  not  in  accordance  with  the 
terms  of  surrender,  he  was  afterwards  set  at  liberty. 

Col.  Clark  returned  to  Kaskaskia,  where  he  found  his  paper 
money  greatly  depreciated,  and  where  he  was  forced  to  pledge 
his  own  credit  to  procure  what  he  needed  to  an  extent  that 
injured  his  financial  prospects. 

It  is  difficult  to  estimate  the  true  value  of  Clark's  campaign 
to  American  independence.  "  But  for  his  small  army  of  drip 
ping,  but  fearless  Virginians,"  says  Mr.  Peck,  "  the  union  of 
all  the  tribes  from  Georgia  to  Maine  against  the  colonies, 
might  have  been  effected  and  the  whole  current  of  our  history 
changed.  The  conquest  of  Clark  changed  the  face  of  affairs 
in  relation  to  the  whole  country  north  of  the  Ohio  river,  which, 
in  all  probability,  would  have  been  the  boundary  between 
Canada  and  the  United  States.  This  conquest  was  urged  by 
the  American  commissioners  in  negotiating  the  definite  treaty 
of  1793." 


CHAPTER    XXII. 

BORDERS  OF  KENTUCKY  —  BOONE'S  SALT  EXPEDITION  —  His  CAPTURE — 
His  DEFENSE  OF  BOONSBOROUGH —  INVASION  OF  THE  COUNTRY  OF 
THE  Six  NATIONS  —  INDIAN  TROUBLES. 

LET  us  now  return  and  bring  forward  the  events  in  the  bor 
der  settlements  of  Kentucky.  The  pioneers  were  now  (1778) 
Buffering  much  from  the  want  of  salt,  and  the  labor  and  risk 
of  bringing  it  over  the  mountains  were  too  great.  It  was  now 
resolved  bv  the  settlers  that  thirty  men,  under  the  guidance 
of  Captain  Daniel  Boone,  one  of  the  earliest  and  most  active 
settlers  of  Kentucky,  and  the  founder  of  Boonsborough,  should 
proceed  to  the  "  Lower  Blue  Licks,'1  on  Licking  river,  and 
manufacture  salt.  The  enterprise  was  commenced  on  New 
Year's  day,  1778.*  Boone  was  to  be  guide,  hunter  and  scout ; 
the  others  were  to  cut  wood  and  attend  to  the  manufacturing 
department.  They  succeeded  well,  and  on  the  seventh  of  the 
following  month  enough  had  been  made  to  lead  to  the  return 
of  three  of  the  party  to  the  stations  with  the  precious  com 
modity.  While  Boone  was  ranging  the  woods  in  the  vicinity 
of  the  salt  works  he  was  discovered  and  captured  by  a  large 
party  of  Shawanoes.  Boone's  companions  were  next  captured, 
and  all  were  now  taken  to  the  Indian  village  on  the  Little 
Miami,  f  It  was  no  part  of  the  plan  of  the  Shawanoes,  how 
ever,  to  retain  these  men  in  captivity,  nor  yet  to  scalp,  slay  or 
eat  them.  Uiider  the  influence  and  rewards  of  Governor  Ham 
ilton,  the  British  commander  in  the  northwest,  the  Indians  had 
taken  up  the  business  of  speculating  in  human  beings,  both 
dead  and  alive,  and  the  Shawanoes  meant  to  take  Boone  and 


*  Western  Annals. 
f  Peck's  Narrative. 


(180) 


OK,    THE    BORDER    WARS    OF    TWO    CENTURIES.  181 

his  comrades  to  the  Detroit  market.  On  the  tenth  of  March, 
accordingly,  eleven  of  the  party,  including  DanieMiimself,  were 
dispatched  for  the  north,  and  after  twenty  days  of  journeying 
were  presented  to  the  English  governor,  who  treated  them, 
Boone  says,  with  great  humanity.  To  Boone  himself  Hamil 
ton  and  several  other  gentlemen  seem  to  have  taken  an  especial 
fancy,  and  offered  large  sums  for  his  release,  but  the  Shawanoes 
would  not  part  with  him  ;  he  must  go  home  with  them,  they 
said,  and  be  one  of  them,  and  become  a  great  chief.  So  the 
pioneer  found  his  very  virtues  becoming  the  cause  of  a  pro 
longed  captivity.  In  April  the  red  men,  with  their  one  white 
captive,  about  to  be  converted  into  a  genuine  son  of  nature, 
returned  from  the  flats  of  Michigan  to  the  rolling  valleys  of 
the  Miamis.  And  now  the  white  blood  was  washed  out  of  the 
Kentucky  ranger,  and  he  was  made  a  son  in  the  family  of  Black- 
fish,  a  Shawanoes  chief,  and  was  loved  and  caressed  by  father 
and  mother,  brothers  and  sisters,  till  he  was  thoroughly  sick 
of  them.  But  disgust  he  could  not  show,  so  he  was  kind  and 
affable,  and  knew  how  to  allay  any  suspicions  they  might  har 
bor  lest  he  should  run  away.  For  some  time  the  newly  made 
Indian,  Boone,  entered  into  the  savage  life  with  a  pretended 
relish.  On  the  first  of  June  he  was  returning  with  a  party 
of  Indians  to  the  village,  and  on  arriving  he  found  four  hun 
dred  and  fifty  of  the  choicest  warriors  of  the  west  painted  and 
armed  for  battle.  Upon  inquiring  he  found  that  they  had 
formed  a  plan  to  destroy  Boonsborough  and  capture  the 
inhabitants.  Boone  now  secretly  resolved  to  risk  his  life  to 
save  the  little  borough  he  had  founded.  And  although  over 
one  hundred  and  fifty  miles  from  this  town,  he  departed,  on 
the  morning  of  the  sixteenth  of  June,  while  all  was  quiet,  and 
without  any  breakfast,  started  on  his  long  and  dangerous 
journey.  He  traveled  at  the  rate  of  forty  miles  a  day  for  four 
successive  days,  and  ate  but  one  meal  during  the  whole  journey. 
At  last  he  reached  the  defenseless  town,  and  with  the  alarmed 
inhabitants  at  once  commenced  repairing  the  fortifications. 
But  the  foe  came  not.  In  a  few  days  another  escaped  captive 
came  in  and  informed  Boone  that  the  Indians  were  unsettled 


182  THE   LIVES    OF    PONTIAC    AND    TEOUMSEHI 

in  their  plans,  knowing  not  what  to  do  since  he  had  departed. 
Thus  his  favorite  town  was  saved,  at  least  for  the  time  being. 

Boone,  with  a  small  party  of  the  settlers,  now  penetrated  the 
forests  to  surprise  an  Indian  village ;  but  meeting  a  small  party 
of  Indians  he  discovered  that  they  were  marching  on  Boonsbo- 
rough  in  full  force.  He  had  scarcely  time  to  return  when  the 
enemy  appeared.  The  Indians,  to  the  number  of  four  hundred 
and  forty,  were  commanded  by  Chief  Blackfish,  and  the  Cana 
dians,  to  the  number  of  eleven,  by  Captain  DuQuesne.  The 
advancing  enemy  displayed  both  the  English  and  French  flags. 
The  invaders  demanded  Boone  to  surrender  in  the  name  of  His 
Britannic  Majesty,  and  promised  a  liberal  treatment  for  the 
prisoners.  It  was  indeed  a  critical  moment.  Should  they  yield 
there  would  be  no  mercy  shown  them ;  but,  on  the  other  hand, 
there  was  but  little  chance  for  a  successful  resistance.  They 
had  no  provisions,  and  their  cattle  were  abroad  in  the  woods. 
Boone  asked  for  two  days  to  consider  the  matter,  and  his  request 
was  granted.  He  now  set  about  bringing  the  cattle  to  the  fort, 
which  was  soon  accomplished.  Being  thus  supplied  with  food, 
he  announced  the  determination  of  his  garrison  to  fight.  Cap 
tain  DuQuesne  was  sorely  grieved  at  this,  for  he  had  hoped  to 
take  the  place  without  bloodshed.  He  now  resorted  to  treach 
ery.  Pie  offered  to  withdraw  his  troops  if  the  garrison  would 
make  a  treaty.  Boone  suspected  all  was  not  right,  and  at  first 
he  refused  to  yield  ;  but  then  he  did  not  wish  to  starve  in  the 
fort  or  have  it  taken  by  storm,  and  he  thought,  as  he  remem 
bered  Hamilton's  kindness  to  him  while  in  Detroit,  that  per 
haps  he  would  be  fairly  treated  by  his  representative,  so  he 
agreed  to  treat.  Boone  and  eight  of  his  men  now  went  out  of 
the  fort,  under  cover  of  the  guns  of  the  fortifications,  and  opened 
a  council  about  sixty  yards  distant.  The  treaty  was  made  and 
signed,  and  then  the  Indians,  saying  it  was  their  custom  for 
two  of  them  to  shake  hands  with  every  white  man  when  a  treaty 
was  made,  expressed  a  wish  to  press  the  palms  of  their  new 
allies.  Boone  and  his  friends  must  have  looked  doubtful  at 
this  proposal,  but  it  was  safer  to  accede  than  to  refuse  and 
be  shot  instantly,  so  they  presented  each  his  hand.  As  antici 
pated,  the  warriors  seized  them  with  rough  and  fierce  eagerness. 


OK,  THE  BOEDER  WARS  OF  TWO  CENTURIES.        183 

The  whites  drew  back,  struggling.  The  treachery  was  appa 
rent.  The  rifle  balls  from  the  garrison  struck  down  the  fore 
most  assailants  of  the  little  band ;  and,  amid  a  fire  from  friends 
and  foes,  Boone  and  his. fellow  deputies  bounded  back  into  the 
station,  with  the  exception  of  one  man,  unhurt.  Now  that  the 
treaty  project  had  failed,  the  enemy  opened  a  hot  fire  upon  the 
fortifications,  which  they  continued  ten  days,  though  to  no 
purpose.  On  the  twentieth  of  August  the  Indians  were  forced 
unwillingly  to  retire,  having  lost  thirty-seven  of  their  number 
and  wasted  a  vast  amount  of  powder  and  lead.  The  garrison 
picked  up  from  the  ground,  after  their  departure,  one  hundred 
and  twenty-five  pounds  of  their  bullets. 

Early  in  the  summer  of  this  year  a  fort  was  built  upon  the 
banks  of  the  Ohio,  a  little  below  Fort  Pitt,  called  Fort  Mcln- 
tosh.  From  this  point  it  was  intended  to  operate  in  reducing 
Detroit,  where  mischief  was  still  brewing.  Indeed  the  natives 
were  now  more  united  than  ever  against  the  Americans.  The 
Senecas,  Cayugas,  Mingoes,  Wyandots,  Onondagas,  Ottawas, 
Ojibwas,  Shawanoes  and  Delawares  were  all  in  the  league. 
Congress  now,  perhaps  for  the  first  time,  fully  saw  the  difficul 
ties  that  were  likely  to  arise  from  the  native  tribes. 

In  the  north  and  west  a  new  cause  of  trouble  was  arising. 
Of  the  six  tribes  of  the  Iroquois,  the  Senecas,  Mohawks,  Cay 
ugas  and  Onondagas  had  been  from  the  outset  inclined  to 
Britain,  though  all  of  these  but  the  Mohawks  had  now  and 
then  tried  to  persuade  the  Americans  to  the  contrary.  During 
the  winter  of  1778-9  the  Onondagas,  who  had  been  for  a  while 
nearly  neutral,  were  suspected  by  the  Americans  of  deception, 
and  this  suspicion  having  become  nearly  knowledge,  a  band 
was  sent  early  in  April  to  destroy  their  towns  and  take  such 
of  them  as  could  be  taken  prisoners.  The  work  appointed  was 
done,  and  the  villages  and  wealth  of  the  poor  savages  were 
annihilated.  This  sudden  act  of  severity  startled  all.  The 
Oneidas,  hitherto  faithful  to  their  neutrality,  were  alarmed  lest 
the  next  blow  should  fall  on  them,  and  it  was  only  after  a  full 
explanation  that  their  fears  were  quieted.  As  for  the  Onon 
dagas,  it  was  not  to  be  hoped  that  they  would  sit  down  under 
such  treatment ;  a*nd  we  find,  accordingly,  that  some  hundred 


184  THE    LIVES    OF    PONTIAC    AND    TECUMSEH: 

of  their  warriors  were  at  once  in  the  field,  and  from  that  time 
forward  a  portion  of  their  nation  remained  hostile  to  the 
United  Colonies.* 

The  Americans  now  determined  to  invade  the  country  of  the 
Six  Nations,  which  they  did,  defeating  a  large  number  of  these 
Indians  at  Newton.  From  this  point  they  were  driven  from 
village  to  village,  and  their  whole  country  was  laid  waste. 
Houses  were  burned,  crops  and  orchards  destroyed,  and  every 
thing  done  to  render  the  country  uninhabitable  that  could  be 
thought  of.  Forty  towns  were  burnt,  and  more  than  one  hun 
dred  and  sixty  thousand  bushels  of  corn  destroyed.  This  attack 
was  conducted  by  General  Sullivan  He  effected  a  complete 
conquest  of  tlie  Indian  country,  but  passed  Niagara  without 
attacking  it. 

On  the  twenty-second  of  March,  1779,  Washington  wrote  to 
Colonel  Daniel  Brodhead,  who  had  succeeded  Mclntosh  at  Fort 
Pitt,  that  an  incursion  into  the  country  of  the  Six  Nations  was 
in  preparation,  and  that  in  connection  therewith  it  might  be 
advisable  for  a  force  to  ascend  the  Alleghany  to  Kittaning,  and 
thence  to  Yenango,  and  having  fortified  both  points,  to  strike 
the  Mingoes  and  Munceys  upon  French  Creek  and  elsewhere 
in  that  neighborhood,  and  thus  aid  General  Sullivan  in  the 
great  blow  he  was  to  give  by  his  march  up  the  Susquehanna. 
Brodhead  proceeded  up  the  Alleghany,  burned  the  towns  of  the 
Indians  and  destroyed  their  crops. 

The  immediate  result  of  this  and  other  equally  prompt  and 
severe  measures  was  to  bring  the  Delawares,  Shawanoes,  and 
even  the  Wyandots,  to  Fort  Pitt,  on  a  treaty  of  peace.  There 
Brodhead  met  them  on  his  return  in  September,  and  a  long 
conference  was  held  to  the  satisfaction  of  both  parties.f 

During  this  summer  an  expedition  was  sent  against  the 
Shawanoes  of  the  Miami,  but  it  failed  to  accomplish  the  end 
originally  designed,  and  the  fierce  Indians  of  this  tribe  were 
unsubdued. 

In  the  following  year,  1780,  Kentucky  was  invaded  by  a  large 

*  Stone's  Works. 
f  Western  Annals. 


OR,    THE    BOEDER   WARS    OF    TWO    CENTURIES.  185 

force  of  Indians  and  Canadians,  commanded  by  Colonel  Byrd, 
a  British  officer.  To  the  number  of  six  hundred,  with  two 
field  pieces,  they  marched  up  the  valley  of  the  Licking,  and  first 
appeared  before  Ruddle's  Station,  on  the  twenty-second  of  June, 
demanding  an  instant  surrender.  As  the  stockades  were  pow 
erless  against  cannon,  the  demand  was  complied  with;  but  the 
invaders,  for  some  reason,  left  the  country  immediately. 


CHAPTER    XXIII. 

EXPEDITION  AGAINST  MORAVIAN  INDIANS — THE  MASSACRE —  TERRIBLE 
FATE  OP  COLONEL  CRAWFORD — ATTACK  OF  BRYANT'S  STATION  —  DE 
FEAT  OF  THE  FRONTIER  MEN. 

LET  us  return  once  more  to  the  villages  of  the  Christian 
Indians,  commonly  called  the  Moravians.  In  1781  they  suffered 
from  both  Americans  and  from  hostile  Indians,  and  in  conse 
quence  were  compelled  to  leave  their  home  on  the  Muskingum 
and  go  to  Sandusky;  but  in  February,  1782,  they  returned  to 
the  number  of  about  one  hundred  and  fifty.  This  act  revived 
the  hatred  of  the  frontier  men,  who  had  now  learned  to  sus 
pect  them  of  treachery  ;  and  Colonel  Williamson  in  March 
set  out  with  a  party  of  about  one  hundred  men,  without  any 
authority,  and  made  a  rapid  march  to  the  Muskingum.  The 
professed  object  was  to  capture  and  remove  the  Christian  Del- 
awares,  and  destroy  their  houses  and  fields.  A  number  of  peo 
ple  were  at  work  in  their  corn-fields  when  this  hostile  force 
appeared,  who  ran  to  the  village  of  Gnadenhutten.  Several 
men  and  one  woman  were  killed.  They  were  told  it  was  the 
intention  to  take  them  to  Pittsburgh,  where  they  would  be 
protected,  and  were  directed  to  enter  two  houses  and  remain 
for  the  night.  The  commander  of  the  party  then  proposed  to 
leave  it  to  his  men  to  decide  by  vote  their  fate,  and  orders  were 
given  that  those  who  were  for  sparing  their  lives  should  step 
out  in  front.  Of  some  ninety  men  present  only  seventeen  or 
eighteen  voted  to  spare  their  lives  !  This  sentence  was  then 
announced  to  the  people.  They  spent  the  night  in  prayer  and 
in  singing  hymns.  In  the  morning  the  terrible  slaughter  com 
menced.  No  resistance  was  made.  Guns,  tomahawks  and 
hatchets  were  used.  Two  only  escaped.  One,  a  young  man 

(186) 


OB,    THE    BORDER    WARS    OF    TWO    CENTURIES.  18 » 

about  seventeen  years  of  age,  wounded,  bleeding  and  scalped, 
crept  into  the  bushes  and  lived  ;  another  crawled  under  the 
floor,  where  he  lay  until  the  blood  of  his  murdered  relations 
poured  in  streams  upon  him.*  The  buildings  were  set  on  fire, 
and  the  bodies  partially  consumed.  Colonel  Williamson  and 
his  men  returned  to  receive  the  execrations  of  his  countrymen. 
Both  the  civil  and  military  authorities  of  the  State  and  nation 
reprobated  the  direful  deed.  Forty  men,  twenty- two  women, 
and  thirty- two  children  were  thus  destroyed. 

It  was  in  March,  1782,  that  this  great  murder  was  committed; 
and  another  expedition  was  at  once  organized  to  invade  the 
towns  of  the  Moravian  Delawares  and  Wyandots,  upon  the 
Sandusky.  No  Indian  was  to  be  spared  ;  friend  or  foe,  every 
red  man  was  to  die!  The  commander  of  the  expedition  was 
Colonel  William  Crawford.  His  troops,  numbering  nearly  five 
hundred  men,  marched  in  June  to  the  Sandusky,  uninterrupted. 
There  they  found  the  towns  deserted,  and  the  savages  on  the 
alert.  A  battle  ensued,  and  the  whites  were  forced  to  retreat. 
In  their  retreat  many  left  the  main  body,  and  nearly  all  who 
did  so  perished.  Of  Crawford's  own  fate  we  give  the  follow 
ing*  account  by  Dr.  Knight : 

"  Monday  morning,  the  tenth  of  June,  we  were  paraded  to 
march  to  Sandusky,  about  thirty-three  miles  distant.  They 
had  eleven  prisoners  of  us,  and  four  scalps,  the  Indians  being 
seventeen  in  number. 

"  Colonel  Crawford  was  very  desirous  to  see  a  certain  Simon 
Girty,  who  lived  with  the  Indians,  and  was  on  this  account 
permitted  to  go  to  town  the  same  night,  with  two  warriors  to 
guard  him,  having  orders  at  the  same  time  to  pass  by  the  place 
where  the  colonel  had  turned  out  his  horse,  that  they  might, 
if  possible,  find  him.  The  rest  of  us  were  taken  as  far  as  the 
old  town,  which  was  within  eight  miles  of  the  new. 

"Tuesday  morning,  the  eleventh,  Colonel  Crawford  was 
brought  out  to  us,  on  purpose  to  be  marched  with  the  other 
prisoners.  I  asked  the  colonel  if  he  had  seen  Mr.  Girty.  He 
told  me  he  had,  and  that  Girty  had  promised  to  do  everything 
in  his  power  for  him,  but  that  the  Indians  were  very  much 

*  Western  Annals. 


188  THE    LIVES    OF    PONTIAC    AND    TECUMSEHI 

enraged  against  the  prisoners,  particularly  Captain  Pipe,  one 
of  the  chiefs.  He  likewise  told  me  that  Girty  had  informed 
him  that  his  son-in-law,  Colonel  Harrison,  and  his  nephew, 
William  Crawford,  were  made  prisoners  by  the  Shawanoes,  but 
had  been  pardoned.  This  Captain  Pipe  had  come  from  the 
town  about  an  hour  before  Colonel  Crawford,  and  had  painted 
all  the  prisoners'  faces  black.  As  he  was  painting  me  he  told 
me  I  should  go  to  the  Shawanoes  towns  and  see  my  friends. 
When  the  colonel  arrived  he  painted  him  black  also,  told  him 
he  was  glad  to  see  him,  and  that  he  would  have  him  shaved 
when  he  came  to  see  his  friends  at  the  Wyandot  town.  When 
we  marched  the  colonel  and  I.  were  kept  back,  between  Pipe 
and  Wyngenim,  the  two  Delaware  chiefs  ;  the  other  nine  pris 
oners  were  sent  forward  with  another  party  of  Indians.  As 
we  went  along  we  saw  four  of  the  prisoners  lying  by  the  path, 
tomahawked  and  scalped  ;  some  of  them  were  at  the  distance 
of  half  a  mile  from  each  other.  When  we  arrived  within  half 
a  mile  of  the  place  where  the  colonel  was  executed  we  overtook 
the  five  prisoners  that  remained  alive.  The  Indians  had  caused 
them  to  sit  down  on  the  ground,  as  they  did  also  the  colonel 
and  me,  at  some  distance  from  them.  I  was  there  given  in 
charge  to  an  Indian  fellow,  to  be  taken  to  the  Shawanoes 
towns. 

"  In  the  place  where  we  were  made  to  sit  down,  there  was 
a  number  of  squaws  and  boys,  who  fell  on  the  five  prisoners 
and  tomahawked  them.  There  was  a  certain  John  McKinly 
amongst  the  prisoners,  formerly  an  officer  in  the  13th  Yir- 
ginia  regiment,  whose  head  an  old  squaw  cut  off,  and  the 
Indians  kicked  it  about  upon  the  ground.  The  young  Indian 
fellows  came  often  where  the  Colonel  and  I  were,  and  dashed 
the  scalps  in  our  faces.  We  were  then  conducted  along 
toward  the  place  where  the  Colonel  was  afterwards  executed ; 
when  we  came  within  about  half  a  mile  of  it,  Simon  Girty 
met  us,  with  several  Indians  on  horseback;  he  spoke  to  the 
Cblonel,  but  as  I  was  about  one  hundred  and  fifty  yards  behind, 
could  not  hear  what  passed  between  them. 

"Almost  every  Indian  we  met,  struck  us  either  with  sticks  or 
their  fists.  Girty  waited  till  I  was  brought  up,  and  asked,  was 


OK,    THE    BORDER    WARS    OF    TWO    CENTURIES.  189 

that  the  Doctor?  I  told  him  yes,  and  went  towards  him, 
reaching  out  my  hand,  but  he  bid  me  begone,  and  called  me  a 
damned  rascal,  upon  which  the  fellows  who  had  me  in  charge 
pulled  me  along.  Girty  rode  up  after  me  and  told  me  I  was  to 
go  to  the  Shawanoe  towns. 

"  When  we  went  to  the  fire  the  Colonel  was  stripped  naked, 
ordered  to  sit  down  by  the  fire,  and  then  they  beat  him  with 
sticks  and  their  fists.  Presently  after,  I  was  treated  in  the 
same  manner.  They  then  tied  a  rope  to  the  foot  of  a  post 
about  fifteen  feet  high,  bound  the  Colonel's  hands  behind  his 
back  and  fastened  the  rope  to  the  ligature  between  his  wrists. 
The  rope  was  long  enough  for  him  to  sit  down  or  walk  round 
the  post  once  or  twice,  and  return  the  same  way.  The  Colonel 
then  called  to  Girty,  and  asked  if  they  intended  to  burn  him? 
Girty  answered,  yes.  The  Colonel  said  he  would  take  it  all 
patiently.  Upon  this,  Captain  Pipe,  a  Delaware  chief,  made  a 
speech  to  the  Indians,  viz.:  about  thirty  or  forty  men,  and  sixty 
or  seventy  squaws  and  boys. 

"  "When  the  speech  was  finished  they  all  yelled  a  hideous  and 
hearty  assent  to  what  had  been  said.  The  Indian  men  then 
took  up  their  guns  and  shot  powder  into  the  Colonel's  body, 
from  his  feet  as  far  up  as  his  neck.  I  think  that  no  less  than 
seventy  loads  were  discharged  upon  his  naked  body.  They 
then  crowded  about  him,  and  to  the  best  of  my  observation, 
cut  off  his  ears ;  when  the  throng  had  dispersed  a  little,  I  saw 
the  blood  running  from  both  sides  of  his  head  in  consequence 
thereof. 

"  The  fire  was  six  or  seven  yards  from  the  post  to  which 
the  Colonel  was  tied;  it  was  made  of  small  hickory  poles,  burnt 
quite  through  in  the  middle,  each  end  of  the  poles  remaining 
about  six  feet  in  length.  Three  or  four  Indians  by  turns 
would  take  up,  individually,  one  of  these  burning  pieces  of 
wood  and  apply  it  to  his  naked  body,  already  burnt  black  with 
the  powder.  These  tormentors  presented  themselves  on  every 
side  of  him  with  the  burning  faggots  and  poles.  Some  of  the 
squaws  took  broad  boards,  upon  which  they  would  carry  a 
quantity  of  burning  coals  and  hot  embers  and  throw  on  him, 


190  THE    LIVES    CF    PONTIAC    AND    TECUMSEH '. 

so  that  in  a  short  time  he  had  nothing  but  coals  of  tire  and  hot 
ashes  to  walk  upon. 

"  In  the  midst  of  these  extreme  tortures,  he  called  to  Simon 
Girty  and  begged  of  him  to  shoot  him ;  but  Girty  making  no 
answer,  he  called  to  him  again.  Girty,  then,  by  way  of  deris 
ion,  told  the  Colonel  that  he  had  no  gun,  at  the  same  time 
turning  about  to  an  Indian  who  was  behind  him,  laughed 
heartily,  and  by  all  his  gestures  seemed  delighted  at  the  horrid 
scene. 

"  Girty  then  came  up  to  me  and  bade  me  prepare  for  death. 
He  said,  however,  that  I  was  not  to  die  at  that  place,  but  to 
be  burnt  at  the  Shawanoe  towns.  He  swore  by  G — d  I  need 
not  expect  to  escape  death,  but  should  suffer  it  in  all  its  enor 
mities. 

"  He  then  observed  that  some  prisoners  had  given  him  to 
understand,  that  if  our  people  had  him  they  would  not  hurt 
him;  for  his  part,  he  said,  he  did  not  believe  it,  but  desired  to 
know  my  opinion  of  the  matter,  but  being  at  the  time  in  great 
anguish  and  distress  for  the  torments  the  Colonel  was  suffer 
ing  before  my  eyes,  as  well  as  the  expectation  of  undergoing 
the  same  fate  in  two  days,  I  made  little  or  no  answer.  He 
expressed  a  great  deal  of  ill-will  for  Colonel  Gibson,  and  said 
he  was  one  of  his  greatest  enemies,  and  more  to  the  same  pur 
pose,  to  all  which  I  paid  very  little  attention. 

"  Colonel  Crawford,  at  this  period  of  his  suffering,  besought 
the  Almighty  to  have  mercy  on  his  soul,  spoke  very  low,  and 
bore  his  torments  with  the  most  manly  fortitude.  He  con 
tinued  in  all  the  extremities  of  pain  for  an  hour  and  three- 
quarters  or  two  hours  longer,  as  near  as  I  could  judge,  when  at 
last,  being  almost  exhausted,  he  lay  down  on  his  belly;  they 
then  scalped  him,  and  repeatedly  threw  the  scalp  in  my  face, 
telling  me  "  that  was  my  great  captain."  An  old  squaw  got  a 
board,  took  a  parcel  of  coals  and  ashes  and  laid  them  on  his 
back  and  head,  after  he  had  been  scalped ;  he  then  raised  him 
self  upon  his  feet  and  began  to  walk  round  the  post ;  they  next 
put  a  burning  stick  to  him  as  usual,  but  he  seemed  more 
insensible  of  pain  than  before. 

"  The  Indian  fellow  who  had  me  in  charge,  now  took  me  away 


OR,    THE   BORDER    WARS    OF    TWO    CENTURIES.  191 

to  Captain  Pipe's  house,  about  three-quarters  of  a  mile  from 
the  place  of  the  Colonel's  execution.  I  was  bound  all  night, 
and  thus  prevented  from  seeing  the  last  of  the  horrid  spectacle. 
Next  morning,  being  June  twelfth,  the  Indian  untied  me, 
painted  me  black,  and  we  set  off  for  the  Shawanoe  town,  which 
he  told  me  was  somewhat  less  than  forty  miles  distant  from 
that  place.  We  soon  came  to  the  spot  where  the  Colonel  had 
been  burnt,  as  it  was  partly  in  our  way;  I  saw  his  bones  lying 
amongst  the  remains  of  the  fire,  almost  burnt  to  ashes;  I  sup 
pose  after  he  was  dead  they  laid  his  body  on  the  fire.  The 
Indian  told  me  that  was  my  big  Captain,  and  gave  the  scalp 
halloo." 

Such  were  some  of  the  more  important  incidents  of  border 
warfare  in  1781-82.  But  still  the  fury  of  the  Indians  was  by 
no  means  spent.  In  the  middle  of  August,  1782,  the  storm 
burst  around  Bryant's  Station.  About  six  hundred  Indians 
appeared  on  the  fifteenth  and  made  a  desperate  effort  to  cap 
ture  the  fort.  The  garrison  had  heard,  on  the  day  previous, 
of  the  defeat  of  a  party  of  whites  not  far  distant,  and  during 
that  night  were  busy  in  making  preparations  to  march,  with 
daybreak,  to  the  assistance  of  their  neighbors.  Mr.  James  H. 
Peck,  the  compiler  of  the  "  Western  Annals,"  informs  us  that 
all  night  long  their  preparations  continued,  and  what  little 
sound  the  savages  made  as  they  approached,  was  unheard  amid 
the  comparative  tumult  within.  Day  stole  through  the  forest; 
the  woodsmen  rose  from  their  brief  slumbers,  took  their  arms, 
and  were  on  the  point  of  opening  their  gates  to  march,  when 
the  crack  of  rifles,  mingled  with  yells  and  howls,  told  them  in 
an  instant  how  narrowly  they  had  escaped  captivity  or  death. 
Rushing  to  the  loop-holes  and  crannies,  they  saw  about  a  hun 
dred  red  men,  firing  and  gesticulating  in  full  view  of  the  fort. 
The  young  bloods,  full  of  rage  at  Estill's  sad  defeat,  wished 
instantly  to  rush  forth  upon  the  attackers,  but  there  was  some 
thing  in  the  manner  of  the  Indians  so  peculiar,  that  the  older 
heads  at  once  suspected  a  trick,  and  looked  anxiousiy  to  the 
opposite  side  of  the  fort,  where  they  judged  the  main  body  of 
the  enemy  were  probably  concealed.  Nor  were  they  deceived. 
The  savages  were  led  by  Simon  Girty.  This  white  savage  had 


192  THE    LIVES    OF    PONTIAC    AND    TECUMSEH: 

proposed,  by  an  attack  on  one  side  of  the  station  with  a  small 
part  of  his  force,  to  draw  out  the  garrison,  and  then  intended, 
with  the  main  body,  to  fall  upon  the  other  side,  and  secure  the 
fort;  but  his  plan  was  defeated  by  the  over-acting  of  his  red 
allies,  and  the  sagacity  of  his  opponents.  These  opponents, 
however,  had  still  a  sad  difficulty  to  encounter;  the  fort  was 
not  supplied  with  water,  and  the  spring  was  at  some  distance, 
and  in  the  immediate  vicinity  of  the  thicket  in  which  it  was 
supposed  the  main  force  of  the  Indians  lay  concealed.  The 
danger  of  going  or  sending  for  water  was  plain,  the  absolute 
necessity  of  having  it  was  equally  so;  and  how  it  could  be 
procured,  was  a  question  which  made  many  a  head  shake,  many 
a  heart  sink.  At  length  a  plan,  equally  sagacious  and  bold, 
was  hit  upon,  and  carried  into  execution  by  as  great  an  exer 
tion  of  womanly  presence  of  mind 'as  can,  perhaps,  be  found 
on  record.  If  the  savages  were,  as  was  supposed,  concealed 
near  the  spring,  it  was  believed  they  would  not  show  them 
selves  until  they  had  reason  to  believe  their  trick  had  succeeded, 
and  the  garrison  had  left  the  fort  on  the  other  side.  It  was, 
therefore,  proposed  to  all  the  females  to  go  with  their  buckets 
to  the  spring,  fill  them,  and  return  to  the  fort,  before  any  sally 
was  made  against  the  attacking  party.  The  danger  to  which 
they  must  be  exposed  was  not  to  be  concealed,  but  it  was  urged 
upon  them  that  this  must  be  done,  or  all  perish;  and  that  if 
they  were  steady,  the  Indians  would  not  molest  them;  and  to 
the  honor  of  their  sex,  be  it  said,  they  went  forth  in  a  body, 
and  directly  under  five  hundred  rifles,  filled  their  buckets,  and 
returned  in  such  a  manner  as  *not  to  suggest  to  the  quick- 
sighted  savages  that  their  presence  in  the  thicket  was  suspected. 
This  done,  a  small  number  of  the  garrison  were  sent  forth 
against  the  attackers,  with  orders  to  multiply  their  numbers  to 
the  ear  by  constant  firing,  while  the  main  body  of  the  whites 
took  their  places  to  repel  the  anticipated  rush  of  those  in  con 
cealment.  The  plan  succeeded  perfectly.  The  whole  body  of 
Indians  rushed  from  their  ambuscade  as  they  heard  the  firing 
upon  the  opposite  side  of  the  fort,  and  were  received  by  a  fair, 
well-directed  discharge  of  all  the  rifles  left  within  the  station. 
Astonished  and  horror-stricken,  the  assailants  turned  to  the 


OK,    THE    BORDER    WARS    OF    TWO    CENTURIES.  193 

forest  again  as  quickly  as  they  had  left  it,  having  lost  many  of 
their  numbers.  In  the  morning,  as  soon  as  the  presence  of  the 
Indians  was  ascertained,  and  before  their  numbers  were  sus 
pected,  two  messengers  had  broken  through  their  line,  bearing 
to  Lexington  tidings  of  the  siege  of  Bryant's  Station,  and 
asking  succor.  Assistance  came  about  two  in  the  afternoon; 
sixteen  men  being  mounted,  and  thirty  or  more  on  foot.  The 
savages  expected  their  arrival,  and  prepared  to  destroy  them, 
but  the  horsemen,  by  rapid  riding,  and  enveloped  in  dust, 
reached  the  fort  unharmed,  and  of  the  footmen,  after  an  hour's 
hard  fighting,  only  two  were  killed  and  four  wounded.  The 
Indian's  courage  rarely  supports  him  through  long-continued 
exertion ;  and  Girty  found  his  men  so  far  disheartened  by  their 
failures,  that  before  night  they  talked  of  abandoning  the  siege. 
After  attempting  to  terrify  the  garrison  into  a  surrender,  they 
retired  into  the  woods  in  the  hope  that  when  further  assistance 
arrived  at  Bryant's  Station,  a  party  would  pursue  them,  and 
fall  into  their  ambuscades.  In  this  hope  they  were  not 
deceived.  Boone  and  his  party  arrived  at  the  Station  on  the 
eighteenth,  and  immediately  started  after  the  enemy.  The 
trail  was  plain,  and  led  them  to  the  Lower  Blue  Licks,  where 
the  savages  lay  concealed  in  great  numbers.  Here  they 
attacked  the  Indians,  but  were  routed  with  the  loss  of  seventy- 
seven  men  killed  and  taken  prisoners,  and  twelve  wounded. 
The  few  who  escaped  the  slaughter  fled  in  terror  to  the  settle 
ments. 

13 


CHAPTEE    XXIY. 

THE  NORTHWEST  TERRITORY — SKETCH  OP  ARTHUR  ST.  CLAIR  —  REVIEW 
OF  THE  TREATIES  WITH  THE  INDIANS —  INDIAN  SPEECHES. 

LEAVING  the  frontier  settlements  of  the  provinces,  or  now 
the  united  colonies,  we  will  pass  on  to  notice  the  events  that 
transpired  in  the  Northwest  Territory,  which  was  erected  under 
the  ordinance  of  1787.  It  is  proper  to  state  here,  however, 
that  in  making  this  progress  in  the  narrative  we  are  obliged 
to  omit  the  details  of  many  contests  with  the  Indians  in  Ohio 
and  Kentucky,  and  the  several  treaties  which  resulted.  But 
these  were  of  an  ordinary  character.  Without  any  considerable 
amount  of  bloodshed  all  the  savages  in  these  States  were  sub 
dued,  the  boundary  lines  of  their  country  were  determined  and 
a  treaty  of  peace  concluded. 

'In  the  month  of  July,  1788,  Gen.  Arthur  St.  Clair,  who  had 
been  appointed  'the  first  governor  of  the  Northwest  Territory 
by  Congress,  arrived  at  Marietta  and  put  the  machinery  of  the 
new  government  in  motion.  He  organized  the  government 
under  the  first  "  grade  "  of  the  ordinance,*  the  government 

*  I  give  the  ordinance  in  full  as  follows,  as  it  is  the  corner-stone  of  the  Constitutions 
of  the  Northwestern  States,  and  is,  therefore,  worthy  of  preservation : 

AN  ORDINANCE  FOR  THE  GOVERNMENT  OF  THE  TERRITORY  OF  THE  UNTOED  STATES, 
NORTHWEST  OF  THE  OHIO  RIVER.  —  Be  it  ordained  by  the  United  States  in  Congress 
assembled,  That  the  said  territory,  for  the  purposes  of  temporary  government,  be  one 
district,  subject,  however,  to  be  divided  into  two  districts,  as  future  circumstances  may, 
in  the  opinion  of  Congress,  make  it  expedient. 

Be  it  ordained  by  the  authority  aforesaid,  That  the  estates,  both  of  resident  and  non 
resident  proprietors  in  said  territory,  dying  intestate,  shall  descend  to,  and  be  distributed 
among  their  children  and  the  descendants  of  a  deceased  child,  in  equal  parts;  the 
descendants  of  a  deceased  child,  or  grand  child,  to  take  the  share  of  their  deceased 
parent  in  equal  parts  among  them;  and  where  there  shall  be  no  children  or  descendants, 
then  in  equal  parts  to  the  next  of  kin  in  equal  degree;  and,  among  collaterals,  the 
children  of  a  deceased  brother  or  sister  of  the  intestate  shall  have,  in  equal  parts  among 
them,  their  deceased  parents1  share;  and  there  shall,  in  no  case,  be  a  distinction  between 
kindred  of  the  whole  and  half-blood;  saving,  in  all  cases,  to  the  widow  of  the  intestate, 
her  third  part  of  the  real  estate  for  life,  and  one-third  part  of  the  personal  estate;  and 

(194) 


OR,    TEJE    BORDER    WARS    OF    TWO    CENTURIES.  195 

consisting  of  a  governor,  secretary  and  three  judges,  who,  con 
jointly,  constituted  the  law-making  power.  Winthrop  Sar 
gent  was  appointed  secretary,  and  Samuel  H.  Parsons,  James 
H.  Yernum  and  John  Cleves  Symmes  judges.  In  September, 
the  governor  and  judges  prepared  and  adopted  a  code  of  laws. 
Arthur  St.  Glair  was  the  first  governor  of  the  Northwest 
Territory,  and  as  his  administration  forms  a  conspicuous  part 
of  the  narrative,  a  brief  sketch  of  his  life,  in  this  connection, 
will  not  be  out  of  place.  His  portrait  also  appears  on  another 
page.  He  was  a  native  of  Scotland,  from  which  country  he 
came  to  the  British  colonies  of  North  America  in  1755.  He 


this  law,  relative  to  descents  and  dower,  shall  remain  in  full  force  until  altered  by  the 
Legislature  of  the  district.  And,  until  the  governor  and  judges  ehall  adopt  lawe  as 
hereinafter  mentioned,  estates  in  the  said  territory  may  be  devised  or  bequeathed  by 
wills  in  writing,  signed  and  sealed  by  him  or  her,  in  whom  the  estate  may  be,  (being  of 
full  age,)  and  attested  by  three  witnesses:  and  real  estates  maybe  conveyed  by  lease 
and  release,  or  bargain  and  sale,  signed,  sealed  and  delivered  by  the  person,  being  of 
full  age,  in  whom  the  estate  may  be,  and  attested  by  two  witnesses,  provided  such  wills 
be  duly  proved  and  such  conveyances  be  acknowledged,  or  the  execution  thereof  duly 
proved,  and  be  recorded  within  one  year  after,  proper  magistrates,  courts  and  registers 
shall  be  appointed  for  that  purpose;  and  personal  property  may  be  transferred  by  deliv 
ery;  saving,  however,  to  the  French  and  Canadian  inhabitants,  and  other  settlers  of  the 
Kaskaskias,  St.  Vincents  and  the  neighboring  villages  who  have  heretofore  professed 
themselves  citizens  of  Virginia,  their  laws  and  customs  now  in  force  among  them, 
relative  to  the  descent  and  conveyance  of  property. 

Be  it  ordained  by  the  authority  aforesaid,  That  there  shall  be  appointed,  from  time  to 
time,  by  Congress,  a  governor,  whose  commission  shall  continue  in  force  for  three  years, 
unless  sooner  revoked  by  Congress ;  he  shall  reside  in  the  district  and  have  a  freehold 
estate  therein  in  one  thousand  acres  of  land,  while  in  the  exercise  of  his  office. 

There  shall  be  appointed,  from  time  to  time,  by  Congress,  a  secretary,  whose  com 
mission  shall  continue  in  force  for  four  years,  unless  sooner  revoked ;  he  shall  reside  in 
the  district  and  have  a  freehold  estate  therein  in  five  hundred  acres  of  land,  while  in  the 
exercise  of  his  office;  it  shall  be  his  duty  to  keep  and  preserve  the  acts  and  laws  passed 
by  the  Legislature,  and  the  public  records  of  the  district,  and  the  proceedings  of  the 
governor  in  his  executive  department,  and  transmit  authentic  copies  of  such  acts  and 
proceedings,  every  six  months,  to  the  secretary  of  Congress.  There  shall  also  be 
appointed  a  court  to  consist  of  three  judges,  any  two  of  whom  to  form  a  court,  who  shall 
have  a  common  law  jurisdiction  and  reside  in  the  district,  and  have  each  therein  a  free 
hold  estate  in  five  hundred  acres  of  land  while  in  the  exercise  of  their  offices;  and  their 
commissions  shall  continue  in  force  during  good  behavior. 

The  governor  and  judges,  or  a  majority  of  them,  shall  adopt  and  publish  in  the  dis 
trict  such  laws  of  the  original  States,  criminal  and  civil,  as  may  be  necessary  and  best 
suited  to  the  circumstances  of  the  district,  and  report  them  to  Congress  from  time  to 
time;  which  laws  shall  be  in  force  in  the  district  until  the  organization  of  the  General 
Assembly  therein,  unless  disapproved  of  by  Congress;  but  afterwards  the  Legislature 
shall  have  authority  to  alter  them  as  they  shall  think  fit. 

The  governor,  for  the  time  being,  shall  be  commander-in-chief  of  the  militia,  appoint 
and  commission  all  officers  in  the  same  below  the  rank  of  general  officers;  all  general 
officers  shall  be  appointed  and  commissioned  by  Congress. 

Previous  to  the  organization  of  the  General  Assembly,  the  governor  shall  appoint 
such  magistrates  and  other  civil  officers,  in  each  county  or  township,  as  he  shall  find 


196  THE    LIVES    OF    PONTIAC    AND    TECUMSEHI 

joined  tlie  Royal  Americans  or  Sixtieth  Regiment,  and  served 
under  Gen.  Amherst  at  the  taking  of  Louisburg  in  1758.  He 
carried  a  standard  at  the  storming  and  capture  of  Quebec, 
under  Gen.  Wolfe,  in  1759.  Immediately  after  the  peace  of 
1763,  he  settled  in  Ligonier  Valley,  in  "Western  Pennsylvania, 
where  he  continued  to  reside  until  the  Revolutionary  war. 
Being  a  firm  friend  of  liberty  and  the  rights  of  the  colonies, 
he  received  from  Congress  the  commission  of  colonel,  and 
joined  the  American  army  with  a  regiment  of  seven  hundred 
and  fifty  men.  Having  been  promoted  to  the  rank  of  major 
general,  he  was  tried  by  a  court  martial,  in  1778,  for  evacuat- 

necessary  for  the  preservatian  of  the  peace  and  good  order  in  the  same.  After  the  Gen 
eral  Assembly  shall  be  organized,  the  powers  and  duties  of  magistrates  and  other  civil 
officers  shall  be  regulated  and  denned  by  the  said  assembly;  but  all  magistrates  and 
other  civil  officers,  not  herein  otherwise  directed,  shall,  during  the  continuance  of 
this  temporary  government,  be  appointed  by  the  governor. 

For  the  prevention  of  crimes  and  injuries,  the  laws  to  be  adopted  or  made  shall  have 
force  in  all  parts  of  the  district,  and  for  the  execution  of  process,  criminal  and  civil, 
the  governor  shall  make  proper  divisions  thereof;  and  he  shall  proceed,  from  time  to 
time,  as  circumstances  may  require,  to  lay  out  the  parts  of  the  district  in  which  the 
Indian  titles  shall  have  been  extinguished,  into  counties  and  townships,  subject,  how 
ever,  to  such  alterations  as  may  thereafter  be  made  by  the  Legislature. 

So  soon  as  there  shall  be  five  thousand  free  male  inhabitants  of  full  age  in  the  district, 
upon  giving  proof  thereof  to  the  governor,  they  shall  receive  authority,  with  time  and 
place,  to  elect  representatives  from  their  counties  or  townships  to  represent  them  in  the 
General  Assembly:  Provided,  That  for  every  five  hundred  free  male  inhabitants,  there 
shall  be  one  representative,  and  so  on  progressively  with  the  number  of  free  male  inhab 
itants,  shall  the  right  of  representation  increase,  until  the  number  of  representatives 
shall  amount  to  twenty-five;  after  which  the  number  and  proportion  of  representatives 
shall  be  regulated  by  the  Legislature:  Provided,  That  no  person  be  eligible  or  qualified 
to  act  as  a  representative  unless  he  shall  have  been  a  citizen  of  one  of  the  United  States 
three  years  and  be  a  resident  in  the  district,  or  unless  he  shall  have  resided  in  the  district 
three  years ;  and,  in  either  case,  shall  likewise  hold  in  his  own  right,  in  fee  simple,  two 
nundred  acres  of  land  within  the  same:  Provided,  also,  That  a  freehold  in  fifty  acres 
of  land  in  the  distriet,  having  been  a  citizen  of  one  of  the  States,  and  'being  resident  in 
the  district,  or  the  like  freehold  and  two  years  residence  in  the  district,  shall  be  neces 
sary  to  qualify  a  man  as  an  elector  of  a  representative. 

The  representatives  thus  elected  shall  serve  for  the  term  of  two  years;  and,  in  case  of 
the  death  of  a  representative  or  removal  from  office,  the  governor  shall  issue  a  writ  to  the 
coanty  or  township  for  which  he  was  a  member,  to  elect  another  in  his  stead,  to  serve  for 
the  residue  of  the  term. 

The  General  Assembly,  or  Legislature,  shall  consist  of  the  Governor,  Legislative 
Council  and  a  House  of  representatives.  The  Legislative  Council  shall  consist  of  five 
members,  to  continue  in  office  five  years,  unless  sooner  removed  by  Congress,  any  three 
of  whom  to  be  a  quorum;  and  the  members  of  the  Council  shall  be  nominated  and 
appointed  in  the  following  manner,  to  wit:  As  soon  as  representatives  shall  be  elected, 
the  governor  shall  appoint  a  time  and  place  for  them  to  meet  together;  and  when  met 
they  shall  nominate  ten  persons,  residents  in  the  district,  and  each  possessed  of  a  free 
hold  in  five  hundred  acres  of  land,  and  return  their  names  to  Congress;  five  of  whom 
Congress  shall  appoint  and  commission  to  serve  as  aforesaid;  and  whenever  a  vacancy 
shall  happen  in  the  Council,  by  death  or  removal  from  office,  the  House  of  Representa- 


OK,  THE  BORDER  WARS  OF  TWO  CENTURIES.        197 

ing  Ticonderoga  and  Mount  Independence,  and  unanimously 
acquitted  with  the  highest  honors. 

lie  remained  in  the  service  until  the  peace.  Mr.  Peck,  in 
writing  of  this  man,  truthfully  says:  "He  was  rigid,  some 
thought  arbitrary,  in  his  government,  and,  therefore,  unpop 
ular,  but  he  was  scrupulously  honest  —  had  no  talent  for 
speculation,  and  died  poor." 

In  a  letter  to  a  friend,  St.  Glair,  in  referring  to  himself, 
remarks:  "  In  the  year  1786,  I  entered  into  the  public  service 
in  civil  life,  and  was  a  member  of  Congress,  and  President  of 
that  body,  when  it  was  determined  to  erect  a  government  in 

tives  shall  nominate  two  persons,  qualified  as  aforesaid,  for  each  vacancy,  and  return 
their  names  to  Congress,  one  of  whom  Congress  shall  appoint  and  commission  for  the 
residue  of  the  term.  And  every  five  years,  four  months  at  least  before  the  expiration  of 
the  time  of  service  of  the  members  of  the  Council,  the  paid  House  shall  nominate  ten 
persons,  qualified  as  aforesaid,  and  return  their  names  to  Congress,  five  of  whom  Con 
gress  shall  appoint  and  commission  to  serve  as  members  of  the  Council  five  years, 
unless  sooner  removed.  And  the  governor,  Legislative  Council  and  House  of  Repre 
sentatives,  shall  have  authority  to  make  laws  in  all  cases,  for  the  good  government  of 
the  district,  not  repugnant  to  the  principles  and  articles  in  this  ordinance  established 
and  declared.  And  all  bills,  having  passed  by  a  majority  in  f,he  House  and  by  a  majority 
in  the  Council,  shall  be  referred  to  the  governor  for  his  assent;  but  no  bill,  or  legisla 
tive  act  whatever,  shall  be  of  any  force  without  his  assent.  The  governor  shall  have 
power  to  convene,  prorogue  and  dissolve  the  General  Assembly,  when,  in  his  opinion, 
it  shall  be  expedient. 

The  governor,  judges,  legislative  council,  secretary,  and  such  other  officers  as 
Congress  shall  appoint  in  the  district,  shall  take  an  oath  or  affirmation  of  fidelity  and  of 
office ;  the  governor  before  the  President  of  Congress,  and  all  other  officers  before  the 
Governor.  As  soon  as  a  Legislature  shall  be  formed  in  the  district,  the  Council  and 
House  assembled  in  one  room,  shall  have  authority,  by  joint  ballot,  to  elect  a  delegate 
to  Congress,  who  shall  have  a  seat  in  Congress,  with  a  right  of  debating,  but  not  of 
voting,  during  this  temporary  government. 

And,  after  extending  the  fundamental  principles  of  civil  and  religious  liberty,  which 
form  the  basis  whereon  these  republics,  their  laws  and  constitutions  are  erected;  to  fix 
and  establish  those  principles  as  the  basis  of  all  laws,  constitutions  and  governments, 
which  forever  hereafter  shall  be  formed  in  the  said  territory;  to  provide  also  for  the 
establishment  of  States,  and  permanent  government  therein,  and  for  their  admission  to 
a  share  in  the  federal  councils  on  an  equal  footing  with  the  original  States,  at  as  early 
periods  as  may  be  consistent  with  the  general  interest: 

It  is  hereby  ordained  and  declared  by  the  authority  aforesaid,  That  the  following  arti 
cles  shall  be  considered  as  articles  of  compact  between  the  original  States  and  the 
people  and  States  in  said  territory,  and  forever  remain  unalterable,  unless  by  common 
consent,  to-wit: 

ART.  1.  No  person,  demeaning  himself  in  a  peaceable  and  orderly  manner,  shall 
ever  be  molested  on  account  of  his  mode  of  worship  or  religious  sentiments,  in  the  said 
territory. 

ART.  2.  The  inhabitants  of  the  said  territory  shall  always  be  entitled  to  the  benefits 
of  the  writ  of  habeas  corpus,  and  of  the  trial  by  jury,  of  a  proportionate  representation 
of  the  people  in  the  Legislature ;  and  of  judicial  proceedings  according  to  the  course  of 
common  law.  All  persons  shall  be  bailable,  unless  for  capital  offenses,  where  the  proof 
shall  be  evident  or  the  presumption  great.  All  fines  shall  be  moderate ;  and  no  cruel  or 


198  THE    LIVES    OF    PONTIAC    AND    TECUMSEHI 

the  country  to  the  west,  that  had  been  ceded  by  Virginia  to 
the  United  States;  and  in  the  year  1788,  the  office  of  Governor 
was  in  a  great  measure  forced  on  me.  The  losses  I  had  sus 
tained  in  the  revolutionary  war,  from  the  depreciation  of  the 
money  and  other  causes,  had  been  very  great;  and  my  friends 
saw  in  this  new  government  means  that  might  be  in  my  powTer 
to  compensate  myself,  and  to  provide  handsomely  for  my 
numerous  family.  They  did  not  know  how  little  I  was  qual 
ified  to  avail  myself  of  those  advantages,  if  they  had  existed. 
I  had  neither  taste  nor  genius  for  speculation  in  land,  neither 
did  I  think  it  very  consistent  with  the  office." 

unusual  punishments  shall  be  inflicted.  No  man  shall  be  deprived  of  his  liberty  or 
property,  but  by  the  judgment  of  his  peers  or  the  law  of  the  land;  and  should  the  public 
exigencies  make  it  necessary,  for  the  common  preservation,  to  take  any  person's  prop 
erty,  or  to  demand  his  particular  services,  full  compensation  shall  be  made  for  the  same. 
And,  in  the  just  preservation  of  rights  and  property,  it  is  understood  and  declared? that  no 
law  ought  ever  to  be  made,  or  have  force  in  said  territory,  that  shall,  in  any  manner  what 
ever,  interfere  with  or  affect  private  contracts  or  engagements,  bonafide,  and  without 
fraud,  previously  formed. 

ART.  3.  lleligion,  morality  and  knowledge,  being  necessary  to  good  government  and 
the  happiness  of  mankind,  schools  and  the  means  of  education  shall  forever  be  encour 
aged.  The  utmost  good  faith  shall  always  be  observed  towards  the  Indians;  their  lands 
and  property  shall  never  be  taken  from  them  without  their  consent;  and,  in  their  prop 
erty,  rights  and  liberty,  they  shall  never  be  invaded  or  disturbed,  unless  in  just  and 
lawful  wars  authorized  by  Congress;  but  laws  founded  in  justice  and  humanity,  shall, 
from  time  to  time,  be  made  for  preventing  wrongs  being  done  to  them,  and  for  preserving 
peace  and  friendship  with  them. 

ART.  4.  The  said  territory,  and  the  States  which  may  be  formed  therein,  shall  forever 
remain  a  part  of  this  confederacy  of  the  United  States  of  America,  subject  to  the  Articles 
of  Confederation,  and  to  such  alterations  therein  as  shall  be  constitutionally  made;  and 
to  all  the  acts  and  ordinances  of  the  United  States  in  Congress  assembled,  conformable 
thereto.  The  inhabitants  and  settlers  in  the  said  territory  shall  be  subject  to  pay  a  part 
of  the  federal  debts  contracted,  or  to  be  contracted,  and  a  proportional  part  of  the  expenses 
of  government,  to  be  apportioned  on  them  by  Congress  according  to  the  same  common  rule 
and  measure  by  which  apportionments  thereof  shall  be  made  on  the  other  States;  and  the 
taxes,  for  paying  their  proportion,  shall  be  laid  and  levied  by  the  authority  and  direction  of 
the  Legislatures  of  the  district  or  districts,  or  new  States,  as  in  the  original  States,  within 
the  time  agreed  upon  by  the  United  States  in  Congress  assembled.  The  Legislatures  of 
those  districts  or  new  States,  shall  never  interfere  with  the  primary  disposal  of  the  soil 
by  the  United  States  in  Congress  assembled,  nor  with  any  regulations  Congress  may  find 
necessary  for  securing  the  title  in  such  soil  to  the  bonafide  purchasers.*  No  tax  shall  be 
imposed  on  land,  the  property  of  the  United  States;  and,  in  no  case,  shall  non-resident 
proprietors  be  taxed  higher  than  residents.  The  navigable  waters  leading  into  the  Mis 
sissippi  and  St.  Lawrence,  and  the  carrying  places  between  the  same,  shall  be  common 
highways,  and  forever  free,  as  well  to  the  inhabitants  of  said  territory  as  to  the  citizens 
of  the  United  States,  and  those  of  any  other  States  that  may  be  admitted  into  the  Con 
federacy,  without  any  tax,  impost  or  duty  therefor. 

*  Act  of  25th  February,  1811,  provides  the  same  in  Louisiana;  and,  also,  that  lands 
sold  by  Congress  shall  not  be  taxed  for  five  years  after  sale;  in  Mississippi,  by  act  of  1st 
March,  1817,  and  so  of  all  others. 


OK,    THE    BOEDER    WAKS    OF    TWO    CENTURIES.  199 

With  his  appointment,  he  received  instructions  to  ascertain 
the  feelings  of  the  Indian  tribes  in  the  Northwest,  and,  if  pos 
sible,  to  win  their  -friendship  for  the  future.  But  St.  Glair 
found  deadly  foes  instead  of  friends  among  the  natives,  and 
was  soon  surrounded  by  many  difficulties,  growing  out  of  a 
prolonged  war  with  them. 

Before  giving  an  account  of  these  hostilities,  it  will  be  proper 
to  call  the  attention  to  some  matters  that  took  place  several 
years  before.  By  this  means,  the  reader  will  more  clearly 
understand  the  causes  which  led  to  this  struggle.  Unfortu 
nately  for  the  Americans,  the  French  had  made  no  extensive 
purchases  from  the  Western  Indians,  so  that  the  treaty  of  Paris 
in  1763,  transferred  to  England  only  small  grants  about  the 
various  forts,  Detroit,  Yincennes,  Kaskaskia,  etc.  Then,  as  we 
have  seen,  followed  Pontiac's  war  and  defeat;  next  we  have  the 
grant  by  the  Iroquois  at  Fort  Stanwix,  in  1768,  of  the  lands 
south  of  the  Ohio;  following  came  Dunmore's  war,  which  ter 
minated  without  any  transfer  of  Indian  territory  to  the  whites, 

ART.  5.  There  shall  be  formed  in  the  said  territory,  not  less  than  three  nor  more  than 
five  States;  and  the  boundaries  of  the  States,  as  soon  as  Virginia  shall  alter  her  act  of 
cession,  and  consent  to  the  same,  shall  become  fixed  and  established  as  follows,  to-wit: 
The  western  State  in  the  said  territory,  shall  be  bounded  by  the  Mississippi,  the  Ohio 
And  Wabash  rivers;  a  direct  line  drawn  from  the  Wabash  and  Post  St.  Vincent's  due 
north,  to  the  territorial  line  between  the  United  States  and  Canada;  and  by  the  said 
territorial  line,  to  the  Lake  of  the  Woodj  and  Mississippi.  The  middle  State  shall  be 
bounded  by  the  said  direct  line,  the  Wabash  from  Post  St.  Vincent's,  to  the  Ohio;  by 
the  Ohio,  by  a  direct  line  drawn  due  north  from  the  mouth  of  the  Great  Miami,  to  the 
said  territorial  line.  The  eastern  State  shall  be  bounded  by  the  last  mentioned  direct 
line,  the  Ohio,  Pennsylvania  and  the  said  territorial  line:  Provided,  however,  and  it  is 
further  understood  and  declared,  that  the  boundaries  of  these  three  States  shall  be  sub 
ject  so  far  to  be  altered,  that  if  Congress  shall  hereafter  find  it  expedient,  they  shall  have 
authority  to  form  one  or  two  States  in  that  part  of  the  said  territory  which  lies  north  of 
an  east  and  west  line  drawn  through  the  southerly  bend  or  extreme  of  Lake  Michigan. 
And,  whenever  any  of  the  said  States  shall  have  sixty  thousand  free  inhabitants  therein, 
such  State  shall  be  admitted,  by  its  delegates,  into  the  Congress  of  the  United  States  on 
an  equal  footing  with  the  original  States  in  all  respects  whatever,  and  shall  be  at  liberty 
to  form  a  permanent  constitution  and  State  government:  Provided,  the  constitution 
and  government  so  to  be  formed,  thall  be  republican,  and  in  conformity  to  the  principles 
contained  in  these  articlesi  and  so  far  as  it  can  be  consistent  with  the  general  interest 
of  the  confederacy,  such  admission  shall  be  allowed  at  an  earlier  period,  and  when 
there  may  be  a  less  number  of  free  inhabitants  in  the  State  than  sixty  thousand. 

ART.  6.  There  shall  be  neither  slavery  or  involuntary  servitude  in  the  said  territory, 
otherwise  than  in  the  punishment  of  crimes,  whereof  the  party  shall  have  been  duly 
convicted:  Provided,  always,  That  any  person  escaping  into  the  same,  from  whom 
labor  or  service  is  lawfully  claimed  in  any  one  of  the  original  States,  such  fugitive  may  be 
lawfully  reclaimed  and  conveyed  to  the  person  claiming  his  or  her  labor  or  service  as 
aforesaid. 


200  THE    LIVES    OF    POOTIAC    AND    TEOUMSEHI 

and,  therefore,  when  at  the  close  of  the  Revolution,  in  17S3r 
Great  Britain  made  over  her  Western  claims  to  the  United 
States,  she  made  over  nothing  more  than  she  had  received 
from  France,  excepting  the  title  of  the  Six  Nations,  and  the 
Southern  Indians  to  a  portion  of  the  territory  south  of  the 
Ohio.  But  this,  however,  was  not  the  view  that  the  Congress 
of  the  United  Colonies  took  of  the  affair.  This  body  conceived 
that  it  had,  under  the  treaty  with  England,  a  full  right  to  all 
the  lands  thereby  ceded,  and  regarding  the  Indian  title  as  for 
feited  by  the  hostilities  of  the  Revolution,  proceeded  not  to 
purchase  lands  from  the  savages,  but  to  grant  them  peace,  and 
dictate  their  own  terms  as  to  the  boundary  lines  of  territory 
allowed  to  \he  Indians. 

In  October,  1784,"*  the  United  States  acquired  in  this  way 
whatever  title  the  Iroquois  possessed  to  the  western  country 
both  north  and  south  of  the  Ohio,  by  the  second  treaty  of  Fort 
Stanwix;  a  treaty  openly  and  fairly  made,  but  one  the  validity 
of  which  many  of  the  Iroquois  always  disputed.  The  ground 
of  their  objection  appears  to  have  been  that  the  treaty  wTas 
with  a  part  only  of  the  Indian  nations,  whereas  the  wish  of  the 
natives  was  that  every  act  of  the  States  with  them  should  be 
as  with  a  confederacy,  embracing  all  the  tribes  bordering  upon 
the  great  lakes.  It  will  be  remembered  that  the  instructions 
given  the  Indian  commissioners  in  October,  1783,  provided  for 
one  convention  with  all  the  tribes,  and  that  this  provision  was 
changed  in  the  following  March  for  one  by  which  as  many 
separate  conventions  were  to  be  had,  if  possible,  as  there  were 
separate  tribes.  In  pursuance  of  this  last  plan  the  commis 
sioners,  in  October,  1784,  refused  to  listen  to  the  proposal 
which  is  said  then  to  have  been  made  for  one  general  congress 
of  the  northern  tribes,  and  in  opposition  to  Brant,  Red  Jacket, 
and  other  influential  chiefs  of  the  Iroquois,  concluded  the 
treaty  of  Fort  Stanwix.  Then  came  the  treaty  of  Fort  Mclntosh, 
in  January,  1785,  with  the  Wyandots,  Delaware,  Ojibwa  and 
Ottawa  nations.  The  third  treaty  made  by  the  United  States 
was  with  the  Shawanoes,  at  Fort  Finney,  in  January,  1786, 
which,  it  will  be  remembered,  the  Wabash  tribes  refused  to 

*  Western  Annals. 


OK,    THE    BORDER    WARS    OF    TWO    CENTURIES.  201 

attend.  The  fourth  and  fifth,  which  were  acts  of  confirmation, 
were  made  at  Fort  Harmar,  in  1789,  one  with  the  Six  Nations, 
and  the  other  with  the  Wyandots  and  their  associates,  namely, 
the  DelawTares,  Ottawas,  Ojibwas,  Pottawatomies  and  Sacs. 
This  last  treaty  the  confederated  nations  of  the  lake  refused  to 
acknowledge  as  binding,  and  in  their  council,  in  1793,  they 
explained  the  reasons  in  the  following  speech  : 

Brothers :  A  general  council  of  all  the  Indian  confederacy  was  held,  as 
you  well  know,  in  the  fall  of  the  year  1788,  at  this  place;  and  that  general 
council  was  invited  by  your  commissioner,  Governor  St.  Glair,  to  meet 
him  for  the  purpose  of  holding  a  treaty  with  regard  to  the  lands  men 
tioned  by  you  to  have  been  ceded  by  the  treaties  of  Fort  Stanvvix  and  Fort 
Mclntosh. 

Brothers:  We  are  in  possession  of  the  speeches  and  letters  which 
passed  on  that  occasion  between  those  deputed  by  the  confederate  Indians 
and  Governor  St.  Clair,  the  commissioner  of  the  United  States.  These 
papers  prove  that  your  said  commissioner,  in  the  beginning  of  the  year 
1789,  after  having  been  informed  by  the  general  council  of  the  preceding 
fall  that  no  bargain  or  sale  of  any  part  of  these  Indian  lands  would  be 
considered  as  valid  or  binding  unless  agreed  to  by  a  general  council, 
nevertheless  persisted  in  collecting  together  a  few  chiefs  of  two  or  three 
nations  only,  and  with  them  held  a  treaty  for  the  cession  of  an  immense 
country,  in  which  they  were  no  more  interested  than  as  a  branch  of  the 
general  confederacy,  and  who  were  in  no  manner  authorized  to  make  any 
grant  or  cession  whatever. 

Brothers:  How  then  was  it  possible  for  you  to  expect  to  enjoy  peace 
and  quietly  to  hold  these  lands,  when  your  commissioner  was  informed, 
long  before  he  held  the  treaty  of  Fort  Harmar,  that  the'consent  of  a  general 
council  was  absolutely  necessary  to  convey  any  part  of  these  lands  to  the 
United  States. 

Massas,  the  Ojibwa  chief,  who  signed  the  treaty  at  Fort 
Harmar,  was  present  at  the  council  at  Greenville,  in  1795,  and 
declared  that  he  did  not  fully  understand  the  objects  of  the 
compact  he  had  signed,  and  that  his  people  would  not 
acknowledge  it  The  Wyandots,  however,  acknowledged  even 
the  transfer  on  the  Muskingum,  and  their  chief,  Tarke,  con 
firmed  it,  in  behalf  of  his  nation  in  the  following  words  at  the 
council  at  Greenville  : 

Brothers:  You  have  proposed  to  us  to  build  our  good  work  on  the  treaty 
of  Muskingum;  that  treaty  I  have  always  considered  as  formed  upon  the 
fairest  principles.  You  took  pity  on  us  Indians;  you  did  not  do  as  our 


202  THE    LIVES    OF    PONTIAO    AND    TECUMSEHI 

fathers,  the  English,  agreed  you  should.  You  might,  by  that  agreement, 
have  taken  all  our  lands,  but  you  pitied  us  and  let  us  hold  part.  I  always 
looked  upon  that  treaty  to  be  binding  upon  the  United  States  and  us 
Indians. 

The  confederated  nations,  as  a  whole,  did  not  sanction  the 
treaty  at  Fort  Harmar,  and  in  their  council  in  1778,  they  could 
not  agree  concerning  it. 

Such  were  the  relations  between  the  Indians  and  the  United 
States  in  1789.  Territory  had  been  conveyed  by  the  Iroquois, 
the  Wyandots,  the  Delawares,  and  the  Shawanoes,  which  could 
not  be  objected  to,  but  the  Ojibwas,  Ottawas,  Kickapoos,  "Weas, 
Piankeshaws,  Pottawatomies,  Eel  River  Indians,  Kaskaskias, 
and  the  Miamis,  were  not  bound  by  any  existing  treaties  to 
yield  their  claims  to  the  land  north  of  the  Ohio,  and  these 
tribes  wished  the  Ohio  to  be  the  perpetual  western  boundary 
•of  civilization,  and  would  not  therefore  sell  an  acre  north  of  it. 
So  strong  was  their  feeling  in  this  determination  that  the  more 
reckless  warriors  of  these  nations  could  not  be  restrained  from 
warfare  upon  the  invading  Long  Knives,  and  in  this  way  the 
many  attacks  upon  the  settlers  of  the  west  took  place.  In 
Peck's  compilation  we  find  the  following :  "  Washington 
expressed  doubts  as  to  the  justness  of  an  offensive  war  upon 
the  tribes  of  the  Wabash  and  Mauniee ;  and  had  the  treaty  of 
Fort  Harmar  been  the  sole  ground  whereon  the  United  States 
could  have  claimed  of  the  Indians  the  Northwestern  Territory, 
it  may  be  doubted  whether  right  would  have  justified  the  steps 
taken  in  1790,  '91,  and  '94  ;  but  the  truth  was,  that  before 
that  treaty,  the  Iroquois,  Delawares,  Wyandots,  and  Shawanoes 
had  yielded  the  south  of  Ohio,  the  ground  on  which  they  had 
long  dwelt;  and  neither  the  sale  to  Putnam  and  his  associates, 
nor  that  of  Symmes,  was  intended  to  reach  beyond  the  lands 
ceded.  Of  this  we  have  proof  in  the  third  article  of  the 
ordinance  of  1787,  passed  the  day  before  the  proposition  to  sell 
to  the  Ohio  Company  was  for  the  first  time  debated;  which 
article  declares  that  the  lands  of  the  Indians  shall  never  be 
taken  from  them  without  their  consent.  It  appears  to  us, 
therefore,  that  the  United  States  were  fully  justified  in  taking 
possession  of  the  northwest  shore  of  the  Belle  Riviere,  and  that 


OE,    THE    BOEDER    WAES    OF    TWO    CENTURIES.  203 

without  reference  to  the  treaty  at  Fort  Harmar,  which  we  will 
allow  to  have  been,  if  the  Indians  spoke  truly,  (and  they  were 
not  contradicted  by  the  United  States  commissioners,)  morally 
worthless.  But  it  also  appears  to  us  that  in  taking  offensive 
steps  in  1790,  and  1791,  the  federal  government  acted  unwisely, 
and  that  it  should  then,  at  the  outset,  have  done  what  it  did  in 
1793,  after  St.  Glair's  terrible  defeat — namely,  it  should  have 
sent  commissioners  of  the  highest  character  to  the  lake  tribes, 
and  in  the  presence  of  the  British,  learnt  their  causes  of  com 
plaint  and  offered  fair  terms  of  compromise.  That  such  a 
step  was  wise  and  just,  the  government  acknowledged  by  its 
after  action;*  and  surely  none  can  question  the  position  that  it 
was  more  likely  to  have  been  effective  before  the  savages  had 

«/  O 

twice  defeated  the.  armies  of  the  confederacy  than  afterward." 
According  to  instructions,  Governor  St.  Glair  now  sent  a 
deputy  into  the  Indian  country  of  the  Miamies  and  Shawanoes, 
but  these  Indians  could  not,  for  some  reason,  tell  him  the  state 
of  their  minds,  being  no  doubt  under  English  influence.  They 
requested  thirty  days  in  which  to  send  an  answer  to  Fort 
Knox,  (Vincennes)  and  gave  the  messenger  but  little  reason  to 
believe  their  answer  would  be  favorable  to  the  speeches  which 
he  had  delivered  to  them.  JSTo  sooner  had  the  messenger 
returned  to  Fort  Knox  than  news  came  that  all  the  Indians  of 
the  Wabash,  with  many  tribes  from  the  lake  region,  had  united 
against  the  Americans,  and  that  an  American  captive  had  been 
burned  in  the  village  of  the  Miamies  only  a  few  days  after  the 
deputy  from  St.  Clair  had  left.  It  was  now  evident  that  a  new 
trouble  was  breaking,  upon  the  frontier,  and  St.  Clair  hastened 
to  Fort  Washington  (Cincinnati)  to  consult  with  Gen.  Harmar 
in  reference  to  another  campaign  into  the  Indian  country  of 
the  hostile  tribes. 

*  The  fair  minded  student  cannot  fail  to  admit  of  the  truthfulness  of 
this  comment. — ED. 


CHAPTER    XXV. 

THE  ENGLISH,  THE  INDIANS  AND  THE  AMERICANS  —  HARMAR'S  EXPE 
DITION —  HARMAR'S  DEFEAT — MEASURES  FOR  SUBDUING  THE  INDIANS 
—  PROCTOR'S  MISSION  A  FAILURE  —  JEALOUSY  OF  THE  ENGLISH. 

BEFORE  giving  an  account  of  Harmar's  campaign,  which 
now  follows,  the  reader  is  invited  to  look  in  upon  the  opera 
tions  of  the  English  in  their  secret  measures  to  keep  up  Indian 
hostilities  after  the  peace  of  1783.  As  the  narrative  has  shown, 
most  of  the  tribes  of  the  Northwest  adhered  to  England  during 
the  Revolutionary  contest,  but  when  the  war  closed,  Great 
Britain  made  no  provision  for  the  savages  of  the  Northwest, 
but  transferred  them,  territory  and  all,  to  the  Americans.  The 
United  States  now  began  to  make  treaties  of  peace  with  the 
Indians,  ceding  them  tracts  of  their  own  lands,  regarding  the 
country  of  the  hostile  tribes  as  conquered  and  forfeited.  This 
produced  discontent,  and  led  to  the  formation  of  the  great 
Indian  confederacy  under  Brant* 

In  order  to  accomplish  the  ends  for  which  this  league  was 
formed,  it  was  necessary  that  the  British  should  retain  posses 
sion  of  the  forts  along  the  lakes.  These  would  be  required 
both  for  the  protection  of  supplies  and  for  defense.  On  the 
other  hand,  the  British  claimed  that  they  had  a  right  to  hold 
these  posts,  as  the  Americans  had  broken  the  treaty  of  1783. 
Again,  the  trade  with  the  Indians,  even  though  England  might 
be  at  war  with  the  United  States,,  they  regarded  as  perfectly 
fair  and  just.  "  Having  thus  a  sort  of  legal  right  to  the  posi 
tion  they  occupied,  the  British  did,  undoubtedly  and  purposely, 
aid  and  abet  the  Indians  hostile  to  the  United  States."  In 
1785,  after  the  formation  of  his  confederacy,  Brant  went  to 
England,  and  his  arrival  was  thus  announced  in  the  London 

*  Stone's  Life  of  Brant.j 

(204) 


OK,  THE  BORDER  WARS  OF  TWO  CENTURIES.        205 

papers  :  "  This  extraordinary  personage  is  said  to  have  pre 
sided  at  the  late  grand  Congress  of  confederate  chiefs  of  the 
Indian  nations  in  America,  and  to  be  by  them  appointed  to 
the  conduct  and  chief  command  in  the  war  which  they  now 
meditate  against  the  United  States  of  America.  He  took  his 
departure  for  England  immediately  as  that  assembly  broke  up; 
and  it  is  conjectured  that  his  embassy  to  the  British  Court  is 
of  great  importance.  This  country  owes  much  to  the  services 
of  Colonel  Brant  during  the  late  war  in  America.  He  was 
educated  at  Philadelphia;  is  a  very  shrewd,  intelligent  person, 
possesses  great  courage  and  abilities  as  a  warrior,  and  is  invio 
lably  attached  to  the  British  nation." 

Brant  visited  Lord  Sidney,  the  Colonial  Secretary,  on  the 
fourth  of  January,  1786,  and  boldly  stated  the  trouble  in 
America.  He  closed  his  remarks  with  these  words:  "This 
(meaning  war,)  we  shall  avoid  to  the  utmost  of  our  power,  as 
dearly  as  we  love  our  lands.  But  should  it,  contrary  to  our 
wishes,  happen,  we  desire  to  know  whether  we  are  to  be  con 
sidered  as  His  Majesty's  faithful  allies,  and  have  that  support 
and  countenance  such  as  old  and  true  friends  expect." 

The  Colonial  Minister  answered  him  indefinitely,  and  when 
the  Mohawk  chieftain  returned,  he  could  give  but  little  assur 
ances,  to  his  brethren,  that  in  the  event  of  war,  they  would 
receive  aid  from  England.  On  the  other  hand,  John  Johnson, 
the  Indian  Superintendent,  wrote  to  him  in  these  words:  "  Do 
not  suifer  an  idea  to  hold  a  place  in  your  mind,  that  it  will  be 
for  your  interest  to  sit  still  and  see  the  Americans  attempt  the 
posts.  It  is  for  your  sakes  chiefly,  if  not  entirely,  that  we  hold 
them.  If  you  become  indifferent  about  them,  they  may  per 
haps  be  given  up;  what  security  would  you  then  have?  You 
would  be  left  at  the  mercy  of  a  people  whose  blood  calls  aloud 
for  revenge;  whereas,  by  supporting  them,  you  encourage  us 
to  hold  them,  and  encourage  the  new  settlements,  already  con 
siderable,  and  every  day  increasing  by  numbers  coming  in,  who 
find  they  can't  live  in  the  States.  Many  thousands  are  pre 
paring  to  come  in.  This  increase  of  His  Majesty's  subjects 
will  serve  as  a  protection  for  you,  should  the  subjects  of  the 
States,  by  endeavoring  to  make  further  encroachments  on  you, 


206  THE    LIVES    OF    PONTIAC    AND    TECUMSEH: 

disturb  your  quiet."  This  letter  was  written  in  March,  1787, 
and  two  months  afterwards,  Major  Matthews,  who  had  been 
appointed  to  the  command  at  Detroit  by  Lord  Dorchester, 
wrote  to  Brant,  in  the  name  of  the  governor,  as  follows:  "  His 
Lordship  was  sorry  that  while  the  Indians  were  soliciting  his 
assistance  in  their  preparations  for  war,  some  of  the  Six 
Nations  had  sent  deputies  to  Albany  to  treat  with  the  Amer 
icans,  who,  it  is  said,  have  made  a  treaty  with  them,  granting 
permission  to  make  roads  for  the  purpose  of  coming  to  Niag 
ara;  but  that,  notwithstanding  these  things,  the  Indians  should 
have  their  presents,  as  they  are  marks  of  the  king's  approba 
tion  of  their  former  conduct.  In  future  his  lordship  wishes 
them  to  act  as  is  best  for  their  interest ;  he  cannot  begin  a  war 
with  the  Americans,  because  some  of  their  people  encroach 
and  make  depredations  upon  parts  of  the  Indian  country;  but 
they  must  see  it  is  his  lordship's  intention  to  defend  the  posts; 
and  that  while  these  are  preserved,  the  Indians  must  find  great 
security  therefrom,  and  consequently  the  Americans  greater 
difficulty  in  taking  possession  of  their  lands;  but  should  they 
once  become  masters  of  the  posts,  they  will  surround  the 
Indians,  and  accomplish  their  purpose  with  little  trouble. 
From  a  consideration  of  all  which,  it  therefore  remains  with 
the  Indians  to  decide  what  is  most  for  their  own  interest,  and 
to  let  his  lordship  know  their  determination,  that  he  may  take 
his  measures  accordingly;  but,  whatever  their  resolution  is,  it 
should  be  taken  as  by  one  and  the  same  people,  by  which 
means  they  will  be  respected  and  become  strong;  but  if  they 
divide,  and  act  one  part  against  the  other,  they  will  become 
weak,  and  help  to  destroy  each  other.  This  is  a  substance  of 
what  his  lordship  desired  me  to  tell  you,  and  I  request  you 
will  give  his  sentiments  that  mature  consideration  which  their 
justice,  generosity  and  desire  to  promote  the  welfare  and 
happiness  of  the  Indians,  must  appear  to  all  the  world  to 
merit. 

"  In  your  letter  to  me,  you  seem  apprehensive  that  the  Eng 
lish  are  not  very  anxious  about  the  defense  of  the  posts.  You 
will  soon  be  satisfied  that  they  have  nothing  more  at  heart, 
provided  that  it  continues  to  be  the  wish  of  the  Indians,  and 


OR,    THE    BOEDER    WARS    OF   TWO    CENTURIES.  207 

that  they  remain  firm  in  doing  their  part  of  the  business,  by 
preventing  the  Americans  from  coming  into  their  country, 
and  consequently  from  inarching  to  the  posts.  On  the  other 
hand,  if  the  Indians  think  it  more  for  their  interest  that  the 
Americans  should  have  possession  of  the  posts,  and  be  estab 
lished  in  their  country,  they  ought  to  declare  it,  that  the 
English  need  no  longer  be  put  to  the  vast  and  unnecessary 
expense  and  inconvenience  of  keeping  posts,  the  chief  object 
of  which  is  to  protect  their  Indian  allies,  and  the  loyalists  who 
have  suffered  with  them.  It  is  well  known  that  no  encroach 
ments  ever  have  or  ever  wttl  be  made  by  the  English  upon  the 
lands  or  property  of  the  Indians  in  consequence  of  possessing 
the  posts;  how  far  that  will  be  the  case  if  ever  the  Americans 
get  into  them,  may  very  easily  be  imagined,  from  their  hostile 
perseverance,  even  without  that  advantage,  in  driving  the 
Indians  off  their  lands  and  taking  possession  of  them." 

This  assurance  from  the  British  authorities  and  the  delay  of 
Congress  in  answering  the  address  of  the  confederated  tribes, 
led  to  the  general  council  which  was  held  in  1788.  In  this 
assembly  the  Indians  were  divided,  and  Brant,  who  was 
thoroughly  English,  for  the  time  gave  up  his  interest  in  the 
efforts  of  Western  tribes.  From  this  day  the  Miami  s  were  the 
leaders  among  them.  Thus  I  might  go  on  through  the  whole 
volume,  giving  evidences  that  the  Indians  were  excited  to 
hostility  against  the  Americans  by  the  English.  But  if  the 
English  acted  deceitfully,  the  Americans  met  the  aggressors 
unwisely.  Had  the  proper  persons  been  sent  among,  the  sav 
ages  to  teach  them  their  real  situation,  a  prolonged  war  would 
have  been  averted;  but  they  did  not  choose  to  adopt  this  course. 
St.  Glair  called  upon  Virginia  for  one  thousand,  and  upon 
Pennsylvania  for  five  hundred  militia.  Of  these  three  hun 
dred  were  to  meet  at  Fort  Steuben,  (Jeffersonville)  to  aid  the 
troops  from  Fort  Knox,  (Vincennes)  against  the  Indians  of  the 
Wabash.  Seven  hundred  were  to  gather  at  Fort  Washington, 
(Cincinnati)  and  five  hundred  just  below  Wheeling;  the  two 
latter  bodies  being  intended  to  march  with  the  federal  troops 


208  THE    LIVES    OF    PONTIAO    AND   TECUMSEii: 

from  Fort  Washington,  under  Gen.  Harmar,  against  the  towns 
at  the  junction  of  the  St.  Mary  and  St.  Joseph.'* 

The  troops  were  organized  and  moved  forward  in  the  follow 
ing  order:  The  Kentuckians  composed  three  battalions,  under 
Majors  Hall,  McMullen  and  Bay,  with  Lieut.  Col.  Trotter  at 
their  head.  The  Pennsylvanians  w^ere  formed  into  one  battalion, 
under  Lieut.  Col.  Trubley  and  Major  Paul,  the  whole  to  be 
•commanded  by  Col.  John  Hardin,  subject  to  the  orders  of  Gen. 
Harmar.  This  waa  the  detachment  sent  against  the  Miami 
villages  when  the  main  army  was  within  thirty-five  miles  of 
their  forts.  On  the  thirtieth  of  October,  1790,  the  General 
moved  out  with  the  federal  troops,  formed  into  two  small  bat 
talions  under  the  immediate  command  of  Major  Wyllys  and 
Major  Doughty,  together  with  Capt.  Ferguson's  company  of 
artillery,  and  three  pieces  of  ordnance.  On  the  third  of  Octo 
ber  Gen.  Harmar  joined  the  advanced  troops  early  in  the 
morning;  the  remaining  part  of  the  day  was  spent  in  forming 
the  line  of  march,  the  order  of  encampment  and  battle,  and 
explaining  the  same  to  the  militia  field  officers.  On  the  fourth, 
the  army  took  up  the  order  of  march.  On  the  fifth,  a  rein 
forcement  of  horsemen  and  mounted  infantry  joined  from 
Kentucky.  The  dragoons  were  formed  into  two  troops;  the 
mounted  riflemen  made  a  company,  and  this  small  battalion  of 
light  troops  was  put  under  the  command  of  Major  Fontaine. f 

On  the  fourteenth  this  party  marched  forward,  and  upon  the 
next  day,  about  three  o'clock,  reached  the  villages,  but  they 
were  deserted.  On  the  morning  of  the  seventeenth  the  main 
army  arrived  and  the  work  of  destruction  commenced ;  by  the 
twenty-first,  the  chief  town,  five  other  villages,  and  nearly 
twenty  thousand  bushels  of  corn  in  ears  had  been  destroyed. 
When  Harmar  reached  the  Maumee  towns  and  found  no  enemy, 
he  thought  of  pushing  forward  to  attack  the  Wea  and  other 
Indian  settlements  upon  the  Wabash,  but  was  prevented  by 
the  loss  both  of  pack  horses  and  cavalry  horses,  which  the 
Indians  seem  to  have  stolen  in  quantities  to  suif  themselves, 
in  consequence  of  the  willful  carelessness  of  the  owners.  The 
Wabash  plan  being  dropped,  Col.  Trotter  was  dispatched  with 

*  American  State  Papers.  f  Western  Annals. 


OK,    THE   BORDER    WARS    OF    TWO    CENTURIES.  209 

three  hundred  men  to  scour  the  woods  in  search  of  an  enemy, 
as  the  tracks  of  women  and  children  had  been  seen  near  by. 

Parties  were  sent  out  in  different  directions;  but  through 
the  utter  want  of  discipline  but  little  was  accomplished,  and 
in  one  instance  the  militia  was  badly  defeated.  A  few  scatter 
ing  Indians  were  killed,  while  on  the  other  hand  the  invaders 
lost  heavily.  The  campaign  was  a  complete  failure,  causing 
much  suffering  among  the  Indians,  but  in  no  degree  subduing 
them.  Perhaps  the  most  truthful  report  of  this  campaign  was 
given  by  the  Indians  themselves  to  the  English.  It  was  this: 
•'There  have  been  two  engagements  about  the  Miami  towns 
between  the  Americans  and  the  Indians,  in  which  it  is  said 
the  former  had  about  five  hundred  men  killed,  and  that  the 
rest  have  retreated.  The  loss  was  only  fifteen  or  twenty  on  the 
side  of  the  Indians.  The  Shawanoes,  the  Miamis  and  the 
Pottowatomies  were,  I  understand,  the  principal  tribes  who 
were  engaged,  but  I  do  not  learn  that  any  of  the  nations  have 
refused,  their  alliance  or  assistance,  and  it  is  confidently  reported 
that  they  are  nowr  marching  against  the  frontiers  on  the  Ohio." 
Nor  was  the  report  of  the  invasion  of  the  settlements  on  the 
Ohio  short  of  the  truth.  On  the  evening  of  the  second  of 
January,  1791,  the  Indians  surprised  a  new  settlement  at  a 
place  on  the  Muskingum  called  Big  Bottom.  In  this  disaster 
eleven  men,  one  woman  and  two  children  wrere  killed;  three 
were  taken  prisoners  and  four  others  made  their  escape. 

At  this  time  the  situation  of  the  settlements  north  of  the 
Ohio  was  truly  deplorable.  At  Marietta  were  about  eighty 
houses,  in  a  distance  of  one  mile,  with  scattering  dwellings 
about  three  miles  up  the  Ohio.  There  were  a  set  of  mills  at 
Duck  Creek,  four  miles  distant,  and  another  mill  about  two 
miles  up  the  Muskingum.  "  Twenty-two  miles  .up  this  river," 
says  Rufus  Putnam,  writing  to  the  President,  "  is  a  settlement 
consisting  of  about  twenty  families;  about  two  miles  from 
them  on  Wolf  Creek,  are  five  families  and  a  set  of  mills.  Down 
the  Ohio,  and  opposite  the  Little  Kanawha,  commences  the 
settlement  called  Belle  Prairie,  which  extends  down  the  river, 
with  little  interruption,  about  twelve  miles,  and  contains 
between  thirty  and  forty  houses.  Before  the  last  disaster,  we 
li 


210  THE    LIVES    OF    PONTIAC    AND    TECUMSEHI 

had  several  other  settlements,  which  are  already  broken  up.  I 
have  taken  the  liberty  to  inclose  the  proceedings  of  the  Ohio 
company  and  justices  of  the  sessions  on  this  occasion,  and  beg 
leave,  with  the  greatest  deference,  to  observe,  that  unless  the 
government  speedily  send  a  body  of  troops  for  our  protection, 
we  are  a  ruined  people.  The  removal  of  the  women  and 
children,  etc.,  will  reduce  many  of  the  poorer  sort  to  the  great 
est  straits ;,  but  if  we  add  to  this  the  destruction  of  their  corn, 
forage  and  cattle  by  the  enemy,  which  is  very  probable  to  ensue, 
I  know  of  no  way  they  can  be  supported ;  but,  if  this  should 
not  happen,  where  these  people  are  to  raise  bread  another  year 
is  not  easy  to  conjecture,  and  most  of  them  have  nothing  left 
to  buy  with.  But  my  fears  do  not  stop  here;  we  are  a  people 
so  far  detached  from  all  others,  in  point  of  situation,  that  we 
can  hope  for  no  timely  relief,  in  case  of  emergency,  from  any 
of  our  neighbors;  and  among  the  number  that  compose  our 
present  military  strength,  almost  one-half  are  young  men, 
hired  into  f,he  country,  intending  to  settle  by  and  by;  these, 
under  present  circumstances,  will  probabty  leave  us  soon,  unless 
prospects  should  brighten;  and,  as  to  new  settlers,  we  can  expect 
none  in  our  present  situation,  so  that,  instead  of  increasing  in 
strength,  we  are  likely  to  diminish  daily;  and,  if  we  do  not 
fall  a  prey  to  the  savages,  we  shall  be  so  reduced  and  dis 
couraged  as  to  give  up  the  settlement,  unless  government 
shall  give  us  timely  protection.  It  has  been  a  mystery  with 
some  why  the  troops  have  been  withdrawn  from  this  quarter 
and  collected  at  the  Miami.  That  settlement  is,  I  believe, 
within  three  or  four  days'  march  of  a  very  populous  part  of 
Kentucky,  from  whence,  in  a  few  days,  they  might  be  rein 
forced  with  several  thousand  men,  whereas  we  are  not  within 
two  hundred  miles  of  any  settlement  that  can  probably  more 
than  protect  themselves." 

After  the  defeat  Harmar  marched  to  Fort  Washington,  and, 
as  we  have  seen,  the  tribes  he  expected  to  have  conquered  were 
ahead}'  upon  the  settlements  with  furious  onslaught.  "  The 
spirit  thus  manifested  by  the  tribes  which  had  just  been 
attacked,"  says  Mr.  Peck,  "  and  the  general  feelings  along  the 
frontier  in  relation  to  Harmar's  expedition,  made  the  United 


OR,    THE    BORDER    WARS    OF    TWO    CENTURIES.  211 

States  government  sensible  that  their  first  step  in  the  conduct 
of  backwoods  warfare  had  been  a  failure,  and  that  prompt  and 
strong  measures,  calculated  either  to  win  or  force  a  state  of 
peace,  must  be  adopted."  The  plan  which  was  resorted  to 
was  as  follows:  1st.  To  send  a  messenger  to  the  Western 
Indians  with  offers  of  peace,  to  be  accompanied  by  some  of 
the  Iroquois  chieftains  favorable  to  America.  2d.  At  the  same 
time  to  organize  expeditions  in  the  West,  to  strike  the  Wea, 
Miami  and  Shawanoe  towns,  in  case  it  should  be  clear  the  peace 
messenger  would  fail  in  his  mission;  and,  3d.  To  prepare  a 
grand  and  overwhelming  force  with  which  to  take  possession 
of  the  country  of  the  enemies  and  build  forts  in  their  midst. 
Col.  Thomas  Proctor  was  the  person  selected  to  carry  mes 
sages  of  peace.  He  received  his  commission  on  the  twelfth 
of  March,  1791,  and  immediately  left  Philadelphia  for  the  set 
tlement  of  Cornplanter,  or  Capt.  O'Beel,  the  chief  warrior  of  the 
Senecas.  This  chief,  who  was  a  firm  friend  of  Washington  and 
the  Union,  had  promised  to  do  all  in  his  power  to  secure  peace, 
and  now  Proctor  hoped  to  induce  him  to  accompany  him  into 
the  west.  He  might  have  succeeded  in  this  had  not  the  British 
commander  at  Niagara  refused  them  a  vessel  to  carry  the 
ambassadors  up  Lake  Erie.  Thwarted  in  this,  Proctor's  plan 
was  a  failure.  After  Harman's  campaign,  the  tribes  of  tne 
Northwest  sent  a  deputation  to  Lord  Dorchester  to  leam  what 
aid  England  would  give  in  the  contest  that  had  now  fairly 
begun.  Dorchester's  reply  was  not  definite,  but  indicated  that 
he  was  in  favor  of  peace.  It  would  now  seem  that  the  English 
were  anxious  for  peace,  expecting  it  could  be  obtained  while 
they  still  held  possession  of  the  western  outposts.  Colonel 
Gordon,  the  British  commandant  at  Niagara,  wrote  a  letter  to 
Brant,  asking  him  to  urge  the  western  tribes  into  an  honorable 
peace,  and  Brant,  in  turn,  wrote  a  letter  to  the  agent  among 
the  Miamies  advising  peace.  Yet,  with  these  views,  Brant, 
Gordon  and  other  influential  officers  did  but  very  little  to  pro 
mote  peace;  but  the  reasons  were  probably  these:  First,  the 
Mohawk  chieftain.  Brant,  was  offended  at  the  favor  shown  to 
Cornplanter,  his  greatest  foe,  by  the  Americans,  and  by  their 
attempt  to  divide  the  Iroquois.  Secondly,  there  is  no  doubt 


212  THE    LIVES    OF    PONTIAC    AND    TECUMSEH: 

but  that  the  representatives  of  England  in  Canada  were  offended 
at  the  entire  disregard  shown  by  the  American  government 
of  their  influences  over  the  savages  of  the  Northwest.  Those 
tribes  were  closely  connected  with  the  British  agents,  and 
under  their  control,  and  Lord  Dorchester,  Colonel  Gordon  and 
Brant  looked  for  an  appeal  to  them  as  mediators  in  the  quarrel 
about  to  burst  forth;  or  at  any  rate  for  an  acceptance  by  the 
Americans  of  their  mediation,  if  asked  by  the  Indians;  an 
acceptance  of  the  kind  given  in  1793,  after  St.  Glair's  defeat, 
and  which  was  not,  of  course,  dishonorable  or  degrading. 
Thirdly,  both  the  Indians  and  English  were  puzzled  and 
excited  by  the  seeming  want  of  good  faith  on  the  part  of  the 
States  ;  which,  at  the  same  moment  almost,  commissioned 
Scott  to  war  upon  the  Miami es,  Proctor  ta  treat  of  peace  with 
them,  St.  Glair  to  invade  and  take  possession  of  their  lands, 
and  Pickering  to  hold  a  council  with  their  brethren  for  bury 
ing  the  fatal  hatchet,  arid  quenching  the  destructive  brand. 


CHAPTEE    XXVI. 

PROCTOR'S  PEACE  MISSION  —  ITS  FAILURE  —  ORDERS  FOR  ST.  GLAIR'S 
CAMPAIGN  —  ST.  CLAIR  MARCHES  INTO  THE  INDIAN  COUNTRY  —  His 
DEFEAT — ACCOUNT  OF  THE  DISASTER. 

BUT  the  Americans  were  also  desirous  to  enlist  Brant  as  a 
peace-maker,  and  steps  were  taken  looking  to  this  end,  but 
before  he  could  be  approached  he  had  departed  for  the  west. 
His  mission  was  unknown,  although  suspected  to  have  been  to 
promote  war.  Measures  were  now  taken  to  secure  a  council 
of  the  Six  Nations,  on  the  sixteenth  of  June,  1791,  at  the 
Painted  Post,  near  the  junction  of  the  Coshocton  and  Tioga 
rivers.  The  object  of  this  council  was  to  secure  the  neutrality 
of  the  Iroquois  by  presents  and  speeches.  This  plan  partially 
succeeded.  The  council  closed  on  the  fifteenth  of  July,  and  the 
Indians  returned  satisfied.* 

It  had  been  calculated  that  Proctor  would  return  from  his 
mission  by  the  fifth  of  May,  and  report  the  result  of  his  journey 
at  Fort  Washington,  and  upon  this  calculation  had  been  based 
the  second  part  of  the  plan  for  the  campaign.  Accordingly,  on 
the  ninth  of  March,  1791,  orders  were  issued  to  Brigadier 
General  Charles  Scott,  authorizing  him,  in,  conjunction  with 
Harry  Innis,  John  Brown.  Benjamin  Logan,  and  Isaac  Shelley, 
to  organize  an  expedition  of  mounted  volunteers  against  the 
nations  upon  the  Wabash,  to  start  upon  May  the  tenth,  unless 
countermanded,  which  would  take  place  in  the  event  of  Proc 
tor's  success.  These  orders  were  obeyed,  and  the  troops  were 
in  readiness  at  the  time  appointed,  but  no  intelligence  of 
Proctor  having  reached  Fort  Washington  up  to  the  twenty- 
second  of  May,  the  detachment  took  up  its  line  of  march  from 
the  Ohio.  Col.  John  Hardin  led  the  advance  party.  On  the 

*  American  State  Papers,  p.  181. 

(213) 


214  THE    LIVES    OF    PONTTAC   AND   TECUMSEH: 

first  of  June  the  towns  of  the  enemy  were  discovered*  Gen. 
Scott  immediately  detached  John  Hardin  with  sixty  mounted 
infantry,  and  a  troop  of  light-horse  under  Capt.  McCoy,  to 
attack  the  villages  to  the  left,  and  moved  on  briskly  with  the 
main  body,  in  order  of  battle,  towards  the  town,  the  smoke  of 
which  was  discernable.  The  guides  wer'e  deceived  with  respect 
to  the  situation  of  the  town;  for  instead  of  standing  at  the 
edge  of  the  plain  through  which  they  marched,  they  found  it 
on  the  low  ground  bordering  on  the  Wabash;  on  turning  the 
point  of  woods,  one  house  wras  presented  in  f,heir  front.  Capt. 
Price  was  ordered  to  assault  that  with  forty  men.  He  executed 
the  command  with  great  gallantry,  and  killed  two  warriors. 
When  Scott  gained  the  summit  of  the  eminence  which  over 
looks  the  villages  on  the  banks  of  the  Wabash,  he  discovered 
the  enemy  in  great  confusion,  endeavoring  to  make  their 
escape  over  the  river  in  canoes.  He  instantly  ordered  Lieut. 
Colonel-commandant  Wilkinson  to  rush  forward  with  the  first 
battalion.  The  order  was  executed  with  promptitude,  and  this 
detachment  gained  the  bank  of  the  river  just  as  the  rear  of  the 
enemy  had  embarked;  and,  regardless  of  a  brisk  fire  kept  up 
from  the  Kickapoo  town  on  the  opposite  bank,  they,  in  a  few 
minutes,  by  a  well  directed  fire  from  their  rifles,  destroyed  all 
the  savages  with  which  five  canoes  were  crowded.  To  Scott's 
great  mortification  the  Wabash  was  many  feet  beyond  fording 
at  this  place;  he  therefore  detached  Col.  Wilkinson  to  a  ford 
two  miles  above,  which  the  guides  informed  him  was  more 
practicable.  Wilkinson  moved  the  first  battalion  up  to  the 
fording  place  but  found  it  impassable  and  returned.  The 
enemy  still  kept  possession  of  Kickapoo  town,  but  Scott  deter 
mined  to  dislodge  them,  and  for  that  purpose  ordered  Capt. 
King  and  Logsdone's  companies  to  march  down  the  river 
below  the  town,  and  cross,  under  the  conduct  of  Major  Barboe. 
Several  of  the  men  swam  the  river,  and  others  passed  in  a 
small  canoe.  This  movement  was  unobserved;  and  the  men 
had  taken  post  on  the  bank  before  they  were  discovered  by 
the  enemy,  who  immediately  abandoned  the  village.  About 
this  time  word  was  brought  to  Scott  that  Col.  Hardin  was 

*  Peck's  Compilation 


OK,    THE    BOEDER    WARS    OF    TWO    CENTURIES.  215 

encumbered  with  prisoners,  and  had  discovered  a  stronger 
village  further  to  his  left  than  those  Scott  had  observed,  which 
he  was  proceeding  to  attack.  The  General  immediately 
detached  Captain  Brown  with  his  company,  to  support  the 
Colonel;  but  the  distance  being  six  miles,  before  the  Captain* 
arrived  the  business  was  done,  and  Col.  Hardin  joined  him  a 
little  before  sun-set,  having  killed  six  warriors  and  taken  fifty- 
two  prisoners.  Captain  Bull,  the  warrior  who  had  discovered 
the  army  in  the  morning,  had  gained  the  main  town  and  given 
the  alarm  a  short  time  before  the  troops  reached  it,  but  the 
other  villages  were  not  aware  of  their  approach,  and  could, 
therefore,  make  no  retreat.  The  next  morning  Gen.  Scott 
detached  three  hundred  and  sixty  men  under  Col.  Wilkinson, 
to  destroy  the  important  town  of  Tippecanoe,  eighteen  miles 
from  the  camp  on  the  Wabash.  The  detachment  left  at  half- 
past  five  in  the  evening,  but  returned  at  one  o'clock  on  the 
next  day,  having  marched  thirty-six  miles  in  twelve  hours  and 
destroyed  the  most  important  settlement  of  the  enemy. 

Although  this  expedition  under  Scott  was  successful,  Gov 
ernor  St.  Clair  determined  to  send  another  against  the  villages 
of  Eel  river,  and  Wilkinson  was  appointed  to  the  command. 
He  marched  from  Fort  Washington  on  the  first  of  August, 
and  reached  the  Wabash  on  the  seventh,  just  above  the  mouth 
of  the  river  he  was  in  search  of.  At  this  point  he  received 
word  that  the  Indians  on  Eel  River  had  been  warned  of  his 
approach,  and  were  preparing  for  a  flight.  A  general  charge 
was  immediately  ordered.  The  men,  forcing  their  way  over 
every  obstacle,  plunged  through  the  river  and  scaled  the  banks 
beyond.  The  enemy  was  unable  to  make  the  smallest  resist 
ance.  Six  warriors,  two  squaws  and  a  child  were  killed,  and 
thirty-four  prisoners  were  taken,  and  an  unfortunate  captive 
released,  with  a  loss  on  the  side  of  the  Americans  of  two  men 
killed  and  one  wounded.  Wilkinson  encamped  in  the  town  that 
night,  and  the  next  morning  he  cut  up  the  corn,  scarcely  in  the 
milk,  burnt  the  cabins,  mounted  the  young  warriors,  squaws 
and  children,  and  leaving  two  infirm  squaws  and  a  child,  with 
a  short  talk,  he  commenced  his  march  for  the  Kickapoo  town 
in  the  prairie.  But  this  village  was  not  reached.  The  horses 


216  THE   LIVES    OF    KXNTIAC    AMD    TKCUMSKH I 

were  too  sore,  and  the  bogs  too  deep;  but  as  General  Wilkin 
son  said,  four  hundred  acres  of  corn  were  destroyed,  and  a 
Kickapoo  town  given  to  the  flames ;  for  which  the  General  was 
duly  thanked  by  his  country.  Meantime,  while  Proctor  was 
attempting  to  hurry  the  slow-moving  Iroquois,  who  told  him 
it  took  them  a  great  while  to  think;  and  Wilkinson  was  flound 
ering  up  to  his  arm-pits  in  mud  arid  water,  among  the 
morasses  of  the  Wabash ;  the  needful  preparations  were  con 
stantly  going  forward  for  the  great  expedition  of  St.  Glair, 
which,  by  founding  posts  throughout  the  western  country, 
from  the  Ohio  to  Lake  Erie,  and  especially  at  the  head  of  the 
Maumee,  was  to  give  the  United  States  a  sure  means  of  control 
over  the  savages.* 

Governor  St.  Glair  received  full  instructionsf  for  the  cam- 

*  Peck's  Compilation. 

t  The  instructions  to  St.  Glair  for  this  campaign  were  communicated  to  him  by  Gen. 
Knox,  in  the  following  language:  The  President  of  the  United  States  having,  by  and 
with  the  advice  and  consent  of  the  Senate,  appointed  you  a  Major  General  in  the  ser 
vice  of  the  United  States,  and  of  consequence  invested  you  with  the  chief  command  of 
the  troops  to  be  employed  upon  the  frontiers  during  the  ensuing  campaign,  it  is  proper 
that  you  should  be  possessed  of  the  views  of  the  government  respecting  the  objects  of 
your  command.  I  am,  therefore,  authorized  and  commanded,  by  the  President  of  the 
United  States,  to  deliver  you  the  following  instructions,  in  order  to  serve  as  the  general 
principles  of  your  conduct. 

But,  it  is  only  general  principles  which  can  be  pointed  out.  In  the  execution  of  the 
duties  of  your  station,  circumstances  which  cannot  now  be  foreseen  may  arise  to  render 
material  deviations  necessary.  Such  circumstances  will  require  the  exercise  of  your 
talents.  The  government  possesses  the  security  of  your  character  and  mature  experi 
ence,  that  your  judgment  will  be  proper  on  all  occasions.  You  are  well  informed  of  the 
unfavorable  impressions  which  the  issue  of  the  last  expedition  has  made  on  the  public 
mind,  and  you  are  also  aware  of  the  expectations  which  are  formed  of  the  success  of  the 
ensuing  campaign. 

An  Indian  war,  under  any  circumstances,  is  regarded  by  the  great  mass  of  the  people 
of  the  United  States  as  an  event  which  ought,  if  possible,  to  be  avoided.  It  is  consid 
ered  that  the  sacrifice  of  blood  and  treasure  in  such  a  \Var  exceed  any  advantages  which 
can  possibly  be  reaped  by  it.  The  great  policy,  therefore,  of  the  general  government,  is 
to  establish  a  just  and  liberal  peace  with  all  the  Indian  tribes  within  the  limits  .and  in 
the  vicinity  of  the  territory  of  the  United  States.  Your  intimations  to  the  hostile  Indi 
ans,  immediately  after  the  late  expedition,  through  the  Wyandots  and  Delawares;  the 
arrangements  with  the  Senecas  who  were  lately  in  this  city,  that  part  of  the  Six  Nations 
should  repair  to  the  said  hostile  Iddians,  to  influence  them  to  pacific  measures;  together 
with  the  recent  mission  of  Colonel  Proctor  to  them  for  th.e  same  purpose,  will  strongly 
evince  the  desire  of  the  general  government  to  prevent  the  effusion  of  blood,  and  to 
quiet  all  disturbances.  And  when  you  shall  arrive  upon  the  frontiers,  if  any  other  or 
further  measures  to  effect  the  same  object  should  present,  you  will  eagerly  embrace 
them,  and  the  reasonable  expenses  thereof  shall  be  defrayed  by  the  public.  But,  if  all 
the  lenient  measures  taken,  or  which^may  be  taken,  should  fail  to  bring  the  hostile  Indi 
ans  to  a  just  sense  of  their  situation,  it  will  be  necessary  that  you  should  use  such 
coercive  means  as  you  shall  possess,  for  that  purpose.  You  are  informed  that,  by  an  act 


BRANT,  THE  MOHAWK  CHIEFTAIN 


OR,    THE    BORDER    WARS    OF    TWO    CENTURIES.  217 

paigri,  and  proceeded  at  once  to  organize  his  army.  At  the 
close  of  April,  1791,  he  was  in  Pittsburgh  (Fort  Pitt,)  towards 
which  point  troops  from  all  quarters,  horses,  stores  and  ammu 
nition  were  going  forward. 

On  the  fifteenth  of  May,  St.  Glair  reached  Fort  Washing 
ton,  and  at  that  time,  the  United  States  troops  in  the  West 
amounted  to  but  two  hundred  and  sixty-four  non-commissioned 
officers  and  privates  fit  for  duty.  On  the  fifteenth  of  July, 
this  number  was  more  than  doubled,  as  the  first  regiment,  con 
ing  two  hundred  and  ninety-nine  men,  on  that  day  reached 
Fort  Washington.  General  Butler,  who  had  been  appointed 
second  in  command,  was  employed  through  part  of  April  and 

of  Congress,  passed  the  second  inst.,  another  regiment  is  to  be  raised,  and  added  to  the 
military  establishment,  and  provision  made  for  raising  two  thousand  levies,  for  the  term 
of  six  months,  for  the  service  of  the  frontiers.  It  is  contemplated  that  the  mass  of  the 
regulars  and  levies  may  be  recruited  and  rendezvous  at  Fort  Washington,  by  the  tenth  of 
July.  In  this  case,  you  will  have  assembled  a  force  of  three  thousand  effectives  at  least, 
besides  leaving  small  garrisons  on  the  Ohio,  in  order  to  perform  your  main  expedition, 
hereinafter  mentioned.  But,  in  the  meantime,  if  the  Indians  refuse  to  listen  to  the 
messengers  of  peace  sent  to  them,  it  is  most  probable  they  will,  unless  prevented,  spread 
themselves  along  the  line  of  frontiers,  for  the  purpose  of  committing  all  the  deprada- 
tious  in  their  power.  In  order  to  avoid  so  calamitous  an  event,  Brigadier  General  Charles 
Scott,  of  Kentucky,  has  been  authorized  by  me,  on  the  part  of  the  President  of  the  United 
States,  to  make  an  expedition  against  the  Wea,  or  Ouiatenon  towns,  with  mounted  vol 
unteers,  or  militia  from  Kentucky,  not  exceeding  the  number  of  seven  hundred  and  fifty, 
officers  included.  You  will  perceive,  by  the  instructions  to  Brigadier  General  Scott,  that 
it  is  confided  to  your  discretion,  whether  there  should  be  more  than  one  of  the  said  expe 
ditions  of  mounted  volunteers  or  militia.  Your  nearer  view  of  the  objects  to  be  effected, 
by  a  second  desultory  expedition,  will  enable  you  to  form  a  better  judgment  than  can  at 
present  be  formed  at  this  distance.  The  propriety  of  a  second  operation  would,  in  some 
degree,  depend  on  the  alacrity  and  good  composition  of  the  troops  of  which  the  first  may 
have  been  formed;  of  its  success;  of  the  probable  effects  a  second  similar  blow  would 
have  upon  the  Indians,  with  respect  to  its  influencing  them  to  peace;  or,  if  they  should 
be  still  hostilely  disposed,  of  preventing  them  from  desolating  the  frontiers  by  their 
parties. 

You  will  observe,  in  the  instructions  to  Brigadier  General  Scott,  which  are  to  serve  as 
a  basis  for  the  instructions  of  the  commanders  who  may  succeed  him,  that  all  captives 
are  to  be  treated  with  great  humanity.  It  will  be  sound  policy  to  attract  the  Indians  by 
kindness,  after  demonstrating  to  them  our  power  to  punish  them,  on  all  occasions.  While 
you  are  making  such  use  of  desultory  operations  as  in  your  judgment  the  occasion  may 
require,  you  will  proceed  vigorously,  in  every  operation  in  your  power,  for  the  purpose  of 
the  main  expedition ;  and  having  assembled  your  force,  and  all  things  being  in  readiness, 
if  no  decisive  indications  of  peace  should  have  been  produced,  either  by  the  messenges, 
or  by  the  desultory  operations,  you  will  commence  your  march  for  the  Miami  village,  in 
order  to  establish  a  strong  and  permanent  military  post  at  tha+,  place.  In  your  advance, 
you  will  establish  such  posts  of  communication  with  Fort  Washington,  on  the  Ohio,  as 
you  may  judge  proper.  The  post  at  the  Miami  village  is  intended  for  the  purpose  of 
awing  and  curbing  the  Indians  in  that  quarter,  and  as  the  only  preventive  of  future  hos 
tilities.  It  ought,  therefore,  to  be  rendered  secure  against  all  attempts  and  insults  of  the 
Indians.  The  garrison  which  should  be  stationed  there  ought  not  only  to  be  sufficient 
for  the  defense  of  the  place,  but  always  to  afford  a  detachment  of  five  or  sjx  hundred 


218  THE    LIVES    OF    PONTLAC    AND    TECUMSEH  .* 

May  in  obtaining  recruits,  but  when  obtained,  there  was  no 
money  to  pay  them,  nor  to  provide  stores  for  them.  In  the 
quartermaster's  department,  meantime,  everything  went  on 
slowly  and  badly;  tents,  pack-saddles,  kettles,  knapsacks  and 
cartridge  boxes  were  all  "  deficient  in  quantity  and  quality." 
Worse  than  this,  the  powder  was  poor  or  injured,  the  arms 
and  accoutrements  out  of  repair,  and  not  even  proper  tools 
to  mend  them.  And  as  the  troops  gathered  at  Fort 
"Washington,  after  wearisome  detentions  at  Pittsburgh  and 
upon  the  river,  a  new  source  of  troubles  arose,  in  the  habits 
of  intemperance  indulged  and  acquired  by  the  idlers.  To 
withdraw  them  from  temptation,  St.  Glair  was  forced  to 

men  either  to  chastise  any  of  the  Wabash,  or  other  hostile  Indians,  or  to  secure  any  con 
voy  of  provisions.  The  establishment  of  such  a  post  is  considered  as  an  important 
object  of  the  campaign,  and  is  to  take  place  in  all  events.  In  case  of  a  previous  treaty, 
the  Indians  are  to  be  conciliated  upon  this  point,  if  possible;  and  it  is  presumed,  good 
arguments  may  be  offered,  to  induce  their  acquiescence.  The  situation,  nature  and  con 
struction  of  the  works  you  may  direct,  will  depend  upon  your  own  judgment.  Major 
Ferguson,  of  the  artillery,  will  be  fully  capable  of  the  execution.  He  will  be  furnished 
with  three  five  and  a  half-inch  howitzers,  three  six-pounders,  and  three  three-pounders, 
all  brass,  with  a  sufficient  quantity  of  shot  and  shells,  for  the  purpose  of  the  expedition. 
The  appropriation  of  these  pieces  will  depend  upon  your  orders. 

Having  commenced  your  march,  upon  the  main  expedition,  and  the  Indians  continu 
ing  hostile,  you  will  use  every  possible  exertion  to  make  them  feel  the  effects  of  your 
superiority;  and  after  having  arrived  at  the  Miami  village,  and  put  your  works  in  a  defen 
sible  state,  you  will  seek  the  enemy  with  the  whole  of  your  remaining;  force,  and  endeavor, 
by  all  possible  means,  to  strike  them  with  great  severity.  It  will  be  left  to  your  dis 
cretion  whether  to  employ,  if  attainable,  any  Indians  of  the  Six  Nations,  and  the 
Chickasaws  or  other  Southern  nations.  Most  probably  the  employment  of  about  fifty  of 
each,  under  the  direction  of  some  discreet  and  able  chief,  would  be  advantageous,  but 
these  ought  not  to  be  assembled  before  the  line  of  march  is  taken  up,  because  they  are 
soon  tired  and  will  not  be  detained.  The  force  contemplated  for  the  garrisons  of  the 
Miami  village,  and  the  communications,  has  been  from  a  thotfsand  to  twelve  hundred 
non-commissioned  officers  and  privates.  This  is  mentioned  as  a  general  idea,  to  which 
you  will  adhere,  or  from  which  you  will  deviate,  as  circumstances  may  require.  The 
garrison  stationed  at  the  Miami  village,  and  its  comrrmnications,  must  have  in  store  at 
least  six  months  good  salted  meat,  and  flour  in  proportion. 

It  is  hardly  possible,  if  the  Indians  continue  hostile,  that  you  will  be  suffered  quietly 
to  establish  a  post  at  the  Miami  vlilage;  conflicts,  therefore,  may  be  expected;  and  it  is 
to  be  presumed  that  disciplined  valor  will  triumph  over  undisciplined  Indians.  In  this 
event  it  is  probable  that  the  Indians  will  sue  for  peace;  if  this  should  be  the  case,  the 
dignity  of  the  United  States  will  require  that  the  terms  should  be  liberal.  In  order  to 
avoid  future  wars,  it  might  be  proper  to  make  the  Wabash,  thence  over  to  the  Miami,  and 
down  the  same  to  its  mouth  at  Lake  Erie,  the  boundary,  excepting  so  far  as  the  same 
should  relate  to  the  Wyandots  and  Delawares,  on  the  supposition  of  their  continuing 
faithful  to  the  treaties.  But,  if  they  should  join  in  the  war  against  the  United  States, 
and  your  army  be  victorious,  the  said  tribes  ought  to  be  removed  without  the  boundary 
mentioned.  You  will  also  judge  whether  it  would  be  proper  to  extend  the  boundary, 
from  the  mouth  of  the  River  au  Panse  of  the  Wabash,  in  a  due  west  line  to  the  Missis 
sippi.  Few  Indians,  besides  the  Kickapoos,  would  be  affected  by  such  aline;  this  ought 
to  be  tenderly  managed.  The  modification  of  the  boundary  must  be  confided  to  your  dis- 


OR,    THE    BORDER    WARS    OF    TWO    CENTURIES.  219 

remove  his  men,  now  numbering  two  thousand,  to  Ludlow's 
Station,  about  six  miles  from  the  fort.  Here  the  army  con 
tinued  until  the  seventeenth  of  September,  when,  being  two 
thousand  three  hundred  strong,  exclusive  of  militia,  it  moved 
forward  to  a  point  upon  the  Great  Miami,  where  Fort  Hamil 
ton  was  built,  the  first  in  the  proposed  chain  of  fortresses. 
This  being  completed,  the  troops  moved  on  forty-four  miles 
farther,  and  on  the  twelfth  of  October,  commenced  Fort  Jeffer 
son,  about  six  miles  south  of  the  town  of  Greenville.  On  the 
twenty-fourth,  the  toilsome  march  through  the  wilderness 
began  again.  At  this  time  the  Commander-in-chief,  whose 
duties  through  the  summer  had  been  very  severe,  was  suffering 
from  an  indisposition  which  was  by  turns  in  his  stomach,  lungs 
and  limbs;  provisions  were  scarce,  the  roads  wet  and  heavy, 
the  troops  going  with  much  difficulty,  seven  miles  a  day;  the 
militia  deserting  sixty  at  a  time.  Thus  toiling  along,  the  army, 
rapidly  lessening  by  desertion,  sickness,  and  troops  sent  to 
arrest  deserters,  on  the  third  of  November  reached  a  stream 
twelve  yards  wide,  which  St.  Clair  supposed  to  be  the  St.  Mary 
of  the  Maumee,  but  which  was  in  reality  a  branch  of  the 

cretion,  with  this  single  observation,  that  the  policy  and  interest  of  the  United  States 
dictate  their  being  at  peace  with  the  Indians.  This  is  of  more  value  than  millions  of 
uncultivated  acres,  the  right  to  which  may  be  conceded  by  some,  and  disputed  by  others. 
The  establishment  of  a  post  at  the  Miami  village  will  probably  be  regarded,  by  the  British 
officers  on  the  frontiers,  as  a  circumstance  of  jealousy;  it  may,  therefore,  be  necessary 
that  you  should,  at  a  proper  time,  make  such  intimations  as  may  remove  all  such  disposi 
tions.  This  intimation  had  better  follow  than  precede  the  possession  of  the  post,  unless 
circumstances  dictate  otherwise.  As  it  is  not  the  inclination  or  interest  of  the  United 
States  to  enter  into  a  contest  with  Great  Britain,  every  measure  tending  to  any  discussion 
or  altercation  must  be  prevented.  The  delicate  situation  of  affairs  may,  therefore,  render 
it  improper,  at  present,  to  make  any  naval  arrangement  upon  Lake  Erie.  After  you  have 
effected  all  the  injury  to  the  hostile  Indians  of  which  your  force  may  be  capable,  and  after 
having  established  the  posts  and  garrisons  at  the  Miami  villages  and  its  communications, 
and  placing  the  same  under  the  orders  of  an  officer  worthy  of  such  high  trust,  you  will 
return  to  Fort  Washington. 

It  is  proper  to  observe,  that  certain  jealousies  have  existed  among  the  people  of  the 
frontiers,  relative  to  a  supposed  interference  between  their  interest,  and  those  of  the 
marine  States;  that  these  jealousies  are  ill-founded,  with  respect  to  the  present  govern 
ment,  is  obvious.  The  United  States  embrace,  with  equal  care,  all  parts  of  the  Union ; 
and,  in  the  present  case,  are  making  expensive  arrangements  for  the  protection  of  the 
frontiers,  and  partly  in  the  modes,  too,  which  appear  to  be  highly  favored  by  the  Kentucky 
people. 

The  high  stations  you  fill,  of  commander  of  the  troops,  and  Governor  of  the  Western  Ter 
ritory,  will  afford  you  frequent  opportunities  to  impress  the  frontier  citizens  of  the  entire 
good  disposition  of  the  general  government  towards  them  'in  all  reasonable  things,  and 
you  will  render  acceptable  service,  by  cordially  embracing  all  such  opportunities. 


220  THE    LIVES    OF    PONTTAC    AND    TEOUMSEH ! 

Wabash.  Upon  the  banks  of  this  Stream  St.  Glair,  with  his  armyr 
about  fourteen  hundred  strong,  encamped  in  two  lines.  The 
right  wing,  composed  of  Butler's,  Clark's  and  Patterson's  battal 
ions,  commanded  by  Major-General  Butler,  formed  the  first 
line;  and  the  left  wing,  consisting  of  Bedinger's  and  Gaither's 
battalions,  and  the  second  regiment,  commanded  by  Lieut.- 
Col.  Drake,  formed  the  second  line,  with  an  interval  between 
them  of  about  seventy  yards,  which  was  all  the  ground  would 
allow.  The  right  flank  was  pretty  well  secured  by  the  creek,  a 
steep  bank,  and  Faulkner's  corps  and  some  of  the  cavalry  cov 
ered  the  left  flank.  The  militia  were  thrown  over  the  creek, 
and  advanced  about  a  quarter  of  a  mile  and  encamped  in  the 
same  order.  There  wrere  a  few  Indians  who  appeared  on  the 
opposite  side  of  the  creek,  but  fled  with  the  utmost  precipita 
tion,  on  the  advance  of  the  militia. 

At  this  place,  which  St.  Glair  judged  to  be  about  fifteen 
miles  from  the  Miami  village,  he  determined  to  throw  up  a 
slight  work  for  the  protection  of  the  knapsacks  and  the  bag 
gage,  and  to  move  thence  on  to  attack  the  enemy  as  soon  as  the 
first  regiment  should  come  up.  But  in  this  he  was  disap 
pointed,  for  on  the  fourth,  about  half  an  hour  before  sunset 
and  when  the  men  had  just  been  dismissed  from  parade,  an 
attack  was  made  upon  the  militia,  which  gave  way  in  a  short 
time  and  rushed  into  camp  through  Major  Butler's  battalion, 
the  Indians  following  close  at  their  heels.  The  fire,  however, 
of  the  front  line  checked  them,  but  almost  instantly  a  very 
heavy  attack  begun  upon  that  line,  and  in  a  few  minutes  it  was 
extended  to  the  second  line.  The  great  weight  of  it  was 
directed  against  the  centre  of  each,  where  the  artillery  was 
placed  and  from  which  the  men  were  repeatedly  driven,  with 
great  slaughter.  Finding  110  great  effect  from  the  fire  of  the 
troops,  and  confusion  beginning  to  spread  from  the  great  num 
ber  of  men  who  were  falling  in  all  quarters,  St.  Glair  resolved 
to  see  what  could  be  done  with  the  bayonet.  Lieut.-Col.  Drake 
was  accordingly  ordered  to  make  a  charge  with  a  part  of  the 
second  line  and  to  turn  the  left  flank  of  the  enemy.  This  was 
executed  with  great  spirit.  The  Indians  instantly  gave  way 
and  were  driven  back  three  or  four  hundred  yards;  but  for 


OR,    THE    BORDER    WARS    OF    TWO    CENTURIES.  221 

want  of  a  sufficient  number  of  riflemen  to  pursue  this  advan 
tage,  they  soon  returned,  and  the  troops  were  obliged  to  fall 
back  in  their  turn.  At  this  moment  they  had  entered  the 
camp  by  the  left  flank,  having  pushed  back  the  troops  that 
were  posted  there.  Another  charge  was  made  here  by  the  sec 
ond  regiment,  Butler's  and  Clark's  battalions,  with  equal  effect, 
and  it  was  repeated  several  times  and  always  with  success;  but 
in  all  of  them  many  men  were  lost,  and  particularly  the  officers, 
a  loss  altogether  irreparable.  In  the  last  charge  Major  Butler 
was  dangerously  wounded,  and  every  officer  of  the  second  regi 
ment  fell  except  three,  one  of  whom,  Mr.  Greaton,  was  shot 
through  the  body. 

The  artillery  being  now  silenced  and  all  the  officers  killed, 
except  Capt.  Ford,  who  was  very  badly  wounded,  and  more 
than  half  of  the  army  fallen,  being  cut  off  from  the  road,  it 
became  necessary  to  attempt  the  regaining  of  it  and  to  make  a 
retreat,  if  possible.  To  this  purpose  the  remains  of  the  army 
were  formed  as  well  as  circumstances  would  admit  towards  the 
right  of  the  encampment,  from  which,  by  the  way  of  the  sec 
ond  line,  another  charge  was  made  upon  the  enemy,  as  if  with 
the  design  to  turn  their  right  flank,  but  in  fact  to  gain  the  road. 
This  was  effected,  and  as  soon  as  it  was  open,  the  militia  took 
along  it,  followed  by  the  troops,  Major  Clark,  with  his  bat 
talion,  covering  the  rear.* 

The  retreat,  in  those  circumstances,  was,  as  may  be  imagined, 
a  very  precipitate  one.  It  was,  in  fact,  a  flight.  The  camp  and 
the  artillery  were  abandoned ;  but  that  was  unavoidable,  for 
not  a  horse  was  left  alive  to  have  drawn  it  off,  had  it  other 
wise  been  practicable.  But  the  most  disgraceful  part  of  the 
business  is,  that  the  greatest  part  of  the  men  threw  away  their 
arms  and  accoutrements,  even  after  the  pursuit,  which  con 
tinued  about  four  miles,  had  ceased.  St.  Glair  found  the  road 
strewed  with  them  for  many  miles,  but  was  not  able  to  remedy 
it,  for  having  had  all  his  horses  killed,  and  being  mounted 
upon  one  that  could  not  be  pricked  out  of  a  walk,  he  could 
not  get  forward  himself,  and  the  orders  he  sent  forward  either 
to  halt  the  front,  or  to  prevent  the  men  from  parting  with 

*  St.  Glair's  report. 


222  THE    LIVES    OF    PONTIAC    AND    TECUMSEH I 

their  arms,  were  unattended  to.  The  flight  continued  to  Fort 
Jefferson,  twenty-nine  miles,  which  was  readied  a  little  after 
sunset.  The  action  began  about  half  an  hour  before  sunrise, 
and  the  retreat  was  attempted  at  half  an  hour  after  nine  o'clock. 
Maj.  Q-en.  Butler,  Lieut.  Col.  Oldliam,  of  the  militia,  Major 
Ferguson,  Major  Hart  and  Major  Clark  were  among  the  killed. 

St.  Clair,  in  giving  the  details  of  this  disaster,  closes  with 
these  remarks:  "  I  have  nothing  to  lay  to  the  charge  of  the 
troops  but  their  want  of  discipline,  which,  for  the  short  time 
they  had  been  in  the  service,  it. was  impossible  they  should 
have  acquired."  He  continues:  "We  were  overpowered  by 
numbers;  but  it  is  no  more  than  justice  to  observe  that,  though 
composed  of  so  many  different  species  of  troops,  the  utmost 
harmony  prevailed  during  the  campaign." 

In  addition  to  the  above  brief  account  of  St.  Glair's  defeat, 
I  give  the  following  from  the  pen  of  Mr.  Van  Cleve,  who  was 
in  the  Quartermaster  General's  service  on  the  occasion  and 
witnessed  the  disaster: 

We  were  encamped  just  within  the  lines,  on  the  right.  The  attack  was 
made  on  the  Kentucky  militia.  Almost  instantaneously  the  small  rem 
nant  of  them  that  escaped  broke  through  the  line  near  us,  and  this  line 
gave  way.  Followed  by  a  tremendous  fire  from  the  enemy,  they  passed 
me.  I  threw  my  bridle  over  a  stump,  from  which  a  tent  pole  had  been 
cut,  and  followed  a  short  distance,  when  finding  the  troops  had  halted,  I 
returned  and  brought  my  horse  a  little  farther.  I  was  now  between  the 
fires,  and  finding  the  troops  giving  way  again,  was  obliged  to  leave  him  a 
second  time.  As  I  quitted  him  he  was  shot  down,  and  I  felt  rather  glad 
of  it,  as  I  concluded  that  now  I  should  be  at  liberty  to  share  in  the  engage 
ment.  My  inexperience  prompted  me  to  calculate  on  our  forces  being  far 
superior  to  any  that  the  savages  could  assemble,  and  that  we  should  soon 
have  the  pleasure  of  driving  them.  Not  more  than  five  minutes  had  yet 
elapsed,  when  a  soldier  near  me  had  his  arm  swinging  with  a  wound.  I 
requested  his  arms  and  accoutrements,  as  he  was  unable  to  use  them,  pro 
mising  to  return  them  to  him,  and  commenced  firing.  The  smoke  was 
settled  down  to  about  within  three  feet  of  the  ground,  but  I  generally  put 
one  knee  on  the  ground,  and  with  a  rest  from  behind  a  tree,  waited  the 
appearance  of  an  Indian's  head  from  behind  his  cover,  or  for  one  to  run 
and  change  his  position.  Before  I  was  convinced  of  my  mistaken  calcula 
tion,  the  battle  was  half  over  and  I  had  become  familiarized  to  the 
scene.  Hearing  the  firing  at  one  time  unusually  brisk  near  the  rear  of 
the  left  wing,  I  crossed  the  encampment.  Two  levy  officers  were  just 
ordering  a  charge.  I  had  fired  away  my  ammunition  and  some  of  the 


OR.    THE   BORDER    WARS    OF    TWO    CENTURIES.  223 

bands  of  my  musket  had  flown  off.  I  picked  up  another  and  a  cartridge 
box  nearly  full,  and  pushed  forward  with  about  thirty  others.  The  In 
dians  ran  to  the  right,  where  there  was  a  small  ravine  filled  with  logs.  I 
bent  my  course  after  them,  and  on  looking  round  I  found  I  was  with  only 
seven  or  eight  men,  the  others  having  kept  straight  forward  and  halted 
about  thirty  yards  off.  We  halted  also,  and  being  so  near  where  the 
savages  lay  concealed,  the  second  fire  from  them  left  me  standing  alone. 
My  cover  was  a  small  sugar  tree  or  beech,  scarcely  large  enough  to  hide 
me.  I  fired  away  all  my  ammunition ;  I  am  uncertain  whether  with  any 
effect  or  not.  I  then  looked  for  the  party  near  me,  and  saw  them  retreat 
ing  and  half  way  back  to  the  lines.  I  followed  them,  running  my  best, 
and  was  soon  in.  By  this  time  our  artillery  had  been  taken,  I  do  not 
know  whether  the  first  or  second  time,  and  our  troops  had  just  retaken  it 
and  were  charging  the  enemy  across  the  creek  in  front,  and  some  person 
told  me  to  look  at  an  Indian  running  with  one  of  our  kegs  of  powder,  but 
I  did  not  see  him.  There  were  about  thirty  of  our  men  and  officers  lying 
scalped  around  the  pieces  of  artillery.  It  appeared  that  the  Indians  had 
not  been  in  a  hurry,  for  their  hair  was  all  skinned  off. 

Daniel  Bonham,  a  young  man  raised  by  my  uncle  and  brought  up  with 
me,  and  whom  I  regarded  as  a  brother,  had  by  this  time  received  a  shot 
through  his  hips  and  was  unable  to  walk.  I  procured  a  horse  and  got  him 
on.  My  uncle  had  received  a  ball  near  his  wrist  that  lodged  near  his 
elbow.  The  ground  was  literally  covered  with  dead  and  dying  men,  the 
commander  gave  orders  to  take  the  way  —  perhaps  they  had  been  given 
more  explicitly.  Happening  to"  see  my  uncle,  he  told  me  that  a  retreat 
had  been  ordered,  and  that  I  must  do  the  best  I  could  and  take  care  of 
myself.  Bonham  insisted  that  he  had  a  better  chance  of  escaping  than  I 
had,  and  urged  me  to  look  to  my  own  safety  alone.  I  found  the  troops 
pressing  like  a  drove  of  bullocks  to  the  right.  I  saw  an  officer  whom  I 
took  to  be  Lieut.  Morgan,  an  aid  to  Gen.  Butler,  with  six  or  eight  men, 
start  on  a  run  a  little  to  the  left  of  where  I  was.  I  immediately  ran  and 
fell  in  with  them.  In  a  short  distance  we  were  so  suddenly  among  the 
Indians,  who  were  not  apprised  of  our  object,  that  they  opened  to  us,  and 
ran  to  the  right  and  left  without  firing.  I  think  about  two  hundred  of  our 
men  passed  through  them  before  they  fired,  except  a  chance  shot.  When 
we  had  proceeded  about  two  miles,  most  of  those  mounted  had  passed 
me.  A  boy  had  been  throwTn  or  fell  off  a  horse,  and  begged  my  assistance. 
I  ran,  pulled  him  along  about  two  miles  further,  until  I  had  become 
nearly  exhausted.  Of  the  last  two  horses  in  the  rear,  one  carried  two  men 
and  the  other  three.  I  made  an  exertion  and  threw  him  on  behind  the 
two  men.  The  Indians  followed  but  about  half  a  mile  further.  The  boy 
was  thrown  off  some  time  after,  but  escaped  and  got  in  safely.  My  friend 
Bonham  I  did  not  see  on  the  retreat,  but  understood  lie  was  thrown  off 
about  this  place,  and  lay  on  the  left  of  the  trace,  where  he  was  found  in 
the  winter  and  was  buried.  I  took  the  cramp  violently  in  my  thighs  and 
could  scarcely  walk  until  I  got  within  a  hundred  yards  of  the  rear,  where 
the  Indians  w^ere  tomahawking  the  old  and  wounded  men ;  and  I  stopped 


224:  THE    LIVES    OF    PONTIAC    AND    TECUMSEHI 

here  to  tie  my  pocket  handkerchief  round  a  wounded  man's  knee.  I  saw 
the  Indians  close  in  pursuit  at  this  time,  and  for  a  moment  my  spirit  sunk 
and  I  felt  in  despair  for  my  safety.  I  considered  whether  I  should  leave 
the  road  or  whether  I  was  capable  of  any  further  exertion.  If  I  left  the 
road,  the  Indians  were  in  plain  sight  and  could  easily  overtake  me.  I 
threw  the  shoes  off  my  feet,  and  the  coolness  of  the  ground  seemed  to 
revive  me.  I  again  began  a  trot  and  recollect  that  when  a  bend  in  the 
road  offered,  and  I  got  before  half  a  dozen  persons,  I  thought  it  would 
occupy  some  time  for  the  enemy  to  massacre  them,  before  my  turn  would 
come.  By  the  time  I  had  got  to  Stillwater,  about  eleven  miles,  I  had 
gained  the  centre  of  the  flying  troops,  and,  like  them,  came  to  a  walk.  I 
fell  in  with  Lieut.  Shaumburg,  who,  I  think,  was  the  only  officer  of  artil 
lery  that  got  away  unhurt,  with  Corporal  Mott,  and  a  woman  who  was 
called  red-headed  Nance.  The  latter  two  were  both  crying.  Mott  was 
lamenting  the  loss  of  a  wife  and  Nance  that  of  an  infant  child.  Shaum 
burg  was  nearly  exhausted  and  hung  on  Mott's  arm.  I  carried  his  fusil 
and  accoutrements  and  led  Nance ;  and  in  this  sociable  way  we  arrived  at 
Fort  Jefferson  a  little  after  sunset. 

The  Commander-in-chief  had  .ordered  Col.  Darke  to  press  forward  to 
the  convoys  of  provisions  and  hurry  them  on  to  the  army.  Major  Truman, 
Capt.  Sedan  and  nay  uncle  were  setting  forward  with  him.  A  number  of 
soldiers  and  pack-horsemen  on  foot  and  myself  among  them,  joined  them. 
We  came  on  a  few  miles,  when  all,  overcome  with  fatigue,  agreed  to  halt. 
Darius  Curtius  Orcott,  a  pack-horse  master,  had  stolen  at  Jefferson  one 
pocket  full  of  flour  and  the  other  full  of  beef.  One  of  the  men  had  a 
kettle,  and  one  Jacob  Fowler  and  myself  groped  about  in  the  dark  until 
we  found  some  water,  where  a  tree  had  been  blown  out  of  root.  We  made 
a  kettle  of  soup,  of  which  I  got  a  small  portion  among  the  many.  It  wTas 
then  concluded,  as  there  was  a  bend  in  the  road  a  few  miles  further  on, 
that  the  Indians  might  undertake  to  intercept  us  there,  and  \ve  decamped 
and  traveled  about  four  or  five  miles  further.  I  had  got  a  rifle  and  am 
munition  at  Jefferson  from  a  wounded  militia  man,  an  old  acquaintance, 
to  bring  in.  A  sentinel  was  set  and  we  lay  down  and  slept,  until  the  Gov 
ernor  came  up  a  few  hours  afterward.  I  think  I  never  slept  so  profoundly. 
I  could  hardly  get  awake  after  I  was  on  my  feet.  On  the  day  before  the 
defeat  the  ground  was  covered  with  snow.  The  flats  were  now  filled  with 
water  frozen  over,  the  ice  as  thick  as  a  knife  blade.  I  was  worn  out  with 
fatigue,  with  my  feet  knocked  to  pieces  against  the  roots  in  the  night  and 
splashing  through  the  ice  without  shoes.  In  the  morning  we  got  to  a 
camp  of  pack-horsemen,  and  amongst  them  I  got  a  doughboy  or  water- 
dumpling,  and  proceeded.  We  got  within  seven  miles  of  Hamilton  on 
this  day  and  arrived  there  soon  on  the  morning  of  the  sixth. 


CHAPTEK    XXVII. 

RESULTS  OF  ST.  GLAIR'S  DEFEAT  —  THE  AMERICANS,  THE  ENGLISH, 
AND  THE  INDIANS  —  BRANT  INVITED  TO  PHILADELPHIA  —  HORRIFY 
ING  SCENES  ON  ST.  CLAIR'S  BATTLE  FIELD  —  THE  PEACE  MAKERS — 
THEIR  INSTRUCTIONS  —  AMERICANS  DESIRE  PEACE — THE  INIDANS 
FOR  WAR. 

THUS  was  the  plan  of  establishing  a  chain  of  forts  between 
Cincinnati  and  the  Miami  villages  overthrown  by  the  defeat 
of  St.  Glair.  The  savages  again  victorious,  could  neither  be 
expected  to  make  terms  or  show  mercy,  and  along  the  line  of 
the  whole  frontier  the  settlers  were  filled  with  anxiety,  terror, 
and  despair.  Out  of  St.  Glair's  army  of  fourteen  hundred  men, 
eight  hundred  and  ninety  were  killed  and  wounded.  The 
battle  took  place  on  the  fourth  of  November,  1791,  and  on  the 
eighth  of  the  same  month  the  remains  of  the  army  reached 
Fort  Washington.  The  news  of  the  defeat  was  at  once  com 
municated  to  Congress,  and  on  the  twenty-sixth  of  December 
Gen.  Knox  laid  before  the  President  a  plan  for  future  opera 
tions.  It  provided  for  raising  and  equipping  a  large  force, 
and  the  immediate  invasion  of  the  Indian  country,  but  Wash 
ington  desired  that  before  this  army  was  organized  every  effort 
should  again  be  made  to  prevent  bloodshed.  Col.  Pickering, 
in  his  meeting  with  the  Iroquois,  of  June  and  July,  1791,  at 
the  Painted  Post,  had,  among  other  things,  proposed  that 
certain  chiefs  should,  in  the  following  January,  go  to  Philadel 
phia,  while  Congress  was  in  session,  and  "  shake  hands  with 
their  newly  adopted  father."  The  importance  of  the  proposed 
visit  became  more  evident  after  the  news  of  St.  Glair's  defeat, 
for  now,  the  New  York  Indians  were  suspected.  On  the  twen 
tieth  of  December,  1791,  Gen.  Knox  wrote  to  a  missionary 
among  the  Iroquois,  pressing  through  him  the  invitation  given 
15  (235) 


226  THE    LIVES    OF    PONTIAC    AND    TECUMSEHI 

by  the  commissioner,  and  especially  urging  the  presence  of 
Brant.  To  aid  the  proposed  peace  measures,  a  respectful  and 
kind  message  was  sent  to  the  Senecas  on  the  seventh  of  January, 
1792 ;  while,  to  guard  against  surprise,  means  were  adopted  to 
learn  the  purpose  of  a  great  council  called  at  Buffalo  Creek, 
and  also  to  ascertain  the  intentions  of  the  tribes  on  the  Wabash 
and  Miami.  While  these  events  were  taking  place  in  the 
north,  "Wilkinson,  commanding  at  Cincinnati,  was  instructed 
to  send  word  to  Major  Ham  tram  ck,  at  Vincennes,  that  the  Gov 
ernment  wished  to  secure  the  agency  of  the  French  colonists 
and  friendly  Indians  in  quelling  the  war  spirit.  In  February, 
also,  further  friendly  messages  were  sent  to  the  Senecas,  and 
an  invitation  forwarded  to  Brant  from  the  Secretary  of  War 
himself  asking  him  to  come  to  Philadelphia. 

In  March  fifty  Iroquois  chiefs  reached  the  Quaker  city  and 
met  in  council  with  the  Americans,  expressing  friendly  senti 
ments,  and  during  April  and  May  Capt.  Trueman  and  others 
were  sent  from  the  Ohio  to  the  hostile  tribes,  bearing  messages 
of  friendship.  But  before  relating  the  unfortunate  issue  of 
Trueman 's  expedition,  I  will  notice  the  movements  made  by 
Congress  in  reference  to  military  preparations,  which  were  to 
be  carried  out  in  case  the  peace  measures  should  fail. 

St.  Clair  resigned  his  position  as  commander  of  the  North 
western  forces  and  Gen.  Wayne  was  appointed  in  his  place,  and 
in  June,  1792,  the  latter  moved  westward  to  Pittsburgh,  and 
proceeded  to  organize  the  army  which  "  was  to  be  the  ultimate 
argument  of  the  American  with  the  Indian  confederation." 

Through  the  summer  of  1792,  the  preparation  of  the  soldiers 
was  steadily  attended  to;  "train  and  discipline  them  for  the 
service  they  are  meant  for,"  said  Washington,  "  and  do  not 
spare  powder  and  lead,  so  the  men  be  made  marksmen."  In 
December,  1792,  the  forces  now  recruited  and  trained,  were 
gathered  at  a  point  about  twenty-two  miles  below  Pitts 
burgh,  on  the  Ohio,  called  Legionville;  the  army  itself  having 
been  denominated  the  Legion  of  the  United  States,  divided 
into  four  sub -legions,  and  provided  with  legionary  and  sub- 
legionary  officers.  Meantime,  at  Fort  Washington,  Wilkinson 
had  succeeded  St.  Clair  as  commandant,  and  in  January  had 


OK,    THE    BORDER    WARS    OF    TWO    CENTURIES.  227 

ordered  an  expedition  to  examine  the  field  of  the  late  disastrous 
conflict. 

This  expedition  reached  the  site  of  St.  Glair's  disastrous 
battle  on  the  first  of  February,  and  found  one  of  the  most, 
horrifying  spectacles  ever  presented  to  human  eyes.  It  was 
evident,  from  what  was  found  there,  that  the  unfortunate 
soldiers  in  St.  Glair's  army  who  fell  into  the  enemy's  hands 
with  life  received  the  greatest  torture — having  their  limbs  torn 
off.  The  women  were  treated  with  the  most  indecent  cruelty, 
having  stakes  as  thick  as  a  person's  arm  driven  through  their 
bodies. 

But  while  Wayne's  army  were  gathering  and  target-shooting 
near  Pittsburgh,  the  peace  measures  of  the  United  States  were 
pressed  with  great  effort.  In  the  first  place,  the  Iroquois, 
through  their  chiefs  who  visited  Philadelphia,  were  induced  to 
act  as  peace-makers  between  the  Americans  and  the  hostile 
Indians;  and,  as  we  have  seen,  Trueman  received  instructions 
to  repair  to  the  Miami  villages  with  friendly  words.  Follow 
ing  is  the  speech  with  which  he  was  charged,  and  which  he 
delivered  to  these  hostile  tribes  : 

Brothers :  The  President  of  the  United  States  entertains  the  opinion 
that  the  war  which  exists  is  founded  in  error  and  mistake  on  your  part. 
That  you  believe  the  United  States  want  to  deprive  you  of  your  lands,  and 
drive  you  out  of  the  country.  Be  assured  this  is  not  so :  on  the  contrary, 
that  we  should  be  greatly  gratified  with  the  opportunity  of  imparting  to 
you  all  the  blessings  of  civilized  life;  of  teaching  you  to  cultivate  the 
earth,  and  raise  corn;  to  raise  oxen,  sheep,  and  other  domestic  animals; 
to  build  comfortable  houses,  and  to  educate  your  children,  so  as  ever  to 
dwell  upon  the  land. 

Brothers :  The  President  of  the  United  States  requests  you  to  take  this 
subject  into  your  serious  consideration,  and  to  reflect  how  abundantly 
more  it  will  be  for  your  interest  to  be  at  peace  with  the  United  States,  and 
to  receive  all  the  benefit  thereof,  than  to  continue  a  war  which,  however 
flattering  it  may  be  to  you  for  a  moment,  must,  in  the  end,  prove  ruinous. 

This  desire  cf  peace  has  not  arisen  in  consequence  of  the  late  defeat  of 
the  troops  under  Major  General  St.  Glair;  because,  in  the  beginning  of  the 
last  year  a  similar  message  was  sent  you  by  Col.  Proctor,  but  who  was 
prevented  from  reaching  you  by  some  insurmountable  difficulties.  All 
the  Senecas  at  Buffalo  Creek  can  witness  for  the  truth  of  this  assertion,  as 
he  held,  during  the  month  of  April  last,  long  conferences  with  them,  to 
devise  the  means  of  getting  to  you  in  safety. 


228  THE    LIVES    OF    PONTIAO    AND    TECUMSEHI 

War,  at  all  times,  is  a  dreadful  evil  to  those  who  are  engaged  therein, 
and  more  particularly  so  where  a  few  people  engage  to  act  against  so  great 
numbers  as  the  people  of  the  United  States. 

Brothers :  Do  not  suffer  the  advantages  you  have  gained  to  mislead 
your  judgment,  and  to  influence  you  to  continue  the  war;  but  reflect  upon 
the  destructive  consequences  which  must  attend  such  a  measure. 

The  President  of  the  United  States  is  highly  desirous  of  seeing  a  number 
of  your  principal  chiefs,  and  convincing  you,  in  person,  how  much  he 
wishes  to  avoid  the  evils  of  war  for  your  sake,  and  the  sake  of  humanity. 
Consult,  therefore,  upon  the  great  object  of  peace;  call  in  your  parties, 
and  enjoin  a  cessation  of  all  other  depredations;  and  as  many  of  the 
principal  chiefs  as  shall  choose,  repair  to  Philadelphia,  the  seat  of  the 
general  government,  and  there  make  a  peace,  founded  upon  the  principles 
of  justice  and  humanity.  Remember  that  no  additional  lands  will  be 
required  of  you,  or  any  other  tribe,  to  those  that  have  been  ceded  by 
former  treaties,  particularly  by  the  tribes  who  had  a  right  to  make  the 
treaty  of  Muskinguin  in  the  year  1789. 

But  if  any  of  your  tribes  can  prove  that  you  have  a  fair  right  to  any 
lands  comprehended  by  the  said  treaty,  and  have  not  been  compensated 
therefor,  you  shall  receive  full  satisfaction  upon  that  head.  The  chiefs 
you  send  shall  be  safely  escorted  to  this  city,  and  shall  be  well  fed  and 
provided  with  all  things  for  their  journey,  and  the  faith  of  the  United 
States  is  hereby  pledged  to  you  for  the  true  and  liberal  performance  of 
every  thing  herein  contained  and  suggested,  and  all  this  is  confirmed  in 
your  manner  by  the  great  white  belt  hereunto  attached. 

But  this  was  not  all.  The  Americans  were  sincere  in  their 
desires  to  conclude  a  permanent  peace  with  the  native  tribes, 
and,  therefore,  Captain  Hendrick,  chief  of  the  Stockbridge 
Indians,  was  dispatched  on  the  eighth  of  May,  to  present  the 
views  of  the  President  to  the  approaching  council  of  the 
Northwestern  Confederacy.  General  Eufus  Putman  was  also 
instructed  to  go  into  the  Indian  country,  in  company  with 
John  Heckewelder,  and  to  do  all  in  his  power  to  secure  peace 
and  a  permanent  treaty.  Following  are  a  few  extracts  from 
the  information  and  orders  which  he  received,  which,  in  addi 
tion  to  the  speech  of  Col.  Trueman,  go  very  far  to  prove  that 
"Washington  was  disposed  to  treat  with  the  savages  on  a  liberal 
basis : 

The  chiefs  of  the  Five  Nations  of  Indians,  who  were  so  long  in  this  city, 
lately,  were  astonished  at  the  moderation  of  our  claim  of  land,  it  being 
very  different  from  what  they  had  been  taught,  by  designing  people,  to 
believe. 


OK,    THE    BORDER    WARS    OF   TWO    CENTURIES.  229 

It  would  seem  that  the  Indians  have  been  misled  with  respect  to  our 
claims,  by  a  certain  map,  published  in  Connecticut,  wherein  are  laid  out 
ten  new  States,  agreeably  to  a  report  of  a  committee  of  Congress. 

The  United  States  are  desirous,  in  any  treaty  which  shall  be  formed  in 
future,  to  avoid  all  causes  of  war,  relative  to  boundaries,  by  fixing  the  same 
in  such  a  manner  as  not  to  be  mistaken  by  the  meanest  capacity.  As  the 
basis,  therefore,  of  your  negotiation,  you  will,  in  the  strongest  and  most 
explicit  terms,  renounce,  on  the  part  of  the  United  States,  all  claim  to  any 
Indian  land  which  shall  not  have  been  ceded  by  fair  [treaties,  made  with 
the  Indian  nations. 

You  may  say — that  we  conceive  the  treaty  of  Fort  Harmar  to  have  been 
formed  by  the  tribes  having  a  just  right  to  make  the  same,  and  that  it  was 
done  with  their  full  understanding  and  free  consent. 

That  if,  however,  the  said  tribes  should  judge  the  compensation  to  have 
been  inadequate  to  the  object,  or  that  any  other  tribes  have  a  just  claim, 
in  both  cases  they  shall  receive  a  liberal  allowance,  on  their  finally  settling 
all  disputes  upon  the  subject. 

As  the  United  States  never  made  any  treaties  with  the  Wabash  Indians, 
although  the  said  Indians  have  been  repeatedly  invited  thereto,  their 
claims  to  the  lands  east  and  south  of  the  said  Wabash  have  not  been 
defined. 

This  circumstance  will  be  a  subject  of  your  inquiry  with  the  assembled 
Indian  tribes;  and  you  may  assure  the  parties  concerned,  that  an  equita 
ble  boundary  shall  be  arranged  with  them. 

You  will  make  it  clearly  understood,  that  we  want  not  a  foot  of  their 
land,  and  that  it  is  theirs,  and  theirs  only;  that  they  have  the  right  to  sell, 
and  the  right  to  refuse  to  sell,  and  the  United  States  will  guarantee  to  them 
the  said  just  right. 

That  it  is  not  only  the  sincere  desire  of  the  United  States  to  be  at  peace 
with  all  the  neighboring  Indian  tribes,  but  to  protect  them  in  their  just 
rights,  against  lawless,  violent  white  people.  If  such  should  commit  any 
injury  on  the  person  or  property  of  a  peaceable  Indian,  they  will  be 
regarded  equally  as  the  enemies  of  the  general  government  as  the  Indians, 
and  will  be  punished  accordingly. 

Your  first  great  object,  upon  meeting  the  Indians,  will  be  to  convince 
them  that  the  United  States  require  none  of  their  lands. 

The  second,  that  we  shall  guaranty  all  that  remain,  and  take  the  Indians 
under  our  protection. 

Thirdly;  they  must  agree  to  the  truce,  and  immediately  to  call  in  all 
their  war  parties.  It  will  be  in  vain  to  be  negotiating  with  them  while 
they  shall  be  murdering  the  frontier  citizens. 

Having  happily  effected  a  truce,  founded  on  the  above  assurances,  it  will 
then  be  your  primary  endeavor  to  obtain  from  each  of  the  hostile  and 
neighboring  tribes  two  of  the  most  respectable  chiefs,  to  repair  to  the  seat 
of  government,  and  there  conclude  a  treaty  with  the  President  of  the 
United  States,  in  which  all  causes  of  difference  should  be  buried  forever. 

You  will  give  the  chiefs  every  assurance  of  personal  protection,  while 


230  THE    LIVES    OF   PONTIAC    AND   TECUMSEH: 

on  their  journey  to  Philadelphia,  and,  should  they  insist  upon  it,  hostages 
of  officers  for  the  safe  return  of  the  chiefs,  and,  in  case  of  their  compli 
ance,  you  will  take  every  precaution  by  the  troops  for  the  protection  of  the 
said  chiefs,  which  the  nature  of  the  case  may  require. 

But  if,  after  having  used  your  utmost  exertions,  the  chiefs  should  decline 
the  journey  to  Philadelphia,  then  you  will  agree  with  them  on  a  plan  for 
a  general  treaty,* 

As  already  mentioned,  Brant,  the  Mohawk  chieftain,  had 
been  requested  to  visit  Philadelphia  and  hold  a  conference  with 
Washington.  The  English,  on  hearing  this,  did  all  in  their 
power  to  prevent  him  from  complying  with  the  request.  Bat 
this  independent  chief  would  not  listen  to  their  representations, 
and  on  the  twentieth  of  June  appeared  at  the  Federal  Capital. 
He  remained  there  ten  or  twelve  days,  and  was  treated  by  all 
with  marked  attention.  Great  pains  were  taken  to  give  him 
a  correct  understanding  of  affairs,  but  he  left  the  American 
Capital  still  an  Englishman  at  heart. 

Notwithstanding  the  liberal  terms  offered,  and  that  different 
peace-makers  were  sent  into  the  Indian  country,  all  proposi 
tions  for  peace  were  rejected  in  one  form  or  another.  The 
recent  victories  which  the  savages  had  gained,  and  the  favora 
ble  representations  of  English  agents,  closed  the  ears  of  the 
red  men,  and,  no  doubt,  led  them  to  murder  the  peace  deputies 
whose  fate  I  now  proceed  to  record. 

*  American  State  Papers,  v.  234,  236. 


CHAPTER    XXVIII. 

FATE  OF  THE  PEACE-MAKERS  —  GREAT  COUNCIL  OF  THE  MAUMEE — 
PROPOSITIONS  OF  PEACE  REJECTED  BY  THE  INDIANS  —  WAYNE 
MARCHES  INTO  THE  INDIAN  COUNTRY  —  THE  SKULLS  ON  ST.  GLAIR'S 
BATTLEFIELD — FORT  RECOVERY  ESTABLISHED. 

THE  FATE  of  those  who  were  sent  out  to  induce  the  Indians 
to  measures  of  peace,  may  be  imagined.  Freeman,  who  left 
Fort  Washington  on  the  seventh  of  April;  Trueman,  who  left 
on  the  twenty-second  of  May,  for  the  Maumee,  and  Col.  Har- 
din,  who,  on  the  same  day,  started  for  Sandusky,  were  all 
murdered.  Brant  did  not  attend  the  Western  Council,  although 
he  had  agreed  to  in  Philadelphia.  Hendricks  gave  his  message 
into  the  hands  of  Col.  McKee,  and  kept  away  from  the  gath 
ering  of  the  confederated  nations,  and  of  the  three  messengers, 
Trueman,  Hendricks  and  Putnam,  Putnam  alone  reached  his 
destination.  He  formed  a  treaty  with  several  of  the  Wabash 
tribes,  but,  as  it  was  not  ratified  by  Congress,  it  proved  of  no 
avail. 

Indian  councils  were  now  in  order — councils  where  Indians 
met  Indians,  and  where  no  white  man  intruded  himself. 
Probably  the  largest  Indian  council  ever  held  was  at  the  mouth 
of  the  River  Auglaize,  in  1792.  It  was  assembled  through 
the  influence  of  the  Iroquois,  but  did  not  accomplish  the  de 
sired  result.  Besides,  the  New  York,  Western  and  Canadian 
Indians,  there  were  present  twenty-seven  other  nations.  At 
this  council  the  boundary  line  between  the  Americans  and 
Indians  was  fully  discussed,  and  all  agreed  that  it  must  not 
extend  north  of  the  Ohio.  However,  nothing  was  fully  resolved, 
the  council  agreeing  to  assemble  again  in  the  following  spring. 
This  meeting  took  place,  and  both  the  Americans  and  the 
Indians  were  fully  represented.  The  United  States  Commis- 

(231) 


THE    LIVES    OF    PONTIAO    AND    TECUMSEHI 

sioners  laid  before  the  savages  a  plan  for  the  settlement  of  all 
difficulties,  but  it  proved  dissatisfactory.  The  speech  which 
'was  submitted  by  the  Confederated  Nations  in  reply  to  the 
commissioners,  and  which  put  an  end  to  all  negotiations,  and 
opened  the  way  for  another  bloody  contest,  is  of  such  import 
ance  as  to  merit  preservation  in  this  volume.  It  was  in  these 
words : 

To  the  Commissioners  of  the  United  States.  —  Brothers :  We  have  received 
your  speech,  dated  the  thirty-first  of  last  month,  and  it  has  been  inter 
preted  to  all  the  different  nations.  We  have  been  long  in  sending  you  an 
answer  because  of  the  great  importance  of  the  subject.  But  we  now 
answer  it  fully,  having  given  it  all  the  consideration  in  our  power. 

Brothers :  You  tell  us  that  after  you  had  made  peace  with  the  King,  our 
father,  about  ten  years  ago,  "it  remained  to  make  peace  between  the 
United  States  and  the  Indian  nations  who  had  taken  part  with  the  King. 
For  this  purpose  commissioners  were  appointed,  who  sent  messages  to  all 
those  Indian  nations,  inviting  them  to  come  and  make  peace,"  and  after 
reciting  the  periods  at  which  you  say  treaties  were  held  at  Fort  Stanwix, 
Fort  Mclntosh  and  Miami,  all  which  treaties,  according  to  your  own 
acknowledgment,  were  for  the  sole  purpose  of  making  peace,  you  then 
say,  "  Brothers,  the  commissioners  who  conducted  these  treaties  in  behalf 
of  the  United  States  sent  the  papers  containing  them  to  the  general 
council  of  the  States,  who,  supposing  them  satisfactory  to  the  nations 
treated  with,  proceeded  to  dispose  of  the  lands  thereby  ceded." 

Brothers:  This  is  telling  us  plainly  what  we  always  understood  to  be 
the  case,  and  it  agrees  with  the  declarations  of  those  few  who  attended 
those  treaties,  viz.:  That  they  went  to  your  commissioners  to  make  peace; 
but,  through  fear,  were  oblige  to  sign  any  paper  that  was  laid  before  them,, 
and  it  has  since  appeared  that  deeds  of  cession  were  signed  by  them,  in 
stead  of  treaties  of  peace. 

Brothers :  You  then  say,  "  after  some  time  it  appears  that  a  number  of" 
people  in  your  nations  were  dissatisfied  with  the  treaties  of  Fort  Mclntosh 
and  Miami ;  therefore,  the  council  of  the  United  States  appointed  Gov. 
St.  Clair  their  commissioner,  with  full  power,  for  the  purpose  of  removing 
all  causes  of  controversy,  relating  to  trade,  and  settling  boundaries,  between 
the  Indian  nations  in  the  northern  department  and  the  United  States.  He 
accordingly  sent  messages,  inviting  all  the  nations  concerned  to  meet  him 
at  a  council  fire  he  kindled  at  the  Falls  of  the  Muskingum.  While  he  was 
waiting  for  them  some  mischief  happened  at  that  place  and  the  fire  was 
put  out;  so  he  kindled  a  council  fire  at  Fort  Harmar,  where  near  six  hun 
dred  Indians  of  different  nations  attended.  The  Six  Nations  then  renewed 
and  confirmed  the  treaty  of  Fort  Stanwix,  and  the  Wyandots  and  Dela- 
wares  renewed  and  confirmed  the  treaty  of  Fort  Mclntosh ;  some  Ottawas^ 
Chippewas,  Pottawatomies  and  Sacs  were  also  parties  to  the  treaty  of  Fort 


OR,  THE  BORDER  WARS  OF  TWO  CENTURIES.        233 

Harmar."  Now,  brothers,  these  are  your  words,  and  it  is  necessary  for  us 
to  make  a  short  reply  to  them. 

Brothers :  A  general  council  of  all  the  Indian  confederacy  was  held,  as 
you  well  know,  in  the  fall  of  the  year  1788,  at  this  place,  and  that  general 
council  was  invited  by  your  commissioner,  Gov.  St.  Clair,  to  meet  him  for 
the  purpose  of  holding  a  treaty,  with  regard  to  the  lands  mentioned 
by  you  to  have  been  ceded  by  the  treaties  of  Fort  Stanwix  and  Fort 
Mclntosh. 

Brothers :  We  are  in  possession  of  the  speeches  and  letters  which  passed 
on  that  occasion  between  those  deputed  by  the  confederated  Indians  and 
Gov.  St.  Clair,  the  commissioner  of  the  United  States.  These  papers  prove 
that  your  said  commissioner,  in  the  beginning  of  the  year  1789,  and  after 
having  been  informed  by  the  general  council  of  the  preceding  fall,  that 
no  bargain  or  sale  of  any  part  of  these  Indian  lands  would  be  considered 
as  valid  or  binding  unless  agreed  to  by  a  general  council,  nevertheless 
persisted  in  collecting  together  a  few  chiefs  of  two  or  three  nations  only, 
and  with  them  held  a  treaty  for  th^  cession  of  an  immense  country,  in 
which  they  were  no  more  interested,  than  as  a  branch  of  the  general  con- 
federacy,  and  who  were  in  no  manner  authorized  to  make  any  grant  or 
concession  whatever. 

Brothers:  How  then  was  it  possible  for  you  to  expect  to  enjoy  peace, 
and  quietly  to  hold  these  lands,  when  your  commissioner  was  informed, 
long  before  he  had  the  treaty  of  Fort  Harmar,  that  the  consent  of  a  gen 
eral  council  was  absolutely  necessary  to  convey  any  part  of  these  lands  to 
the  United  States.  The  part  of  these  lands  which  the  United  States  now 
wish  us  to  relinquish  and  which  you  say  are  settled,  have  been  sold  by  the 
United  States  since  that  time. 

Brothers :  You  say  "  the  United  States  wish  to  have  confirmed  all  the 
lands  ceded  to  them  by  the  treaty  of  Fort  Harmar,  and  also  a  small  tract 
at  the  rapids  of  the  Ohio,  claimed  by  Gen.  Clark,  for  the  use  of  himself 
and  his  warriors.  And,  in  consideration  thereof,  the  United  States  would 
give  such  a  large  sum  of  money  or  goods  as  v/as  never  given,  at  any  one 
time,  for  any  quantity  of  Indian  lands,  since  the  white  people  first  set 
their  feet  on  this  island.  And,  because  these  lands  did  every  year  furnish 
you  with  skins  and  furs,  with  which  you  bought  clothing  and  other  neces 
saries,  the  United  States  will  now  furnish  the  like  constant  supplies.  And, 
therefore,  besides  the  great  sum  to  be  delivered  at  once,  they  will  every 
year  deliver  you  a  large  quantity  of  such  goods  as  are  best  fitted  to  the 
wants  of  yourselves,  your  women  and  children." 

Brothers :  Money  to  us  is  of  no  value,  and  to  most  of  us  unknown ;  and, 
as  no  consideration  whatever  can  induce  us  to  sell  the  lands  on  which  we 
get  sustenance  for  our  women  and  children,  we  hope  we  maybe  allowed  to 
point  out  a  mode  by  which  your  settlers  may  be  easily  removed,  and  peace 
thereby  obtained. 

Brothers :  We  know  that  these  settlers  are  poor,  or  they  would  never 
have  ventured  to  live  in  a  country  which  has  been  in  continual  trouble- 
ever  since  they  crossed  the  Ohio.  Divide,  therefore,  this  large  sum  of 


234  THE    LIVES    OF    PONTIAC    AND    TECUMSEH: 

money,  which  you  have  offered  to  us,  among  these  people.  Give  to  each, 
also,  a  proportion  of  what  you  say  you  would  give  to  us,  annually,  over 
and  above  this  very  large  sum  of  money ;  and,  as  we  are  persuaded,  they 
would  most  readily  accept  of  it  in  lieu  of  the  land  you  sold  them.  If  you 
add,  also,  the  great  sums  you  must  expend  in  raising  and  paying  armies, 
with  a  view  to  force  us  to  yield  you  our  country,  you  will  certainly  have 
more  than  sufficient  for  the  purpose  of  repaying  these  settlers  for  all  their 
labor  and  their  improvements. 

Brothers:  You  have  talked  to  us  about  concessions.  It  appears  strange 
that  you  should  expect  any  from  us  who  have  only  been  defending  our 
just  rights  against  your  invasions.  We  want  peace.  Restore  to  us  our 
country  and  we  shall  be  enemies  no  longer. 

Brothers :  You  make  one  concession  to  us  by  offering  us  your  money, 
and  another  by  having  agreed  to  do  us  justice,  after  having  long  and 
injuriously  withheld  it;  we  mean  in  the  acknowledgment  you  now  have 
made,  that  the  King  of  England  never  did,  nor  never  had  a  right  to  give 
you  our  country,  by  the  treaty  of  peace.  And  you  want  to  make  this  act 
of  common  justice  a  great  part  of  your  concessions,  and  seem  to  expect 
that,  because  you  have  at  last  acknowledged  our  independence,  we  should 
for  such  a  favor,  surrender  to  you  our  country. 

Brothers :  You  have  talked,  also,  a  great  deal  about  pre-emption,  and 
your  exclusive  right  to  purchase  Indian  lands,  as  ceded  to  you  by  the 
king  at  the  treaty  of  peace. 

Brothers :  We  never  made  any  agreement  with  the  king,  nor  with  any 
other  nation,  that  we  would  give  to  either  the  exclusive  right  of  purchasing 
our  lands ;  and  we  declare  to  you  that  we  consider  ourselves  free  to  make 
any  bargain  or  cession  of  lands,  whenever  and  to  whomsoever  we  please. 
If  the  white  people,  as  you  say,  made  a  treaty  that  none  of  them  but  the 
king  should  purchase  of  us,  and  that  he  has  given  that  right  to  the  United 
States,  it  is  an  affair  which  concerns  you  and  him,  and  not  us;  we  have 
never  parted  with  such  a  power. 

Brothers :  At  our  general  council,  held  at  the  Glaize  last  fall,  we  agreed 
to  meet  commissioners  from  the  United  States,  for  the  purpose  of  restoring 
peace,  provided  they  consented  to  acknowledge  and  confirm  our  boundary 
line  to  be  the  Ohio,  and  we  determined  not  to  meet  you,  until  you  gave  us 
satisfaction  on  that  point;  that  is  the  reason  we  have  never  met. 

We  desire  you  to  consider,  brothers,  that  our  only  demand  is  the  peace 
able  possession  of  a  small  part  of  our  once  great  country.  Look  back  and 
review  the  lands  from  whence  we  have  been  driven  to  this  spot.  We  can 
retreat  no  farther,  because  the  country  behind  hardly  affords  food  for  its 
inhabitants;  and  we  have,  therefore,  resolved  to  leave  our  bones  in  this 
small  space  to  which  we  are  now  confined. 

Brothers:  We  shall  be  persuaded  that  you  mean  to  do  us  justice,  if  you 
agree  that  the  Ohio  shall  remain  the  boundary  line  between  us.  If  you 
will  not  consent  thereto,  our  meeting  will  be  altogether  unnecessary.  This 
is  the  great  point  which  we  hoped  would  have  been  explained  before  you 


OR,  THE  BOEDER  WARS  OF  TWO  CENTURIES.        2B5 

left  your  homes,  as  our  message,  last  fall,  was  principally  directed  to 
obtain  that  information. 

Done  in  general  council,  at  the  foot  of  the  Maumee  Rapids,  the  thir 
teenth  day  of  August,  1793. 

Nations. 

WYANDOTS,  MIAMIS,  MOHICANS, 

SEVEN  NATIONS,  OTTAWAS,  CONNOYS, 

of  Canada,        POTTAWATOMIES,  MESSASAGOES, 

DELA  WARES,  SENECAS,  O  JIB  WAS, 

^TANTAKOKIES,  SHAWANOES,  MUNSEES. 

CREEKS,  CHEROKEES, 

This  communication  closed  the  attempts  of  the  United 
States  to  make  peace.  Wayne  had  pushed  forward  his  prepa 
rations,  but  was  still  at  "Hobson's  choice,"  near  Fort 
Washington.  On  the  fifth  of  October,  1793,  he  wrote  to  the 
Secretary  of  War  saying  that  he  could  not  hope  to  have  more 
than  two  thousand  six  hundred  regular  troops,  three  hundred 
and  sixty  mounted  volunteers,  and  thirty-six  guides  and  spies 
to  go  with  him  into  the  country  of  the  enemy.  Yet  he  was 
hopeful,  and  thought  with  this  force  he  would  conquer  the 
enemy.  On  the  seventh  of  the  same  month,  the  leigon  left 
Cincinnati,  and  upon  the  thirteenth,  without  any  accident, 
encamped  in  a  strong  position.  Here,  upon  the  twenty -fourth 
of  October,  he  was  joined  by  one  thousand  mounted  Kentucky 
volunteers  under  Gen.  Scott,  to  whom  he  had  written  pressing 
requests  to  hasten  forward  with  all  the  men  he  could  muster. 
This  request  Scott  hastened  to  comply  with,  and  the  Governor, 
upon  the  twenty-eighth  of  September,  had  ordered,  in  addition, 
a  draft  of  militia.  The  Kentucky  troops,  however,  were  soon 
dismissed  again,  until  spring;  but  their  march  had  not  been  in 
vain,  for  they  had  seen  enough  of  Wayne's  army  to  give  them 
confidence  in  it  and  in  him;  and  upon  their  return  home, 
spread  that  confidence  abroad,  so  that  the  full  number  of  vol 
unteers  was  easily  procured  in  the  spring."* 

The  troops  had  been  attacked  once  previous  to  the  twenty- 
third  of  October,  within  seven  miles  of  Fort  St.  Glair,  and 
Lieut.  Lowery  and  Ensign  BOY!>  with  thirteen  others,  were 
killed.  Although  so  little  opposition  had  thus  far  been 

*  Western  Annals. 


236  THE   LIVES    OF    PONTIAC    AND   TECUMSEHJ 

encountered,  General  Wayne  •  determined  to  stay  where  he 
was,  for  the  winter,  and  having  seventy  thousand  rations  on  hand 
in  October,  with  the  prospect  of  one  hundred  and  twenty  thou 
sand  more,  while  the  Indians  were  sure  to  be  short  of  provisions, 
he  proceeded  to  fortify  his  position ;  which  he  named  Fort  Green 
ville,  arid  which  was  situated  upon  the  spot  now  occupied  by 
the  town  of  that  name.  This  being  done  on  the  twenty-third 
or  twenty-fourth  of  December,  a  detachment  was  sent  forward 
to  take  possession  of  the  field  of  St.  Glair's  defeat.  They 
arrived  upon  the  spot  upon  Christmas  day.  "  Six  hundred 
skulls,"  says  one  present,  "  were  gathered  up  and  buried ;  when 
we  went  to  lay  down  in  our  tents  at  night,  we  had  to  scrape 
the  bones  together  and  carry  them  out,  to  make  our  beds.* 
Here  they  built  Fort  Recovery,  which  was  properly  garrisoned 
and  placed  under  the  command  of  Capt.  Alexander  Gibson. 

During  the  early  months  of  1794,  Wayne  was  steadily 
engaged  in  preparing  everything  for  a  sure  blow  when  the  time 
came,  and  by  means  of  Capt.  Gibson  and  his  various  spies, 
kept  himself  informed  of  the  plans  and  movements  of  the  sav 
ages.  All  his  information  showed  the  faith  in  British  assistance 
which  still  animated  the  doomed  race  of  red  men. 

*  American  Pioneer.     Western  Annals. 


CHAPTER    XXIX. 

GENERAL  WAYNE'S  BATTLE  ON  THE  BANKS  OP  THE  MAUMEE — POSI 
TION  OF  THE  AMERICAN  AND  INDIAN  FORCES  —  THE  VICTORY — NEW 
FORTS  ERECTED  —  DESTRUCTION  OF  INDIAN  DWELLINGS  —  THE  INDI 
ANS  SUE  FOR  PEACE  —  THE  TREATY  OF  GREENVILLE. 

AT  FORT  RECOVERY,  on  the  thirtieth  of  June,  1794,  the 
advanced  American  post  was  assailed  by  Little  Turtle,  at  the 
head  of  fifteen  hundred  warriors.  Such  was  their  answer  to 
the  messages  of  peace  which  the  American  gcvernment  had 
sent  among  them — and,  although  repelled,  the  assailants  rallied 
and  returned  to  the  charge,  and  kept  up  the  attack  through  the 
whole  of  the  day.  Among  the  Indians  were  a  large  number 
of  British,*  who  were  aiding  them,  and  who,  it  would  seem, 
expected  to  find  the  artillery  captured  from  St.  Clair  on  the 
fourth  of  the  previous  November;  but,  fortunately,  the  Amer 
icans  had  already  discovered  them,  and  they  were  now  used  in 
defending  Fort  Recovery. 

On  the  twenty-sixth  of  July,  Scott  with  some  sixteen  hun 
dred  mounted  men  from  Kentucky,  joined  Wayne  at  Greenville, 
and  on  the  twenty-eighth  the  whole  legion  moved  forward. 
On  the  eighth  of  August,  the  army  reached  the  Grand  Glaize, 
near4*  the  junction  of  the  Maumee  and  Auglaize,  and  at  once 
proceeded  to  build  Fort  Defiance.f  While  engaged  upon  this 
for t,* Wayne  received  full  information  of  the  movements  of  the 
Indians,  and  the  aid  they  were  to  receive  from  the  volunteers 
of  rfetroit  and  elsewhere,  and,  after  considering  the  situation 
of  affairs,  he  determined  to  march  forward  and  strike  the  blow 
at  once.  But,  however,  before  taking  this  step,  he  sent  a  special 

*  General  Wayne's  Report.    American  State  Papers. 

f  American  Pioneer.    Western  Annals. 

(237) 


238  THE    LIVES   OF    PONTIAC    AND    TECUMSEHI 

messenger  to  the  hostile  Indians,  with  the  following  last  offer 
of  peace: 

To  the  Delawares,  Shawanoes,  Miamis  and  Wyandots,  and  to  each  and  every 
of  them,  and  to  all  other  nations  of  Indians,  northwest  of  the  Ohio,  whom 
it  may  concern : 

I,  Anthony  Wayne,  Major-General  and  Coinmander-in-Chief  of  the  Fed 
eral  army  now  at  Grand  Glaize,  and  commissioner  plenipotentiary  of  the 
United  States  of  America,  for  settling  the  terms  upon  which  a  permanent 
and  lasting  peace  shall  be  made  with  each  and  every  of  the  hostile  tribes, 
or  nations  of  Indians  northwest  of  the  Ohio,  and  of  the  said  United  States, 
actuated  by  the  purest  principles  of  humanity,  and  urged  by  pity  for  the 
errors  into  which  bad  and  designing  men  have  led  you,  from  the  head  of 
my  army,  now  in  possession  of  your  abandoned  villages  and  settlements, 
do  hereby  once  more  extend  the  friendly  hand  of  peace  towards  you,  and 
invite  each  and  every  of  the  hostile  tribes  of  Indians  to  appoint  deputies 
to  meet  me  and  my  army,  without  delay,  between  this  place  and  Roche  de 
Bout,  in  order  to  settle  the  preliminaries  of  a  lasting  peace,  which  may 
eventually  and  soon  restore  to  you,  the  Delawares,  Miamis,  Shawanoes 
and  all  other  tribes  and  nations  lately  settled  at  this  place,  and  on  the 
margins  of  the  Miami  and  Auglaize  rivers,  your  late  grounds  and  posses 
sions,  and  to  preserve  you  and  your  distressed  and  hapless  women  and 
children  from  danger  and  famine,  during  the  present  fall  and  ensuing 
winter. 

The  arm  of  the  United  States  is  strong  and  powerful,  but  they  love  mercy 
and  kindness  more  than  war  and  desolation. 

And  to  remove  any  doubts  or  apprehensions  of  danger  to  the  persons  of 
the  deputies  whom  you  may  appoint  to  meet  this  army,  I  hereby  pledge 
my  sacred  honor  for  their  safety  and  return,  and  send  Christopher  Miller, 
an  adopted  Shawanoe,  and  a  Shawanoe  warrior,  whom  I  took  prisoner  two 
days  ago,  as  a  flag,  who  will  advance  in  their  front  to  meet  me. 

Mr.  Miller  was  taken  prisoner  by  a  party  of  my  warriors,  six  moons 
since,  and  can  testify  to  you  the  kindness  which  I  have  shown  to  your 
people,  my  prisoners,  that  is,  five  warriors  and  two  women,  who  are  now 
all  safe  and  well  at  Greenville. 

But,  should  this  invitation  be  disregarded,  and  my  flag,  Mr.  Miller,  be 
detained  or  injured,  I  will  immediately  order  all  those  prisoners  to  be  put 
to  death,  without  distinction,  and  some  of  them  are  known  to  belong  to 
the  first  families  of  jrour  nation. 

Brothers :  Be  no  longer  deceived  or  led  astray  by  the  false  promises  and 
language  of  the  bad  white  men  at  the  foot  of  the  Rapids ;  they  have 
neither  power  nor  inclination  to  protect  you.  No  longer  shut  your  eyes 
to  your  true  interest  and  happiness,  nor  your  ears  to  this  overture  of  peace. 
But,  in  pity  to  your  innocent  women  and  children,  come  and  prevent  the 
further  effusion  of  your  blood ;  let  them  experience  the  kindness  and 
friendship  of  the  United  States  of  America,  and  the  invaluable  blessings 
of  peace  and  tranquility.  ANTHONY  WAYNE. 

GRAND  GLAIZE,  August  13th,  1794. 


OR,    THE    BORDER    WARS    OF    TWO    CENTURIES. 

But  Wayne  did  not  remain  idle  waiting  for  an  answer,  but 
moved  on  with  his  troops,  and  on  the  sixteenth  of  August  he 
met  his  messengers  returning  with  information  that  if  the 
Americans  would  wait  ten  days  the  Indians  would  decide  for 
peace  or  war.  Wayne  replied  to  this  by  marching  rapidly 
forward. 

After  advancing  forty-one  miles  from  Grand  Glaize,  and 
being  near  the  expected  enemy,  Wayne,  on  the  eighteenth, 
halted  his  army  and  began  the  erection  of  Fort  Deposit,  which 
was  intended  as  a  protection  to  the  baggage  during  the 
expected  battle.  On  the  same  day  five  of  Wayne's  spies,  among 
whom  was  May,  the  man  who  had  been  sent  after  Trueman, 
and  who  had  pretended  to  desert  to  the  Indians,  rode  into  the 
very  camp  of  the  enemy;  in  attempting  to  retreat  again,  May's 
horse  fell  and  he  was  taken.  The  following  day,  the  day  before 
the  battle,  he  was  tied  to  a  tree  and  shot  at  as  a  target.* 

On  the  twentieth  Wayne's  forces  moved  down  the  north 
bank  of  the  Maumee,  the  legion  on  its  right,  the  flank  covered 
by  the  Maumee;  one  brigade  of  mounted  volunteers  on  the 
left,  under  Brigadier-General  Todd,  and  the  other  in  the  rear 
under  Brigadier-General  Barbee.  A  select  battalion  of  mounted 
volunteers  moved  in  front  of  the  legion,  commanded  by  Major 
Price,  who  was  directed  to  keep  sufficiently  advanced  so  as  to 
give  timely  notice  for  the  troops  to  form  in  case  of  action. 
Having  advanced  about  five  miles,  Major  Price's  corps  received 
a  very  severe  fire  from  the  enemy,  who  were  secreted  in  the 
woods  and  high  grass.  After  a  short  contest  the  advanced 
guard  retreated.  The  legion  was  immediately  formed  into 
two  lines  in  the  midst  of  a  close,  thick  woods,  which  extended 
for  a  considerable  distance  on  either  hand.  The  ground  was 
covered  with  fallen  timber,  probably  occasioned  by  a  tornador 
which  rendered  it  impracticable  for  the  cavalry  to  act  with 
effect,'  and  afforded  the  enemy  a  favorable  opportunity  for 
their  peculiar  mode  of  fighting. 

The  savages  were  formed  into  three  lines,  within  supporting 
distance  of  each  other,  and  extending  nearly  two  miles  at  right 
angles  with  the  river.  Wayne  soon  discovered,  from  tho 

*  American  Pioneer — Western  Annals. 


240  THE   LIVES    OF    PONTIAC    AND    TECUMSEH: 

weight  of  the  fire  and  extent  of  the  Indian  lines,  that  the 
enemy  were  in  full  force  in  front,  in  possession  of  their  favorite 
ground,  and  endeavoring  to  turn  his  left  flank.  He  therefore 
gave  orders  for  the  second  line  to  advance  and  support  the 
first,  and  directed  Major-General  Scott  to  gain  and  turn  the 
right  flank  of  the  savages  with  the  whole  of  the  mounted  vol 
unteers,  by  a  circuitous  route.  At  the  same  time  the  General 
ordered  the  front  line  to  advance  and  charge  with  trailed  arms 
and  rouse  the  Indians  from  their  coverts  at  the  point  of  the 
bayonet,  and  when  up  to  deliver  a  close  and  well  directed  fire 
on  their  backs,  followed  by  a  brisk  charge,  so  as  not  to  give 
them  time  to  load  again. 

Wayne  also  ordered  Captain  Campbell,  who  commanded  the 
legionary  cavalry,  to  turn  the  left  flank  of  the  enemy  next  to 
the  river.  All  these  orders  were  obeyed  with  spirit  and 
promptness.  Such  was  the  effect  of  the  charge  by  the  first 
line  of  infantry  that  the  Indians  and  Canadian  militia  and 
volunteers  were  driven  from  their  strongholds  before  the 
second  line  of  the  legion  and  the  mounted  volunteers  could 
get  up  to  participate  in  the  action.  The  enemy  was  driven,  in 
the  course  of  one  hour,  more  than  two  miles  through  the  thick 
woods  already  mentioned,  by  less  than  one-half  their  number. 
From  every  account  the  Indians  amounted  to  two  thousand 
combatants.  The  troops  actually  engaged  against  them  were 
short  of  nine  hundred.  This  horde  of  savages,  with  their 
allies,  abandoned  themselves  to  flight,  and  dispersed  with 
terror  and  dismay,  leaving  Wayne's  victorious  army  in  full 
and  quiet  possession  of  the  field  of  battle. 

In  reporting  the  battle  to  the  Secretary  of  War,  Wayne  says, 
"  the  bravery  and  conduct  of  every  officer  belonging  to  the 
army,  from  the  Generals  down  to  the  ensigns,  merit  my  highest 
approbation."  The  loss  in  killed  and  wounded  was  much 
heavier  on  the  side  of  the  enemy  than  in  Wayne's  army.*  For 
a  considerable  distance  the  woods  were  strewn  with  the  dead 
bodies  of  Indians  and  their  white  auxiliaries.  The  Americans 

*  The  loss  of  the  Americans  in  this  action  was  thirty-three  killed  and 
one  hundred  wounded,  including  twenty-one  officers,  of  whom  only  five 
were  killed. — ED. 


OR,  THE  BORDER  WARS  OF  TWO  CENTURIES.        241 

remained  three  days  and  nights  on  the  banks  of  the  river 
Manmee,  in  front  of  the  field  of  battle,  during  which  all  the 
houses  and  cornfields  were  consumed  and  destroyed  for  a  long 
distance  both  above  and  below  Fort  Miami,  as  well  as  within 
pistol  shot  of  the  British  garrison. 

The  army  returned  to  Fort  Defiance  on  the  twenty-seventh, 
laying  waste  in  its  return  march  the  villages  and  cornfields 
for  about  fifty  miles  on  either  side  of  the  Maumee.  Here 
Wayne  remained  until  the  fourteenth  of  September,  strength 
ening  the  works.  On  this  date  he  marched  for  the  Miami 
villages  at  the -junction  of  the  St.  Joseph  and  St.  Mary,  to 
build  Fort  Wayne,  which  was  named  by  Col.  Hamtramck,  who 
was  placed  in  command  of  this  post  on  the  twenty-second  of 
October. 

On  the  twenty-eighth  of  October  the  legion  began  its  return 
march  to  Greenville,  leaving  the  posts  it  had  established  well 
fortified  and  strongly  garrisoned.  The  British  now,  to  a  great 
measure,  withheld  their  support  from  the  Indians,  and  the 
latter  soon  began  to  sue  for  peace.  On  the  twenty-eighth  of 
December,  1794,  the  chiefs  of  the  Chippewas,  (Ojibwas)  Otta- 
was,  Sacs,  Pottawatomies,  and  Miamis,  came  to  Col.  Plam- 
tramck,  the  commandant  at  Fort  Wayne,  with  peace  messages, 
.and  on  the  twenty-fourth  of  January,  1795,  at  Greenville,  they 
entered,  together  with  the  Delawares,  Wyandots  and  Shawanoes, 
into  preliminary  articles  with  the  Commander-in-Chief.  The 
truth  was,  the  red  men  had  been  entirely  disappointed  in  the 
conduct  of  their  white  allies  after  their  defeat  on  the  previous 
August.  Brant,  in  giving  his  feelings  on  this  matter,  said 
that  a  fort  had  been  built  in  their  country  under  pretence  of 
giving  refuge  in  case  of  necessity,  but  when  that  time  came 
the  gates  were  shut  against  them  as  enemies.  .During  the 
winter,  Wayne  having  entirely  laid  waste  their  fertile  fields, 
the  poor  savages  were  wholly  dependent  on  the  English,  who 
did  not  half  supply  them ;  their  cattle  and  dogs  died,  and  they 
were  themselves  nearly  starved.  Under  these  circumstances, 
losing  faith  in  the  English,  and  at  last  impressed  with  a  respect 
for  American  power,  the  various  tribes,  by  degrees,  made  up 
their  minds  to  ask  for  peace.  During  the  winter  and  spring 
16 


242  THE    LIVES    OF    PONTIAC    AND    TECUMSEH! 

they  exchanged  prisoners  and  prepared  to  meet  Wayne  at 
Greenville,  in  June,  for  the  purpose  of  forming  a  definite 
treaty  founded  upon  the  preliminaries  which  had  been  estab 
lished  on  the  previous  January,  of  which  mention  has  already 
been  made. 

Accordingly,  early  in  June,  1795,  the  representatives  of  the 
Northwestern  tribes  began  to  gather  at  Greenville,  and  on  the 
sixteenth  of  that  month  General  Wayne  met  in  council  the 
Delawares,  Ottawas,  Pottawatomies,  and  Eel  River  Indians. 
The  council  continued  until  the  tenth  of  August.  Soon  after 
the  council  opened  other  noted  chiefs  began  to  arrive.  Among 
these  were  Buckongehelas,  Little  Turtle,  Tarke,  Blue  Jacket, 
and  Masass.  They  had  all  determined  to  make  a  permanent 
peace  with  the  "Thirteen  Fire,"  and  upon  the  thirtieth  of  July 
the  treaty  was  agreed  upon,  which  was  to  bury  the  hatchet 
forever.  It  was  signed  by  all  the  nations  present,  and  the 
presents  from  the  United  States  distributed  forthwith. 

This  treaty  which,  perhaps,  is  the  most  important  one  ever 
made  between  the  red  men  of  the  forest  and  the  Americans, 
contained  the  following  provisions  :* 

ART.  1.    Hostilities  were  to  cease. 

ART.  2.    All  prisoners  were  to  be  restored. 

ART.  3.  The  general  boundary  lines  between  the  lands  of  the  United 
States  and  the  lands  of  the  said  Indian  tribes,  shall  begin  at  the  mouth  of 
Cuyahoga  river,  and  run  thence  up  the  same  to  the  portage  between  that 
and  the  Tuscarawas  branch  of  the  Muskingum ;  thence  down  that  branch 
to  the  crossing  place  above  Fort  Lawrence ;  thence  westwardly,  to  a  fork 
of  that  branch  of  the  Great  Miami  river,  running  into  the  Ohio,  at  or  near 
which  fork  stood  Laramie's  store,  and  where  commences  the  portage 
between  the  Miami  of  the  Ohio  and  St.  Mary's  river,  which  is  a  branch  of 
the  Miami  which  runs  into  Lake  Erie ;  thence  a  westerly  course,  to  Fort 
Recovery,  which  stands  on  a  branch  of  the  Wabash ;  thence  southwesterly, 
in  a  direct  line  to  the  Ohio,  so  as  to  intersect  that  river  opposite  the  mouth 
of  Kentucky  or  Cuttawa  river.  And  in  consideration  of  the  peace  now 
established;  of  the  goods  formerly  received  from  the  United  States;  of 
those  now  to  be  delivered ;  and  of  the  yearly  delivery  of  goods  now  stipu 
lated  to  be  made  hereafter;  and  to  indemnify  the  United  States  for  the 
injuries  and  expenses  they  have  sustained  during  the  war;  the  said  Indian 
tribes  do  hereby  cede  and  relinquish,  forever,  all  their  claims  to  the  lands 
lying  eastwardly  and  southwardly  of  the  general  boundary  line  now 

*  'American  State  Papers.     Western  Annals. 


OR,    THE    BORDER    WARS    OF    TWO    CENTURIES.  243 

described ;  and  these  lands,  or  any  part  of  them,  shall  never  hereafter  be 
made  a  cause  or  pretense,  on  the  part  of  the  said  tribes,  or  any  of  them, 
of  war  or  injury  to  the  United  States,  or  any  other  people  thereof. 

And  for  the  same  consideration,  and  as  an  evidence  of  the  returning 
friendship  of  the  said  Indian  tribes,  of  their  confidence  in  the  United 
States,  and  desire  to  provide  for  their  accommodation,  and  for  that  conve 
nient  intercourse  which  will  be  beneficial  to  both  parties,  the  said  Indian 
tribes  do  also  cede  to  the  United  States  the  following  pieces  of  land,  to-wit: 
1.  One  piece  of  land  six  miles  square,  at  or  near  Laramie's  store,  before 
mentioned.  2.  One  piece,  two  miles  square,  at  the  head  of  the  navigable 
water  or  landing,  on  the  St.  Mary's  river,  near  Girty's  town.  3.  One 
piece,  six  miles  square,  at  the  head  of  the  navigable  waters  of  the  Auglaize 
river.  4.  One  piece,  six  miles  square,  at  the  confluence  of  the  Auglaize 
and  Miami -rivers,  wThere  Fort  Defiance  now  stands.  5.  One  piece,  six 
miles  square,  at  or  near  the  confluence  of  the  rivers  St.  Mary's  and  St. 
Joseph's,  where  Fort  Wayne  now  stands,  or  near  it.  6.  One  piece,  two 
miles  square,  on  the  Wabash  river,  at  the  end  of  the  portage  from  the 
Miami  of  the  lake,  and  about  eight  miles  westward  from  Fort  Wayne.  7. 
One  piece,  six  miles  square,  at  the  Ouatanon,  or  old  Wea  towns,  on  the 
Wabash  river.  8.  One  piece,  twelve  miles  square,  at  the  British  fort  on 
the  Miami  of  the  lake,  at  the  foot  of  the  rapids.  9.  One  piece,  six  miles 
square,  at  the  mouth  of  the  said  river,  where  it  empties  into  the  lake.  10. 
One  piece,  six  miles  square,  upon  Sandusky  lake,  where  a  fort  formerly 
stood.  11  One  piece,  two  miles  square,  at  the  lower  rapids  of  Sandusky 
river.  12.  The  post  of  Detroit,  and  all  the  lands  to  the  north,  the  west 
and  south  of  it,  of  which  the  Indian  title  has  been  extinguished  by  gifts  or 
grants  to  the  French  or  English  governments;  and  so  much  more  land  to 
be  annexed  to  the  district  of  Detroit,  as  shall  be  comprehended  between 
the  river  Rasine  on  the  south,  and  lake  St.  Clair  on  the  north,  and  a  line, 
the  general  course  whereof  shall  be  six  miles  distant  from  the  west  end  of 
Lake  Erie  and  Detroit  river.  13.  The  post  of  Michilimackinac,  and  all 
the  land  on  the  island  on  which  that  post  stands,  and  the  main  land  adja 
cent,  of  which  the  Indian  title  has  been  extinguished  by  gifts  or  grants  to 
the  French  or  English  governments;  and  a  piece  of  land  on  the  main  to 
the  north  of  the  island,  to  measure  six  miles,  on  Lake  Huron,  or  the  strait 
between  Lakes  Huron  and  Michigan,  and  to  extend  three  miles  back  from 
the  water  on  the  lake  or  strait;  and  also,  the  Island  de  Bois  Blanc,  being 
an  extra  and  voluntary  gift  of  the  Chippewa  nation.  14.  One  piece  of 
land,  six  miles  square,  at  the  mouth  of  Chicago  river,  emptying  into  the 
southwest  end  of  Lake  Michigan,  where  a  fort  formerly  stood.  15.  One 
piece,  twelve  miles  square,  at  or  near  the  mouth  of  the  Illinois  river, 
emptying  into  the  Mississippi.  16.  One  piece,  six  miles  square,  at  the 
old  Peorias  fort  and  village,  near  the  south  end  of  the  Illinois  lake,  on 
said  Illinois  river.  And  whenever  the  United  States  shall  think  proper  to 
survey  and  mark  the  boundaries  of  the  lands  hereby  ceded  to  them,  they 
shall  give  timely  notice  thereof  to  the  said  tribes  of  Indians,  that  they  may 


244:  THE    LIVES    OF    PONTIAC    AND    TECUMSEHI 

appoint  some  of  their  wise  chiefs  to  attend  and  see  that  the  lines  are  run 
according  to  the  terms  of  this  treaty. 

And  the  said  Indian  tribes  will  allow  *x>  the  people  of  the  United  States, 
a  free  passage,  by  land  and  by  water,  as  one  and  the  other  shall  be  found 
convenient,  through  their  country,  along  the  chain  of  posts  herein  before 
mentioned ;  that  is  to  say :  from  the  commencement  of  the  portage  afore 
said,  at  or  near  Laramie's  store,  thence  along  said  portage,  to  the  St.  Mary's, 
and  down  the  same  to  Fort  Wayne,  and  then  down  the  Miami  to  Lake 
Erie ;  again,  from  the  commencement  of  the  portage,  at  or  near  Laramie's 
store,  along  the  portage,  from  thence  to  the  river  Auglaize,  and  down  the 
same  to  its  junction  with  the  Miami  at  Port  Defiance;  again,  from  the 
commencement  of  the  portage  aforesaid,  to  Sandusky  river,  and  down  the 
same  to  Sandusky  bay,  and  Lake  Erie,  and  from  Sandusky  to  the  post 
which  shall  be  taken  at  or  near  the  foot  of  the  rapids  of  the  Miami  of  the 
lake;  and  from  thence  to  Detroit.  Again,  from  the  mouth  of  Chicago 
river,  to  the  commencement  of  the  portage  between  that  river  and  the  Illi 
nois,  and  down  the  Illinois  to  the  Mississippi ;  also,  from  Fort  Wayne, 
along  the  portage  aforesaid,  which  leads  to  the  Wabash,  and  then  down 
the  Wabash  to  the  Ohio.  And  the  said  Indian  tribes  will  also  allow  to  the 
people  of  the  United  States,  the  free  use  of  the  harbors  and  mouths  of 
rivers,  along  the  lakes  adjoining  the  Indian  lands,  for  sheltering  vessels 
and  boats,  and  liberty  to  land  their  cargoes  when  necessary  for  their 
safety. 

ART.  4.  In  consideration  of  the  peace  now  established,  and  of  the  ces 
sions  and  reliuquishments  of  lands,  made  in  the  preceding  article,  by  the 
said  tribes  of  Indians,  and  to  manifest  the  liberality  of  the  United  States, 
as  the  great  means  of  rendering  this  peace  strong  and  perpetual,  the  United 
States  relinquish  their  claims  to  all  other  Indian  lands,  northward  of  the 
river  Ohio,  eastward  of  the  Mississippi,  and  westward  and  southward  of 
the  Great  Lakes,  and  the  waters  uniting  them,  according  to  the  boundary 
line  agreed  on  by  the  United  States  and  the  King  of  Great  Britain,  in  the 
treaty  of  peace  made  between  them  in  the  year  1783.  But  from  this  relin- 
quishment  by  the  United  States,  the  following  tracts  of  land  are  explicitly 
excepted:  1st.  The  tract  of  one  hundred  and  fifty  thousand  acres,  near 
the  rapids  of  the  river  Ohio,  which  has  been  assigned  to  General  Clark, 
for  the  use  of  himself  and  his  warriors.  3d.  The  post  at  St.  Vincennes, 
on  the  river  Wabash,  and  the  lands  adjacent,  of  which  the  Indian  title  has 
been  extinguished.  3d.  The  lands  at  all  other  places,  in  possession  of  the 
French  people,  and  other  white  settlers  among  them,  of  which  the  Indian 
title  has  been  extinguished,  as  mentioned  in  the  3d  article;  and  4th.  The 
post  of  Fort  Massac,  towards  the  mouth  of  the  Ohio.  To  which  several 
parcels  of  land,  so  excepted,  the  said  tribes  relinquish  all  the  title  and 
claim,  which  they  or  any  of  them  may  have. 

And,  for  the  same  consideration,  and  with  the  same  views  as  above  men 
tioned,  the  United  States  now  deliver  to  the  said  Indian  tribes,  a  quantity 
of  goods  to  the  value  of  twenty  thousand  dollars,  the  receipt  whereof  they 
do  hereby  acknowledge;  and  henceforward,  every  year,  forever,  the  United 


OR,  THE  BORDER  WARS  OF  TWO  CENTURIES.        245 

States  will  deliver,  at  some  convenient  place,  northward  of  the  river  Ohio, 
like  useful  goods,  suited  to  the  circumstances  of  the  Indians,  of  the  value 
of  nine  thousand  five  hundred  dollars;  reckoning  that  value  at  the  first 
cost  of  the  goods  in  the  city  or  place  in  the  United  States,  where  they  shall  be 
procured.  The  tribes  to  which  those  goods  are  to  be  annually  delivered, 
and  the  proportions  in  which  they  are  to  be  delivered,  are  the  following: 

1st.  To  the  Wyandots,  the  amount  of  one  thousand  dollars.  2d.  To  the 
Delawares,  the  amount  of  one  thousand  dollars.  3d.  To  the  Shawanoes, 
the  amount  of  one  thousand  dollars.  4th.  To  the  Miamis,  the  amount  of 
one  thousand  dollars.  5th.  To  the  Ottawas,  the  amount  of  one  thousand 
dollars.  6th.  To  the  Chippewas,  the  amount  of  one  .thousand  dollars. 
7th.  To  the  Pottawatomies,  the  amount  of  one  thousand  dollars.  8th. 
And  to  the  Kickapoo,  Wea,  Eel  River,  Piankeshaw  and  Kaskaskia  tribes, 
the  amount  of  five  hundred  dollars  each. 

Provided,  that  if  either  of  the  said  tribes  shall  hereafter,  at  an  annual 
delivery  of  their  share  of  the  goods  aforesaid,  desire  that  a  part  of  their 
annuity  should  be  furnished  in  domestic  animals,  implements  of  hus 
bandry,  and  other  utensils,  convenient  for  them,  and  in  compensation  to 
useful  artificers  who  may  reside  with  or  near  them,  and  be  employed  for 
their  benefit,  the  same  shall,  at  the  subsequent  annual  deliveries,  be  fur 
nished  accordingly. 

ART.  5.  To  prevent  any  misunderstanding,  about  the  Indian  lands 
relinquished  by  the  United  States,  in  the  fourth  article,  it  is  now  explicitly 
declared,  that  the  meaning  of  that  relinquishrnent  is  this:  the  Indian 
tribes  who  have  a  right  to  these  lands,  are  quietly  to  enjoy  them,  hunting, 
planting  and  dwelling  thereon,  so  long  as  they  please,  without  any  moles 
tation  from  the  United  States ;  but  when  those  tribes,  or  any  of  them,  shall 
be  disposed  to  sell  their  lands,  or  any  part  of  them,  they  are  to  be  sold 
only  to  the  United  States;  and  until  such  sale,  the  United  States  will  pro 
tect  all  the  said  Indian  tribes,  in  the  quiet  enjoyment  of  their  lands, 
against  all  citizens  of  the  United  States,  and  against  all  other  white  per 
sons  who  intrude  upon  the  same.  And  the  said  Indian  tribes  again 
acknowledge  themselves  to  be  under  the  protection  of  the  United  States, 
and  no  other  power  whatever. 

ART.  6.  The  Indians  or  United  States  may  remove  and  punish  intruders 
on  Indian  lands. 

ART.  7.     Indians  may  hunt  within  ceded  lands. 

ART.  8.  Trade  shall  be  opened  in  substance,  as  by  provisions  in  treaty 
of  Fort  Planner. 

ART.  9.  All  injuries  shall  be  referred  to  law;  not  privately  avenged ; 
and  all  hostile  plans  known  to  either,  shall  be  revealed  to  the  other  party 

ART.  10.    All  previous  treaties  annulled. 

This  treaty  was  signed  by  all  the  nations  named  in  the  fourth 
article,  and  dated  August  third,  1T95.  It  was  ratified  by  the 
United  States  on  the  twenty-second  of  the  following  December, 


246  THE    LIVES    OF    PONTIAC    AND    TECUMSEHI 

and  thus  the  old  Indian  boundary  wars  of  the  west  were  put 
to  an  end. 

Wayne's  victory  having  broken  the  Indian  power,  and  the 
treaty  of  Greenville  binding  them  from  further  aggression, 
the  Island  of  Mackinaw,  the  fort  of  Detroit  and  the  other 
posts  in  the  territory,  occupied  by  British  troops,  were  surren 
dered  by  the  English  to  their  proper  owners.* 

*  Turtle's  History  of  Michigan. 


CHAPTER    XXX. 

THE  INDIANS  CEDE  THEIB  LANDS  —  TECUMSEH  AND  THE  PROPHET  — 
THE  NEW  INDIAN  CONFEDERACY — ITS  OBJECTS  —  CURIOUS  SPEECH 
OF  THE  PROPHET  —  THE  APPROACHING  WAR  —  THE  PROPHET  DE 
CLARES  HIS  INNOCENCE. 

FROM  1795  to  1804,  we  have  but  little  border  war  to  record. 
Settlements  in  the  west  progressed  rapidly,  and  in  the  latter 
year  events  took  place  leading  the  way  for  another  general 
Indian  war.  During  the  month  of  August,  1804,  a  series  of 
treaties  were  made  by  Governor  Harrison,  at  Yincennes,  by 
which  the  claims  of  several  Indian  tribes  to  large  tracts  of  land 
in  Indiana  and  Illinois  were  relinquished  to  the  United  States. 
The  Delawares  sold  their  claim  to  a  large  tract  between  the 
Wabash  and  Ohio  rivers,  and  Pionkeshaws  gave  up  their  title 
to  lands  granted  by  the  Kaskaskia  Indians  the  preceding  year. 
In  November  of  the  same  year,  Governor  Harrison  negotiated 
with  the  chiefs  of  the  united  nations  of  Sacs  and  Foxes  for 
their  claim  to  the  immense  tract  of  country  lying  between  the 
Mississippi,  Illinois,  Fox  river  of  Illinois,  and  Wisconsin  rivers, 
comprising  about  fifty  millions  of  acres.*  The  consideration 
given  was  the  protection  of  the  United  States,  and  goods 
delivered  at  the  value  of  two  thousand  two  hundred  and  thirty- 
four  dollars  and  fifty  cents,  and  an  annuity  of  one  thousand 
dollars,  (six  hundred  dollars  to  the  Sacs  and  four  hundred  to 
the  Foxes)  forever.  An  article  in  this  treaty  provided,  that  as 
long  as  the  United  States  remained  the  owner  of  the  land,  "  the 
Indians  belonging  to  the  said  tribes  shall  enjoy  the  privilege 
of  living  and  hunting  "  on  the  land. 

On  the  fourth  of  July,  1805,  the  Wyandots  and  others  at 
Fort  Industry,  on  the  Maumee,  ceded  all  their  lands  as  far  west 

*  Western  Annals. 

(247) 


24:8  THE   LIVES    OF    PONTIAC    AND    TECUMSEH: 

as  the  western  boundary  of  the  Connecticut  Reserve,  and  on  the 
twenty-first  of  August,  of  the  same  year,  Governor  Harrison, 
at  Yincennes,  received  from  the  Miamis  a  region  containing 
two  million  acres  within  what  is  now  the  state  of  Indiana,  and 
again,  upon  the  thirteenth  of  December,  at  the  same  place,  he 
purchased  of  the  Piankeshaws  a  tract  eighty  or  ninety  miles 
wide,  extending  from  the  Wabash  west  to  the  cession  by  the 
Kaskaskias,  which  was  made  in  1803. 

At  this  time,  excepting  an  occasional  murder,  the  Indians 
were  conducting  themselves  in  a  peaceful  manner.  "But,"' 
says  Mr.  Peck,  "  mischief  was  gathering."  Tecumseh  and  his 
brother,  the  prophet,  and  other  leading  men,  had  formed  a 
union  of  the  tribes  at  a  council  at  Greenville,  by  which  it  was 
intended  to  prevent  the  whites  from  making  further  settle 
ments  upon  their  lands.  It  appears  that  the  efforts  of  Tecum 
seh  and  his  brother  were  directed  to  accomplish  two  important 
ends:  First,  the  reformation  of  the  Tribes,  whose  habits  unfit 
ted  them  for  intelligent  effort;  and  second,  such  a  union  of  the 
tribes  as  would  make  the  purchase  of  their  lands  by  the  United 
States  impossible,  and  give  to  the  Indians  a  formidable  strength 
such  as  the  civilized  nations  would  be  compelled  to  respect. 
The  objects  were  openly  avowed  and  pursued  with  good  suc 
cess.  In  the  whole  country  bordering  on  the  lakes,  the  power 
of  the  Shawanoe  prophet  was  felt,  and  the  work  of  reforming 
the  Indians  from  habits  of  intoxication  and  civilization  went 
rapidly  forward.* 

It  appears  to  have  been  Tecumseh 's  plan  to  effect  a  grand 
union  of  all  the  tribes  which  maintained  any  intercourse  with 
the  United  States,  and  admit  of  no  treaties  or  sales  of  lands 
without  the  united  consent  of  all  the  tribes.  Such  a  con 
federation  had  never  existed,  and  Tecumseh  fully  relied  upon 
the  success  of  the  plan.  He  was  well  educated,  could  read  and 
write,  and  had  a  confidential  secretary  and  adviser,  named 
Billy  Caldwell,  a  half-breed,  who  was  afterwards  head  chief  of 
the  Pottawatomies. 

Time  passed  on,  and  in  1806  the  conviction  become  stronger 
that  the  northwestern  tribes  were  preparing  for  war  against 

*  Drake's  Tecumseh — Peck's  Compilation. 


TECUMSEH,  THE  SHAWANOE  CHIEFTAIN. 


OR,    THE    BORDER    WARS    OF    TWO    CENTURIES.  249 

the  United  States.  However,  nothing  of  consequence  took 
place  during  this  year,  although  Tecumseh  and  the  prophet 
labored  on  diligently,  and  with  good  success,  to  accomplish 
their  plans.  On  the  twenty-seventh  of  January,  1807,  Governor 
Hull,  of  Michigan  Territory,  having  been  authorized  by  the 
federal  government  to  enter  into  a  treaty  with  the  Northwes 
tern  Indians  for  the  lands  on  the  eastern  side  of  the  peninsula 
and  for  those  west  of  the  Connecticut  Reserve,  as  far  as  the 
Auglaize,  a  council  was  held  in  Detroit,  and  a  treaty  made  in 
November  with  the  Ottawas,  Chippewas,  Wyandots  and  Potta- 
watoinies,  by  which  the  country  from  the  Maumee  to  Saginaw 
Bay,  on  the  eastern  side  of  Michigan,  was  transferred  to  the 
United  States. 

In  my  history  of  the  State  of  Michigan,  published  in  1873, 
we  find  Tecum seh's  plan  set  forth  in  these  words:  "  These  new 
troubles  were  indeed  nothing  more  than  the  Americans  might 
have  expected.  The  Indians  saw  a  new  power  encroaching 
upon  the  inheritance  that  had  been  handed  down  to  them  from 
their  ancestors.  It  was  not  difficult,  therefore,  to  unite  them 
in  one  last  desperate  effort  to  resist  this  usurping  power. 
Their  titles  had  been  only  m  partially  extinguished,  and  they 
complained  that  where  this  had  been  done  the  treaties  had 
been  unfairly  conducted;  that  the  Indians  had  been  deceived; 
that  they  were  in  a  state  of  intoxication  at  the  time  they 
signed  away  their  lands,  and  that  even  under  these  circum 
stances,  only  a  part  of  the  tribes  had  given  their  consent." 

It  is  believed  that  the  dissatisfaction  existing  among  the 
Indians  in  the  Northwest  was  increased  by  the  representations 
of  England,  who  still  held  a  bad  feeling  towards  the  Americans, 
and  the  agents  of  the  Northwest  Fur  Company,  "  who  fore 
saw  that  if  the  Americans  were  permitted  to  occupy  this 
country  they  would  be  cut  off  from  a  valuable  portion  of  their 
trade.  The  American  pioneers  of  the  lake  region  had  no 
doubt  encroached  upon  the  rights  of  the  savages.  The  English 
took  advantage  of  these  circumstances  and  did  all  in  their 
power  to  rouse  the  natives  towards  this  war.  As  we  have 
seen,  the  prophet  had  already  commenced  his  mission.  He 


250  THE    LIVES    OF    PONTIAC    AND    TECUMSEHI 

did  all   that  artful  superstition  could  do  to  excite  the  tribes 
into  a  war  against  the  Americans. 

The  principles  of  the  league,  whh  a  few  exceptions,  were 
similar  to  those  of  that  grand  confederacy,  which  was,  as  we 
have  observed  in  the  first  part  of  this  narrative,  formed  by 
Pontiac.  Tecumseh's  plan  was  to  surprise  and  capture  Forts 
Detroit,  Wayne,  Chicago,  St.  Louis,  Vincennes  and  the  adjacent 
American  posts,  and  to  unite  all  the  tribes  east  of  the  Missis 
sippi.  As  early  as  1S07  the  Shawanoe  chieftain  and  his  brother 
were  actively  engaged  in  sending  their  deputies,  with  large 
presents  and  bloody  war  belts,  to  the  most  distant  nations,  to 
persuade  them  to  come  into  the  league,  "  and  when  the  comet 
appeared  in  1811,  the  prophet  artfully  turned  it  to  account  by 
practicing  on  the  superstitions  of  the  savages."  Early  in 
May,  a  special  emissary  was  sent  to  the  distant  tribes  of  Lake 
Superior,  and  a  grand  council  being  there  assembled  by  the 
deputy,  "  he  told  the  Indians  that  he  had  been  sent  by  the 
messenger  and  representative  of  the  Great  Spirit,  and  that  he 
was  commissioned  to  deliver  to  them  a  speech  from  the  first 
man  whom  God  had  created,  said  to  be  in  the  Shawanoes 
country."  He  delivered  the  speech  with  which  he  was  charged 
in  these  words:  "  I  am  the  father  of  the  English,  and  of  the 
French,  and  of  the  Spaniards,  and  of  the  Indians.  I  created 
the  first  man,  who  was  the  common  father  of  all  these  people, 
as  well  as  of  ourselves,  and  it  is  through  him,  whom  I  have 
awakened  from  his  long  sleep,  that  I  now  address  you.  But 
the  Americans  I  did  not  make.  They  are  not  my  children, 
but  the  children  of  the  evil  spirit.  They  grew  from  the  scum 
of  the  great  water  when  it  was  troubled  by  the  evil  spirit  and 
the  froth  was  driven  into  the  woods  by  a  strong  east  wind. 
But  I  hate  them.  My  children,  you  must  not  speak  of  this 
talk  to  the  whites;  it  must  be  hidden  from  them.  I  am  now 
on  the  earth  sent  by  the  Great  Spirit  to  instruct  you  that  you 
may  be  taught.  The  bearer  of  this  must  point  out  to  you  the 
way  to  my  wigwam.  I  could  not  come  myself,  L' Arbre  Croche, 
because  this  world  is  changed  from  what  it  was.  It  is  broken 
and  leans  down,  and  as  it  declines  the  Chippewas  and  all 
beyond  will  fall  off  and  die.  Therefore,  you  must  come  to  me 


OK,    THE    BORDER    WARS    OF    TWO    CENTURIES.  251 

and  be  instructed.  Those  villages  which  do  not  listen  to  this 
talk  will  be  cut  off  from  the  face  of  the  earth." 

Such  were  the  measures  adopted  by  the  artful  prophet  to 
induce  the  savages  to  fall  into  the  ranks  of  Tecumseh's  army, 
and  they  were  in  every  respect  successful.  Thus  did  the  cun 
ning  Shawanoe  chief  carry  his  work  forward.  Before  the  month 
of  June,  1806,  they  had  removed  from  Greenville  to  the  banks 
of  the  Tippecanoe,  a  tributary  of  the  upper  Wabash,  where  a 
tract  of  land  had  been  granted  them  by  the  Pottawatomies  and 
Kickapoos.  In  the  following  July  the  prophet  sent  a  mes 
senger  to  Gen.  Harrison,  begging  him  not  to  believe  the  tale 
told  by  his  enemies  and  promising  to  visit  him  soon.  In 
August  he  repaired  to  Post  Yincennes,  and  by  his  fine  talk 
convinced  the  governor  that  he  had  no  evil  designs. 

Mr.  Brown,  in  speaking  of  Chief  Tecumseh  and  his  brother, 
the  prophet,  in  his  History  of  Illinois,  says  :  "  Tecumseh 
entered  upon  the  great  work  he  long  contemplated  in  the  year 
1805  or  1806.  He  was  then  about  thirty-eight  years  of  age. 
To  unite  the  several  Indian  tribes,  many  of  which  were  hostile 
to,  and  had  often  been  at  war  with  each  other,  in  this  great  and 
important  undertaking,  prejudices  were  to  be  overcome,  their 
original  manners  and  customs  to  be  re-established,  the  use  of 
ardent  spirits  to  be  abandoned,  and  all  intercourse  with  the 
whites  to  be  suspended.  The  task  was  herculean  in  its  char 
acter  and  beset  with  difficulties  on  every  side.  Here  was  a 
field  for  the  display  of  the  highest  moral  and  intellectual  powers. 
He  had  already  gained  the  reputation  of  a  brave  and  sagacious 
warrior,  and  a  cool-headed,  upright,  wise  and  efficient  coun 
sellor.  He  was  neither  a  war  nor  a  peace  chief,  and  yet  he 
wielded  the  power  and  influence  of  both.  The  time  having 
now  arrived  for  action,  and  knowing  full  well  that  to  win 
savage  attention  some  bold  and  striking  movement  was  neces 
sary,  he  imparted  his  plan  to  his  brother,  the  prophet,  who 
adroitly  and  without  a  moment's  delay,  prepared  himself  for 
the  part  he  was  appointed  to  play  in  this  great  drama  of  sav 
age  life.  Tecumseh  well  knew  that  excessive  superstition  was 
everywhere  a  prominent  trait  in  the  Indian  character,  and, 
therefore,  with  the  skill  of  another  Cromwell,  brought  supersti- 


252  THE   LIVES    OF    PONTIAC    AND    TECUMSEH: 

tion  to  his  aid.  Suddenly,  his  brother  began  to  dream  dreams 
and  see  visions  ;  he  became  afterward  an  inspired  prophet, 
favored  with  a  divine  commission  from  the  Great  Spirit —  the 
power  of  life  and  death  was  placed  in  his  hands — he  was 
appointed  agent  for  preserving  the  property  and  lands  of  the 
Indians,  and  for  restoring  them  to  their  original  happy  con 
dition.  He  thereupon  commenced  his  sacred  work.  The  public 
mind  was  aroused,  unbelief  gradually  gave  way,  credulity  and 
wild  fanaticism  began  to  spread  its  circles,  widening  and  deep 
ening,  until  the  fame  of  the  prophet  and  the  divine  character 
of  his  mission  had  reached  the  frozen  shores  of  the  lakes  and 
overran  the  broad  planis  which  stretched  far  beyond  '  the  great 
Father  of  Waters.'  Pilgrims  from  remote  tribes  sought  with 
fear  and  trembling  the  headquarters  of  the  prophet  and  the 
sage.  Proselytes  were  multiplied  and  his  followers  increased 
beyond  all  former  example.  Even  Tecumseh  became  a  believer, 
and  seizing  upon  the  golden  opportunity,  he  mingled  with  the 
pilgrims,  won  them  by  his  address,  and  on  their  return  sent  a 
knowledge  of  his  plan  of  concert  and  union  to  the  most  dis 
tant  tribes.  The  bodily  and  mental  labors  of  Tecumseh  next 
commenced.  His  life  became  one  of  ceaseless  activity.  He 
traveled,  he  argued,  he  commanded.  His  persuasive  voice  was 
one  day  listened  to  by  the  Wyandots,  on  the  plains  of  San- 
dusky;  on  the  next  his  commands  were  issued  on  the  banks  of 
the  "Wabash.  He  was  anon  seen  paddling  his  canoe  across  the 
Mississippi,  then  boldly  confronting  the  Governor  of  Indiana 
in  the  council  house  at  Yincennes.  Now  carrying  his  banner 
of  union  among  the  Creeks  and  Cherokees  of  the  south,  and 
from  thence  to  the  cold  and  inhospitable  regions  of  the  north, 
neither  intoxicated  by  success  nor  discouraged  by  failure." 

It  is  not  my  purpose,  in  this  narrative,  to  explain  any  of 
those  international  disputes  which  led  to  the  war  of  1812.  We 
have  only  to  deal  with  those  events  which  induced  the  Indians 
to  join  in  that  war  against  the  Americans,  and  of  these  the 
reader  has  already  observed  many. 


CHAPTER    XXXI. 

TECUMSEH  AND  THE  PROPHET  UNITING  THE  SAVAGES  FOB  WAR  — 
TROUBLE  IN  THE  COUNCIL  AT  VINCENNES  —  GOVERNOR  HARRISON 
DENOUNCES  TECUMSEH  AND  ORDERS  HIM  TO  LEAVE  THE  VILLAGE 
— THE  BATTLE  OF  TIPPECANOE  —  HARRISON'S  VICTORY. 

THROUGHOUT  the  year  1809,  we  find  Tecumseh  and  the 
prophet  preparing  themselves  for  the  contest  that  was  approach 
ing.  Governor  Harrison  again  suspected  that  the  Indians 
were  preparing  for  another  war,  and  he  wrote  to  the  Sec 
retary  of  War  to  that  effect,  giving,  also,  his  views  of  the 
defenses  of  the  frontier,  and  the  course  proper  to  be  pursued 
in  case  of  a  war  with  England. 

In  the  latter  part  of  the  year  1809,  the  Governor  of  Indiana 
made  several  treaties  with  the  Delawares,  Pottawatomies, 
Miamis,  Eel  Eiver  Indians,  Weas  and  Kickapoos,  in  which  these 
nations  ceded  certain  lands  upon  the  Wabash,  but  against  all  of 
these  Tecumseh  entered  a  bitter  protest  in  the  following  year,  and 
now  it  was  plain  to  Governor  Harrison  that  the  Shawanoe 
chieftain  had  formed  a  determination  to  unite  all  the  Western 
tribes  in  hostility  to  the  United  States,  unless  the  government 
of  the  latter  should  consent  to  relinquish  all  the  lands  bought 
at  the  treaties  of  Fort  Wayne,  and,  for  the  future,  recognize 
the  principle  that  no  purchases  could  be  made  unless  from  a 
•council  representing  all  the  tribes  united  as  one  nation.  By 
various  acts,  the  feelings  of  Tecumseh  became  evident,  and  in 
August,  1810,  he  met  Governor  Harrison  in  council  at  Vin- 
cennes.  The  Governor  had  made  arrangements  for  holding 
the  council  on  the  portico  of  his  own  house,  which  had  been 
fitted  up  with  seats  for  the  occasion.  Here,  on  the  morning 
of  the  fifteenth  of  August,  he  awaited  the  arrival  of  the  chief, 
being  attended  by  the  Judges  of  the  Supreme  Court,  some 

(253) 


254  THE    LIVES   OF    PONTIAC    AND    TECUMSEII '. 

officers  of  the  army,  a  sergeant  and  twelve  men  from  Fort 
Knox,  and  a  large  number  of  citizens.  At  the  appointed  time 
Tecumseh  arrived,  followed  by  forty  of  his  principal  warriors, 
the  others  remaining  outside  of  the  village.  When  the  chief 
had  approached  within  thirty  or  forty  yards  of  the  house,  he 
suddenly  stopped,  as  if  awaiting  some  further  invitation  from 
the  Governor.  An  interpreter  was  sent  out  to  tell  him  to  take 
seats  on  the  portico.  To  this  Tecumseh  objected.  He  did  not 
think,  he  said,  that  the  place  was  suitable  for  holding  a  council, 
but  preferred  that  they  should  repair  to  a  neighboring  grove. 
The  Governor  said  he  had  no  objection  to  the  grove,  except  that 
there  were  no  seats  in  it  for  their  accommodation.  Tecumseh 
replied  that  that  constituted  no  objection  to  the  grove,  u  the 
earth  being  the  most  suitable  place  for  the  Indians,  who  loved 
to  repose  upon  the  bosom  of  their  mother."  Governor  Harri 
son  consented  to  remove  to  the  grove,  where  the  chiefs  were 
soon  seated  in  order  on  the  grass. 

The  council  was  opened  by  Tecumseh,  who  stated  at  length 
his  objections  to  the  treaty  of  Fort  Wayne,  made  by  Governor 
Harrison  in  the  previous  year;  and  in  the  course  of  his  speech, 
boldly  avowed  the  principles  of  his  party  to  be,  that  of  resist 
ance  to  every  cession  of  land,  unless  made  by  all  the  tribes, 
who,  he  contended,  formed  but  one  nation.  He  admitted  that 
he  had  threatened  to  kill  the  chiefs  who  signed  the  treaty  of 
Fort  Wayne;  and  that  it  was  his  fixed  determination  not  to 
permit  the  village  chiefs,  in  future,  to  manage  their  affairs,  but 
to  place  the  power  with  which  they  had  been  heretofore  invested, 
in  the  hands  of  the  war  chiefs.  The  Americans,  he  said,  had 
driven  the  Indians  from  the  sea  coast,  and  would  soon  push 
them  into  the  lakes;  and,  while  he  disclaimed  all  intention  of 
making  war  upon  the  United  States,  he  declared  it  to  be  his 
unalterable  resolution  to  take  a  stand,  and  resolutely  oppose 
the  further  intrusion  of  the  whites  upon  the  Indian  lands. 
He  concluded,  by  making  a  brief  but  impassioned  recital  of 
the  various  wrongs  and  aggressions  inflicted  by  the  white  men 
upon  the  Indians,  from  the  commencement  of  the  revolution 
ary  war  down  to  the  period  of  that  council ;  all  of  which  wras 


OR,    THE    BORDER    WARS    OF   TWO    CENTURIES.  255 

calculated  to  arouse  and  inflame  the  minds  of  such  of  his  fol 
lowers  as  were  present.* 

Governor  Harrison  replied,  and  the  interpreter  at  once  began 
explaining  the  speech  to  the  Shawanoe  chieftain,  who,  becoming 
offended  at  some  portion  of  it,  sprang  to  his  feet,  interrupting 
the  interpreter,  and  began  to  speak  with  great  force.  The 
governor  was  completely  astonished  at  this  proceeding,  but 
as  he  did  not  understand  him,  thought  he  was  making  some 
explanation,  and  suffered  his  attention  to  be  drawn  towards 
Winnemac,  a  friendly  Indian  lying  on  the  grass  before  him, 
who  was  renewing  the  priming  of  his  pistol,  which  he  had  kept 
concealed  from  the  other  Indians,  but  in  full  view  of  the  gov 
ernor.  His  attention,  however,  was  again  directed  towards 
Tecumseh,  by  hearing  General  Gibson,  who  was  intimately 
acquainted  with  the  Shawanoe  language,  say  to  Lieut.  Jennings, 
"  those  fellows  intend  mischief;  you  had  better  bring  up  the 
guard."  At  that  moment  the  followers  of  Tecumseh  seized 
their  tomahawks  and  war  clubs,  and  sprang  upon  their  feet, 
their  eyes  turned  upon  the  governor.  As  soon  as  he  could  dis 
engage  himself  from  the  arm  chair  in  which  he  sat,  he  rose, 
drew  a  small  sword  which  he  had  by  his  side,  and  stood  on  the 
defensive.  Capt.  G.  R.  Floyd,  of  the  army,  who  stood  near 
him,  drew  a  dirk,  and  the  chief,  Winnemac,  cocked  his  pistol. 
The  citizens  present  were  more  numerous  than  the  Indians,  but 
were  unarmed;  some  of  them  procured  clubs  and  brick-bats, 
and  also  stood  on  the  defensive.  The  Rev.  Mr.  Winans,  of  the 
Methodist  Church,  ran  to  the  governor's  house,  got  a  gun,  and 
posted  himself  at  the  door  to  defend  the  family.  During  this 
frightful  scene,  no  one  spoke,  until  the  guard  came  running 
up.  and  appeared  to  be  in  the  act  of  firing.  The  governor 
gave  orders  for  them  to  halt,  and  then  demanded  of  the  inter 
preter  an  explanation  of  what  had  happened.  He  replied  that 
Tecumseh  had  interrupted  him,  declaring  that  all  the  governor 
had  said  was  false;  and  that  he  and  the  Seventeen  Fires  had 
cheated  and  imposed  on  the  Indians. 

The  governor  then  declared  that  Tecumseh  was  a  bad  man, 
and  ordered  him  to  leave  the  village  at  once,  which,  of  course, 

*  American  State  Papers. 


256  THE    LIVES    OF    PONTIAC    AND    TEOUMSEHI 

terminated  the  council.  It  was  now  evident  that  the  savages 
were  bent  on  war,  and  Harrison  began  to  strengthen  his  posi 
tion,  in  expectation  of  it.  He  soon  received  reinforcements 
and  marched  to  the  Wabash,  where,  about  sixty  miles  above 
Vincennes,  he  built  "  Fort  Harrison."  At  this  place  one  of 
his  sentinels  was  fired  upon,  and  news  received  which  plainly 
indicated  that  the  Indians  were  preparing  for  battle.  The 
governor  then  determined  to  move  directly  upon  Tippecanoe — 
Tecurn seh's  headquarters — and  upon  the  thirty-first  of  October, 
he  arrived  near  the  mouth  of  the  Yermilion  River,  where  he 
built  a  blockhouse  for  the  protection  of  his  boats,  and  a  place 
of  deposit  for  his  heavy  baggage.  From  this  place  he  marched 
directly  into  the  prophet's  town,  where  he  was  met  by  ambas 
sadors;  he  told  them  he  had  no  hostile  intentions,  provided  the 
Indians  were  true  to  existing  treaties,  and  made  preparations 
to  encamp.* 

The  spot  where  the  troops  encamped  was  not  altogether  what 
could  have  been  wished,  as  it  afforded  great  facility  to  the 
approach  of  savages.  It  was  a  piece  of  dry  oak  land,  rising 
about  ten  feet  above  the  level  of  a  marshy  prairie  in  front, 
(towards  the  Indian  town)  and  nearly  twice  that  height  above 
a  similar  prairie  in  the  rear,  through  which  and  near  to  this 
bank,  ran  a  small  stream  clothed  with  willows  and  brushwood. 
Towards  the  left  flank  this  bench  of  high  land  widened  con 
siderably,  but  became  gradually  narrow  in  the  opposite  direction, 
and  at  the  distance  of  one  hundred  and  fifty  yards  from  the 
right  flank,  terminated  in  an  abrupt  point.  The  two  columns 
of  infantry  occupied  the  front  and  rear  of  this  ground,  at  the  dis 
tance  of  about  one  hundred  and  fifty  yards  from  each  other  on  the 
left,  and  something  more  than  half  that  distance  on  the  right 
flank — these  flanks  were  filled  up,  the  first  by  two  companies 
of  mounted  riflemen,  amounting  to  about  one  hundred  and 
twenty  men,  under  the  command  of  Maj.-Gen.  Wells,  of  the 
Kentucky  militia,  who  served  as  a  Major;  the  other  by  Spen 
cer's  company  of  mounted  riflemen,  which  amounted  to  eighty 
men.  The  front  line  was  composed -of  one  battalion  of  United 

*  Dawson's  Historical  Narrative.     American   State   Papers.     Western 
Annals. 


OR,    THE    BORDER    WARS    OF    TWO    CENTURIES.  25  T 

States  infantry,  under  the  command  of  Major  Floyd,  flanked 
on  the  right  by  two  companies  of  militia,  and  on  the  left  by 
one  company.  The  rear  line  was  composed  of  a  battalion  of 
United  States  troops  under  the  command  of  Oapt.  Bean,  acting 
.as  Major,  and  four  companies  of  militia  infantry  under  Lieut.- 
Col.  Decker.  The  regular  troops  of  this  line  joined  the 
mounted  riflemen  under  General  Wells,  on  the  left  flank,  and 
Col.  Decker's  battalion  formed  an  angle  with  Spencer's  com 
pany  on  the  left.  Two  troops  of  dragoons,  amounting,  in  the 
aggregate,  to  about  sixty  men,  were  encamped  in  the  rear 
of  the  left  flank,  and  Capt.  Parke's  troop,  which  was  larger 
than  the  other  two,  in  the  rear  of  the  front  line. 

For  a  night  attack  the  order  of  encampment  was  the  order 
of  battle,  and  each  man  slept  immediately  opposite  to  his 
post  in  the  line.  In  the  formation  of  the  troops,  single  file  or 
Indian  file  was  adopted,  for  the  reason  that  in  Indian  warfare 
there  is  but  little  shock  to  resist,  one  rank  being  quite  as 
effective  as  two;  and,  again,  the  extension  of  the  lines  is  of 
great  importance. 

At  this  place  they  remained  until  the  seventh  of  November, 
when  about  four  o'clock  in  the  morning,  just  after  the  governor 
had  risen,  the  left  flank  was  attacked  by  the  enemy.  But  a 
signal  gun  was  fired  by  the  sentinels  or  by  the  guard  in  that 
direction,  which  made  no  resistance,  abandoning  their  posts 
and  fleeing  into  camp;  and  the  first  notice  which  the  troops  of 
that  flank  had  of  the  danger,  was  from  the  yells  of  the  savages 
within  a  short  distance  of  the  line.  But  even  under  these 
circumstances,  the  men  were  not  wanting  in  courage  and  dis 
cipline.  Such  of  them  as  were  awake,  or  were  easily  awakened, 
seized  their  arms  and  took  their  stations;  others  which  were 
more  tardy,  had  to  contend  with  the  enemy  in  the  doors  of 
their  tents.  The  storm  first  fell  upon  Capt.  Barton's  company 
of  the  fourth  United  States  regiment,  and  Capt.  Geiger's  com 
pany  of  mounted  riflemen,  which  formed  the  left  angle  of  the 
rear  line.  The  fire  from  the  Indians  was  exceedingly  severe,  and 
men  in  these  companies  suffered  considerably  before  relief 
could  be  brought  to  them.  Some  few  Indians  passed  into  the 
encampment  near  the  angle,  and  one  or  two  penetrated  to 
17 


258  THE    LIVES    OF    PONT1AC    AND    TECUMSEH: 

some  distance  before  they  were  killed.  All  the  other  compa 
nies  were  formed  for  action  before  they  were  fired  on. 

The  morning  was  dark  and  cloudy  and  the  fires  of  the 
Americans  afforded  only  a  partial  light,  which  gave  greater 
advantage  to  the  enemy  than  to  the  troops,  and  they  were 
therefore  extinguished.  As  soon  as  the  governor  could  mount 
his  horse  he  rode  to  the  angle  that  was  attacked,  where  he 
found  that  Barton's  company  had  suffered  severely  and  the  left 
of  Geiger's  entirely  broken.  He  immediately  ordered  Cook's 
and  Wentworth's  companies  to  march  up  to  the  centre  of  the 
rear  line  and  form  across  the  angle  in  support.  His  attention 
was  then  attracted  by  a  heavy  fire  upon  the  left  of  the  front 
line,  where  were  stationed  the  small  company  of  United  States 
riflemen  and  the  companies  of  Bean,  Snelling  and  Prescott. 
As  the  General  rode  up  he  found  Major  Daviess  forming  the 
dragoons  in  the  rear  of  those  companies,  and  having  ascer 
tained  that  the  heaviest  fire  proceeded  from  some  trees  about 
fifteen  or  twenty  paces  in  front  of  those  companies,  he  directed 
the  Major  to  dislodge  them  with  a  part  of  the  dragoons.  Un 
fortunately  the  Major's  gallantry  caused  him  to  undertake  the 
execution  of  the  order  with  a  smaller  force  than  was  required, 
which  enabled  the  enemy  to  avoid  him  in  front  and  attack  his 
flanks.  The  Major  was  mortally  wounded  and  the  party  driven 
back. 

The  Indians  were,  however,  immediately  and  gallantly  dis 
lodged  from  their  advantageous  position  by  Capt.  Snelling,  at 
the  head  of  his  company.  In  the  course  of  a  few  minutes 
after  the  commencement  of  the  attack,  the  fire  extended  along 
the  left  flank,  the  whole  of  the  front,  the  right  flank  and  part 
of  the  rear  line.  .Upon  Spencer's  mounted  riflemen  and  the 
right  of  Warwick's  company,  which  was  posted  on  the  right 
of  the  rear  line,  it  was  excessively  severe.  Capt.  Spencer  and 
his  first  and  second  lieutenants  were  killed,  and  Capt.  Warwick 
was  mortally  wounded,  those  companies,  however,  still  bravely 
maintained  their  posts,  but  Spencer  had  suffered  so  severely, 
and  having  originally  too  much  ground  to  occupy,  Harrison 
reinforced  them  with  Eo^bb's  company  of  riflemen,  which  had 
been  driven,  or  by  mistake  ordered  from  their  position  on  the 


OR,    THE    BOEDER    WARS    OF    TWO    CENTURIES.  259 

left  flank,  towards  the  centre  of  the  camp,  and  filled  the  vacancy 
that  had  been  occupied  by  Robb  with  Fresco tt's  company  of 
the  Fourth  United  States  regiment.  The  General's  great  object 
was  to  keep  the  lines  entire,  to  prevent  the  enemy  from  break 
ing  into  the  camp  until  daylight,  which  should  enable  him  to 
make  a  general  and  effectual  charge.  With  this  view  he  had 
reinforced  every  part  of  the  line  that  had  suffered  much,  and 
with  the  approach  of  morning  he  withdrew  from  the  front  line 
Snelling's,  Posey's  and  Scott's,  and  from  the  rear  line  Wilson's 
companies,  and  drew  them  up  upon  the  left  flank,  and  at  the 
same  time  ordered  Cook's  and  Bean's  companies,  the  former 
from  the  rear,  and  the  latter  from  the  front  line,  to  reinforce 
the  right  flank,  forseeing  that  at  these  points  the  enemy  would 
make  their  last  efforts.  Major  Wells,  who  commanded  on  the 
left  flank,  took  command  of  these  companies  and  charged  upon 
the  enemy,  driving  them  at  the  point  of  the  bayonet  into  the 
marsh,  where  they  could  not  be  followed.  Meanwhile  Capt. 
Cook  and  Lieut.  Barabee  marched  their  companies  to  the  right 
flank  and  formed  them  under  the  flre  of  the  enemy,  and  being 
then  joined  by  the  riflemen  of  that  flank,  charged  the  enemy, 
killing  a  number  of  Indians  and  putting  the  rest  to  a  precipi 
tate  flight* 

In  this  battle  Gen.  Harrison  commanded  only  about  seven 
hundred  efficient  men,  while  the  Indians  numbered  nearly  one 
thousand  warriors.  The  loss  of  the  American  army  was  thirty- 
seven  killed  on  the  field,  twenty-five  mortally  wounded  and 
one  hundred  and  twenty-six  wounded;  that  of  the  Indians 
about  forty  killed  on  the  spot,  the  number  of  wounded  being 
unknown.  The  battle  of  Tippecanoe  was  fought  on  the  seventh 
of  November,  1811.  It  was  a  decisive  victory  for  the  United 
States,  and  for  some  time  after  the  frontiers  enjoyed  peace. 

*  American  State  Papers. 


CHAPTER    XXXII. 

TECUMSEH'S  ANGER  —  HE  JOINS  THE  BRITISH  —  HULL'S  INGLORIOUS 
CAMPAIGN  —  SURRENDER  OF  DETROIT  —  SURRENDER  OF  MACKINAC  — 
TRIUMPHS  OF  THE  BRITISH  —  HULL'S  INCAPACITY. 

WHILE  the  prophet  was  leading  the  confederated  warriors 
to  battle  against  Harrison's  army  near  Tippecanoe,  Tecumseh 
was  absent  among  the  Southern  Indians  for  the  purpose  of 
bringing  them  into  the  confederacy.  On  his  return  a  few  days 
after  Harrison's  victory,  he  found,  to  his  great  dissatisfaction, 
that  many  of  his  followers  had  dispersed ;  that  his  brother  had 
disgraced  himself  by  his  imprudence,  and  that  his  best  hopes 
were  destroyed.  He  was  very  angry  at  his  brother,  seized  him 
by  the  hair,  shook  him  violently  and  threatened  to  take  his 
life.  By  his  imprudence  in  attacking  the  American  army  at 
Tippecanoe  the  prophet  had  destroyed  his  own  power  and 
ruined  the  projected  confederacy. 

Tecumseh  immediately  sent  word  to  Gov.  Harrison  that  he 
had  returned  from  the  south,  and  that  he  was  ready  to  visit 
the  President  as  had  been  previously  proposed.  The  Governor 
gave  him  permission  to  proceed  to  Washington,  but  not  as  the 
leader  of  a  party  of  Indians,  as  he  desired.  The  proud  chief, 
who  had  appeared  at  Yincennes  in  1810  with  a  large  party  of 
braves,  had  no  desire  to  appear  before  his  "  Great  Father,"  the 
President,  without  his  retinue.  The  proposed  visit  was  de 
clined  and  the  intercourse  between  Tecumseh  and  the  Governor 
terminated.  In  June,  he  sought  an  interview  with  the  Indian 
agent  at  Fort  Wayne,  disavowed  any  intention  of  making  war 
on  the  United  States,  and  reproached  Gen.  Harrison  for  having 
marched  against  his  people  during  his  absence.  The  agent 
replied  to  tfiis;  Tecumseh  listened  with  frigid  indifference,  and 
after  making  a  few  general  remarks  with  a  haughty  air,  left 

(260) 


OR,    THE    BORDER    WARS    OF    TWO    CENTURIES.  261 

the  council  house  and  departed  for.  Fort  Maiden,  in  Upper 
Canada,  where  he  joined  the  British  standard.* 

During  the  winter  of  1811—12  we  find  the  Congress  of  the 
United  States  discussing  the  subject  of  war  with  Great  Britain. 
The  reader  is  probably  familiar  with  the  causes  which  led  to 
this.  Even  as  early  as  December,  1811,  a  proposition  was 
openly  made  to  invade  Canada  in  the  following  spring,  before 
the  ice  broke  up,  and  in  particular  was  urged  the  necessity  of 
such  operations  at  the  outset  of  the  anticipated  contest  as 
should  wrest  from  the  enemy  the  command  of  the  upper  lakes 
and  secure  the  neutrality  or  favor  of  the  Indian  tribes  by  the 
conquest  of  Upper  Canada. 

Measures  were  also  taken  for  the  defense  of  the  Northwest 
frontier  against  Indian  hostility,  arid  which,  in  the  event  of  a 
rupture  with  Great  Britain,  would  enable  the  United  States  to 
obtain  command  of  Lake  Erie.  These  steps  were,  however, 
by  no  means  suitable  to  the  attainment  of  this  object.  In 
place  of  a  naval  force  on  Lake  Erie,  the  importance  of  which 
had  been  frequently  urged,  the  government  proposed  to  use 
no  other  military  means,  and  hoped,  by  the  presence  of  two 
thousand  soldiers,  to  effect  the  capture  or  destruction  of  the 
British  fleet.  When,  therefore,  Gen.  Hull,  to  whom  the  com 
mand  of  the  army  destined  for  the  conquest  of  Canada  had 
been  confided,  commenced  his  march  from  Dayton,  on  the  first 
of  June,  it  was  with  means  which  he  himself  regarded  as 
utterly  inadequate  to  the  object  aimed  at,  a  fact  which  suffi 
ciently  explains  his  vascillating,  nerveless  conduct.  Through 
that  whole  month,  he  and  his  troops  toiled  on  toward  the 
Maumee,  busy  with  their  roads,  bridges  and  block-houses.  On 
the  twenty-fourth,  advices  from  the  Secretary  of  War,  dated  on 
the  eighteenth,  came  to  hand,  but  not  a  word  contained  in 
them  made  it  probable  that  the  long  expected  war  would  be 
immediately  declared,  although  Col.  McArthur  at  the  same 
time  received  word  from  Chillicothe  warning  him,  on  the 
authority  of  Thomas  Worthington,  then  Senator  from  Ohio, 
that  before  the  letter  reached  him,  the  declaration  would  have 
been  made  public.  This  information  McArthur  laid  before 

*  Brown's  History  of  Illinois. 


262  THE    LIVES    OF    PONTIAC    AND   TECUMSEH  I 

Gen.  Hull;  and  when,  upon  reaching  the  Maumee,  that  com 
mander  proposed  to  place  his  baggage,  stores  and  sick  on  board 
a  vessel,  and  send  them  by  water  to  Detroit,  the  backwoodsman 
warned  him  of  the  danger,  and  refused  to  trust  his  own 
property  on  board.  Hull,  however,  treated  the  report  of  war 
as  the  old  story  which  had  been  current  through  all  the  spring, 
and  refused  to  believe  it  possible  that  the  government  would 
not  give  him  information  at  the  earliest  moment  that  the 
measure  was  resolved  on.  He,  accordingly,  on  the  first  of  July, 
embarked  his  disabled  men  and  most  of  his  goods  on  board 
the  Cuyahoga  packet,  suffering  his  aid-de-camp  in  his  careless 
ness  to  send  by  her  even  his  instructions  and  army-roll,  and 
then  proceeded  upon  his  way.  The  next  day,  July  second, 
a  letter  of  the  same  date  of  that  received  upon  the  twenty- 
fourth  of  June,  reached  him  with  the  intelligence  that  war 
had  that  day  been  declared.  Before  his  astonishment  was 
over,  word  was  brought  of  the  capture  of  his  packet  off  Maiden, 
with  all  his  official  papers.  The  latter  passed  into  the  hands 
of  the  foe,  and  thus  informed  them  of  his  purposes  and  his 
strength.  However  no  effort  was  made  by  the  British  to 
prevent  the  Americans  from  marching  to  Detroit,  nor  to  inter 
fere  with  their  passage  across  the  river  to  Sandwich,  where 
they  established  themselves  on  the  twelfth  of  July,  preparatory 
to  attacking  Maiden  itself.  "  And  here,  at  once,"  says  Mr. 
Peck,  in  the  Western  Annals,  "  the  incapacity  of  Hull  showed 
itself.  By  his  own  confession  he  took  every  step  under  the 
influence  of  two  sets  of  fears;  he  dared  not,  on  the  one  hand, 
act  boldly  for  fear  that  his  incompetent  force  would  be  all 
destroyed ;  while,  on  the  other  hand,  he  dared  not  refuse  to 
act  for  fear  his  militia,  already  uneasy,  wrould  desert  him." 
Thus  embarrassed,  he  proclaimed  freedom  to  the  Americans, 
holding  out  inducements  to  the  British  militia  to  desert,  and 
to  the  Indians  to  keep  quiet.  Satisfied  with  this  he  sat  still  at 
Sandwich,  endeavoring  to  pacify  his  bloodthirsty  backwoods 
men,  who  seemed  furious  to  attack  Maiden.  Meanwhile  Col. 
Cass  and  Col.  Miller,  by  an  attack  upon  the  advanced  parties 
of  the  enemy,  demonstrated  the  willingness  and  power  of  their 
men  to  push  their  conquests  if  the  chance  were  given,  but 


OK,    THE    BORDER    WARS    OF    TWO    CENTURIES.  263 

Hull  refused  the  opportunity,  and  when  the  appointed  time 
arrived  that  the  army  was  to  make  the  assault,  Hull,  for  some 
reason,  returned  with  most  of  his  army  to  Detroit,  "  having 
effected  nothing  except  the  destruction  of  all  confidence  in 
him  on  the  part  of  the  whole  force  under  his  control,  officers 
and  privates." 

By  this  time,  Col.  Proctor  had  reached  Maiden,  and  perceiv 
ing  at  once  the  power  which  the  position  of  that  post  gave  him 
over  the  supplies  of  the  army  of  the  United  States,  he  com 
menced  a  series  of  operations,  the  object  of  which  was  to  cut 
off  the  communications  of  Hull  with  Ohio,  and  thus  not 
merely  neutralize  all  active  operations  on  his  part,  but  starve 
him  into  surrender  or  force  him  to  detail  his  whole  army  in 
order  to  keep  open  his  way  to  the  only  point  from  which  sup 
plies  could  reach  him.  A  proper  force  on  Lake  Erie,  or  the 
capture  of  Maiden,  would  have  prevented  this  annoying  and 
fatal  mode  of  warfare,  but  the  imbecility  of  the  government 
and  that  of  the  General,  combined  to  favor  the  plans  of  Proc 
tor.*  He  stopped  the  stores  on  their  way  to  Detroit,  at  the 
river  Raisin,  and  defeated  the  insufficient  band  of  two  hundred 
men  under  Yan  Horn,  sent  by  Hull  to  escort  them.  Further 
than  this,  he  so  far  withstood  a  detachment  of  five  hundred 
under  Col.  Miller  as  to  cause  Hull  to  recall  the  remnant  of  that 
victorious  and  gallant  band,  though  it  had  completely  routed 
both  British  and  Indians.  In  this  way  Proctor  held  the 
Americans  in  check  until  the  arrival  of  Gen.  Brock.  This 
officer  reached  Maiden  on  the  thirteenth  of  August,  and  imme 
diately  began  operations  for  the  conquest  of  Detroit. 

On  the  fourteenth  of  August,  while  a  party  under  Col. 
McArthur  was  dispatched  by  Hull  to  open  communication 
with  the  river  Raisin,  Gen.  Brock  appeared  at  Sandwich  and 
began  to  erect  batteries  to  protect  his  further  operations. 
Hull  would  not  permit  any  of  his  men  to  molest  these  batteries, 
saying  that  if  the  enemy  did  not  fire  on  him  he  would  not  on 
them,  and  though,  when  summoned  to  surrender  on  the 
fifteenth  of  August,  he  stoutly  refused,  yet,  upon  the  sixteenth, 
without  striking  a  blow,  he  surrendered  the  town  of  Detroit 

*  See  Hull's  Defense — Western  Annals. 


264  THE    LIVES    OF    PtXNTIAC    AND    TECUMSEHI 

and  territory  of  Michigan,  together  with  fourteen  hundred 
men,  longing  for  battle,  to  three  hundred  English  soldiers,  four 
hundred  Canadian  militia,  disguised  in  red  coats,  and  a  band 
of  Tecumseh's  warriors.*  For  this  conduct  he  was  accused 
of  treason  and  cowardice,  and  convicted  of  the  latter.  "  Nor 
can  we  doubt,"  says  Mr.  Peck,  "  the  justice  of  the  sentence. 
However  brave  he  may  have  been  personally,  he  was  as  a  com 
mander  a  coward;  and  moreover  he  was  influenced,  confessedly, 
by  his  fears  as  a  father,  lest  his  daughter  and  her  children 
should  fall  into  the  hands  of  the  Indians.  In  truth  his 
faculties  seem  to  have  been  paralized  by  fear;  fear  that  he 
should  fail ;  fear  that  his  troops  would  be  unfair  to  him ;  fear 
that  the  savages  would  spare  no  one  if  opposed  with  vigor; 
fear  of  some  undefined  horrid  evil  impending." 

But  the  fall  of  Detroit  was  not  the  only  misfortune  of  this 
summer.  On  the  seventeenth  of  July  a  British  force,  together 
with  Canadians  and  Indians,  numbering  in  all,  one  thousand 
and  twenty,  attacked  the  American  garrison  at  Mackinac,  and 
the  latter,  amounting  to  but  fifty-seven  effective  men,  felt 
unable  to  withstand  so  formidable  a  body,  and  to  avoid  the 
constantly  threatened  Indian  massacre,  surrendered  as  prison 
ers  of  war,  and  were  dismissed  on  parole. 

*  McAffee's  Account— Hull's  Trial— Western  Annals. 


CHAPTER    XXXIII. 

CHICAGO  —  ITS  EARLY  SETTLEMENT  —  ITS  CONDITION  IN  1812  —  ORDER 
FOR  EVACUATION  —  COUNCIL  WITH  THE  INDIANS  —  THEIR  PROMISES 
AND  THEIR  TREACHERY — THE  MASSACRE  —  HEROISM  OF  WOMEN  — 
ACCOUNTS  OF  MRS.  HELM  AND  OTHERS  —  THRILLING  INCIDENTS. 

WE  next  come  to  one  of  the  saddest  events  in  the  whole 
narrative — the  massacre  of  Chicago.  A  small  trading  post 
had  been  established  at  Chicago  in  the  period  of  French  ex 
plorations,  but  no  village  formed;  and  it  will  be  remembered 
that  at  the  treaty  of  Greenville,  in  1795,  the  Pottawatomies, 
Miamis  and  other  nations  agreed  to  relinquish  their  right  to 
a  peace  of  land  six  miles  square  at  the  mouth  of  the  Chicago 
river,  "  where  a  fort  formerly  stood." 

The  United  States  erected  a  small  fort  upon  the  site  of  the 
present  city  of  Chicago  in  1804,  called  Fort  Dearborn.  It 
stood  in  the  same  place  where  the  fort  was  erected  in  1833, 
but  was  of  a  different  construction,  having  two  block  houses 
on  the  southern  side,  and  on  the  northern  side,  a  sally  port  or 
subterranean  passage  from  the  parade  ground  to  the  river,  f n 
1812  the  fort  was  garrisoned  by  Capt.  Heald,  commanding, 
Lieut.  Helm,  Ensign  Ronan,  Surgeon  Voorhees  and  seventy- 
five  men,  very  few  of  whom  were  effective. 

The  Indians  in  the  vicinity  had  always  manifested  a  friend 
ship  for  the  officers  and  soldiers  of  the  garrison.  However, 
the  principal  chiefs  and  braves  of  the  Pottawatomie  nation 
visited  Fort  Maiden,  on  the  Canada  side,  annually,  received 
presents  to  a  large  amount,  and  were  in  alliance  with  Great 
Britain.  Many  Pottawatomies,  "Winnebagoes,  Ottawas  and 
Shawanoes  were  in  the  battle  of  Tippecanoe,  yet  the  principal 
chiefs  in  the  immediate  vicinity  were  on  amicable  terms  with 
the  Americans  at  this  post.  Besides  those  persons,  attached  to 

(265) 


266  THE    LIVES    OF    PONTJAC    AND    TECUMSEH: 

the  garrison  there  was  in  the  fort  the  family  of  Mr.  Kinzie, 
who  had  been  engaged  in  the  fur  trade  at  that  spot  from  1804-, 
and  a  few  Canadians,  or  engages,  with  their  wives  and  children. 

On  the  seventh  of  April,  1812,  a  band  of  hostile  Winneba- 
goes  attacked  Mr.  Lee's  settlement,  at  a  place  called  Hard- 
scrabble,  about  four  miles  from  Chicago,  and  massacred  a  Mr. 
White,  and  a  Frenchman  in  his  employ.  Two  other  men 
escaped.  For  some  days  after  this  there  were  signs  of  hostile 
Indians,  and  repeated  alarms  at  the  garrison,  but  the  whole 
passed  off  in  quietness  until  all  apprehension  was  dismissed. 
On  the  seventh  of  the  following  August,  Winnemeg,  or  Catfish, 
a  friendly  Pottawattomie  chief,  arrived  at  Chicago  (Fort 
Dearborn)  bringing  dispatches  from  Governor  Hull,  the 
commander-in-chief  in  the  Northwest.  These  dispatches 
announced  the  declaration  of  war  between  the  United  States 
and  Great  Britain;  that  General  Hull,  at  the  head  of  the  army 
in  the  Northwest,  was  on  his  way  from  Fort  Wayne  to  Detroit, 
and  that  the  British  had  possessed  themselves  of  Mackinac. 
His  orders  to  Captain  Heald,  were,  "to  evacuate  the  post, 
if  practicable,  and,  in  that  event,  to  distribute  the  property 
belonging  to  the  United  States,  in  the  fort,  and  in  the  factory 
or  agency,  to  the  Indians  in  the  neighborhood."  * 

Chief  Winnemeg,  after  delivering  his  dispatches,  repaired  to 
the  house  of  Mr.  Kinzie  and  stated  to  him  that  he  was 
acquainted  with  the  purport  of  the  communications  he  had 
brought,  and  begged  him  to  ascertain  if  it  were  the  intention 
of  Captain  Heald  to  evacuate  the  post.  He  advised  strongly 
that  such  a  step  should  not  be  taken,  since  the  garrison  was 
well  supplied  with  ammunition,  and  with  provisions  for  a  six 
month's  siege.  He  added  that  it  would  be  far  better  to  remain 
until  a  reinforcement  could  be  sent  to  their  assistance.  If, 
however,  Capt.  Heald  should  decide  on  leaving  the  post,  it 
should  by  all  means  be  done  immediately.  The  Pottawato- 
mies,  through  whose  country  they  must  pass,  being  ignorant 
•of  Winnemeg's  mission,  a  forced  march  might  be  made  before 
the  hostile  Indians  were  prepared  to  interrupt  them. 

*  Western  Annals. 


OK,    THE    BORDER    WARS    OF    TWO    CENTURIES.  267 

Capt.  Heald  was  immediately  informed  of  this  advice.  He 
said  that  it  was  his  intention  to  evacuate  the  post,  but  that 
inasmuch  as  he  had  received  orders  to  distribute  the  United 
States  property,  he  would  not  leave  until  he  had  collected  the 
Indians  in  the  neighborhood,  and  made  a  fair  division  of  the 
property  among  them.  Winnemeg  then  urged  the  expediency 
of  marching  out  and  leaving  all  things  standing.  Possibly, 
he  said,  while  the  savages  were  engaged  in  apportioning  the 
spoils,  the  troops  might  effect  their  retreat  unmolested.  Mr. 
Kinzie  strongly  supported  this  advice,  but  it  did  not  meet  the 
approbation  of  the  commanding  officer.  The  order  for  evac 
uating  the  post  was  read  on  the  following  morning  at  parade. 
For  some  reason,  Capt.  Heald  relied  on  his  own  judgment  in 
this  matter,  and  refused  to  hold  a  council  with  his  officers.  In 
the  course  of  the  day,  finding  no  council  was  called,  the  officers 
waited  upon  Capt.  Heald,  wishing  to  be  informed  as  to  what 
course  he  had  determined  to  pursue.  When  they  learned  his 
intention  to  leave  the  fort,  they  remonstrated  with  him,  setting 
forth  the  dangers  that  such  a  measure  would  incur  upon  the 
garrison.  It  was  highly  improbable,  they  said,  that  the  com 
mand  would  be  permitted  to  pass  through  the  country  in  safety 
to  Fort  Wayne.  For,  although  it  had  been  said  that  some  of 
the  chiefs  had  opposed  an  attack  upon  the  post,  planned  the 
preceding  autumn,  yet,  it  was  well  known  that  they  had  been 
actuated  in  that  matter  by  motives  of  private  regard  to  one 
family,  and  not  to  any  general  friendly  feeling  towards  the 
Americans;  and  that,  at  any  rate,  it  was  hardly  to  be  expected 
that  these  few  individuals  would  be  able  to  control  the  whole 
tribe,  who  were  thirsty  for  blood.  In  the  next  place,  their 
march  must  necessarily  be  slow  as  their  movements  must  be 
accommodated  to  the  helplessness  of  the  women  and  children, 
of  whom  there  were  many  with  the  garrison  ;  that,  of  their 
small  force,  some  of  the  soldiers  were  superannuated  and  others 
invalid  ;  therefore,  since  the  course  to  be  pursued  was  left  dis 
cretional,  their  advice  was  to  remain  where  they  were,  and 
fortify  themselves  as  strongly  as  possible.  Succor  from  the 
other  side  of  the  peninsula  might  arrive  before  they  could  be 
attacked  by  the  British  from  Mackinac,  and  even  should  there 


268  THE    LIVES    OF    PONT1AO    AND    TECUMSEH I 

not,  it  were  far  better  to  fall  into  the  hands  of  the  latter,  than 
to  become  the  victims  of  the  savages. 

Capt.  Heald's  reply  was  that  a  special  order  had  been  issued 
by  the  War  Department,  that  no  post  should  be  surrendered 
without  battle  having  been  given  ;  and  that  his  force  was 
totally  inadequate  to  an  engagement  with  the  Indians.  That 
he  should,  unquestionably,  be  censured  for  remaining  when 
there  appeared  a  prospect  of  a  safe  march  through,  and  that 
upon  the  whole,  he  deemed  it  expedient  to  assemble  the 
Indians,  distribute  the  property  among  them,  and  then  ask  of 
them  an  escort  to  Fort  Wayne,  with  the  promise  of  a  consid 
erable  reward  upon  their  safe  arrival — adding,  that  he  had  full 
confidence  in  the  friendly  professions  of  the  Indians,  from 
whom,  as  well  as  from  the  soldiers,  the  capture  of  Mackinac 
had  been  kept  a  profound  secret. 

From  this  time  the  officers  held  themselves  aloof,  and  spoke 
but  little  upon  the  subject,  though  they  considered  the  project 
of  Capt.  Heald  little  short  of  madness.  The  dissatisfaction 
among  the  soldiers  hourly  increased,  until  it  reached  a  high 
degree  of  insubordination.  Upon  one  occasion,  as  Captain 
Heald  was  conversing  with  Mr.  Kinzie,  upon  the  parade,  he 
said,  "  I  could  not  remain,  even  if  I  thought  it  best,  for  I  have 
but  a  small  store  of  provisions."  "  Why,  Captain,"  said  a 
soldier,  who  stood  near,  forgetting  all  etiquette,  in  the  excite 
ment  of  the  moment,  "you  have  cattle  enough  to  last  the 
troops  six  months."  "But,"  replied  Captain  Heald,  "  I  have 
no  salt  to  preserve  the  beef  with."  "  Then  jerk"x"  it,"  said  the 
man.  "  as  the  Indians  do  their  venison." 

The  Indians  now  became  daily  more  unruly.  Entering  the 
fort  in  defiance  of  the  sentinels,  they  made  their  way  without 
ceremony  into  the  quarters  of  the  officers.  On  one  occasion, 
an  Indian  took  up  a  rifle  and  fired  it  in  the  parlor  of  the  com 
manding  officer,  as  an  expression  of  defiance.  Some  were  of 
opinion,  that  it  was  intended,  among  the  young  men,  as  a 
signal  for  an  attack.  The  old  chiefs  passed  backward  and  for- 

*  This  is  done  by  cutting  the  meat  in  thin  slices,  placing  it  upon  a 
scaffold  and  making  a  slow  fire  under  it,  which  dries  and  smokes  it  at  the 
same  time. 


OR,    THE    BORDER    WARS    OF    TWO    CENTURIES.  269 

ward,  among  the  assembled  groups,  with  the  appearance  of  the 
most  lively  agitation,  while  the  squaws  rushed  to  and  fro  in 
great  excitement,  and  evidently  prepared  for  some  fearful 
scene.*  Any  further  manifestation  of  ill-feeling  was,  how 
ever,  suppressed  for  the  present,  and  Captain  Heald,  strange  as 
it  may  seem,  continued  to  entertain  a  conviction  of  his  having 
created  so  amicable  a  disposition  among  the  Indians,  as  would 
insure  the  safety  of  the  command,  on  their  march  to  Fort 
Wayne. 

In  the  midst  of  this  excitement,  a  messenger  arrived  among 
the  Indians  from  Tecumseh,  with  the  news  of  the  capture  of 
Mackinac,  the  defeat  of  Yan  Home,  and  the  retreat  of  Gen. 
Hull  from  Canada.  He  desired  them  to  arm  immediately,  and 
intimated  that  Hull  would  soon  be  compelled  to  surrender. 

Matters  continued  in  this  state  until  the  twelfth  of  August, 
when  a  council  was  held  with  the  Indians  who  had  collected. 
None  of  the  military  officers  attended  except  Capt.  Heald, 
although  requested  by  him  to  do  so.  They  had  been  informed 
that  it  was  the  intention  of  the  young  chiefs  to  massacre  them 
in  council,  and  as  soon  as  the  commander  left  the  fort,  they 
took  command  of  the  blockhouses,  opened  the  port  holes  and 
pointed  the  loaded  cannon  so  as  to  command  the  whole  council. 
This,  probably,  caused  a  postponement  of  their  horrid  designs. 

At  the  council  the  captain  informed  the  Indians  of  his 
intentions  to  distribute,  the  next  day,  among  them,  all  the 
goods  in  the  storehouses,  with  the  ammunition  and  provisions. 
He  requested  the  Pottawatomies  to  furnish  him  an  escort  to 
Fort  Wayne,  promising  them  a  liberal  reward  upon  their 
arrival  there,  in  addition  to  the  liberal  presents  they  were  now 
to  receive.  The  Indians  were  profuse  in  their  professions  of 
good-will  and  friendship,  assented  to  all  he  proposed,  and  prom 
ised  all  that  he  desired.  The  result  shows  the  true  character 
of  the  savages.  "  No  act  of  kindness,  nor  offer  of  reward, 
could  assuage  their  thirst  for  blood."  Mr.  Kinzie,  who  well 
understood  the  Indian  character  and  their  designs,  waited  on 
the  commander,  in  the  hope  of  showing  him  his  real  situation. 
He  told  him  that  the  Indians  had  been  secretly  hostile  to  the 

*  Western  Annals. 


270  THE    LIVES    OF    PONTIAC    AND    TECUMSEHI 

Americans  for  a  long  time;  that  since  the  battle  of  Tippe- 
canoe  he  had  dispatched  orders  to  all  his  traders  to  furnish  no 
ammunition  to  them,  and  pointed  out  the  wretched  policy  of 
Capt.  Heald  in  furnishing  the  enemy  with  arms  and  ammuni 
tion  to  destroy  the  Americans.  This  argument  opened  Heald's 
eyes,  and  he  resolved  to  destroy  the  ammunition  and  liquor. 
On  the  thirteenth  the  goods  were  distributed,  and  the  liquor 
and  ammunition  destroyed. 

Meanwhile,  Capt.  Wells  was  hastening  forward  from  Fort 
Wayne  to  aid  the  garrison  at  Chicago.  He  had  heard  of  the 
order  of  Gen.  Hull  to  evacuate  Fort  Dearborn,  and  knowing 
the  hostile  intentions  of  the  Pottawatomies,  he  had  made  a 
rapid  march  through  the  wilderness,  to  prevent,  if  possible, 
the  exposure  of  his  sister,  Mrs.  Heald,  the  officers  and  garri 
son,  to  certain  destruction.  But  he  came  too  late!  The 
ammunition  had  been  destroyed,  and  the  provisions  were  in  the 
hands  of  the  enemy.  He,  therefore,  urged  an  immediate 
departure,  and,  accordingly  every  preparation  was  made  for 
the  march  of  the  troops  on  the  following  morning.  On  the 
day  of  Capt.  Wells'  arrival  another  council  was  held  with  the 
savages,  in  which  they  expressed  great  dissatisfaction  at  the 
destruction  of  the  liquor  and  ammunition.  u  Murmurs  and 
threats  were  heard  in  every  quarter."  Among  the  chiefs  and 
braves  were  several  who,  although  they  partook  of  the  feelings 
of  hostility  to  the  Americans,  yet  retained  a  personal  regard 
for  the  troops  and  the  white  families  in  the  place.  They 
exerted  their  utmost  influence  to  allay  the  angry  feelings  of 
the  savage  warriors,  but  to  no  purpose.  Among  these  was 
Black  Partridge,  a  chief  of  some  distinction.  The  evening 
after  the  second  council,  he  entered  Heald's  room  and  said: 
"  Father,  I  come  to  deliver  up  to  you  the  medal  I  wear.  It 
was  given  me  by  the  Americans,  and  I  have  long  worn  it  in 
token  of  mutual  friendship.  But  our  young  men  are  resolved 
to  imbrue  their  hands  in  the  blood  of  the  whites.  I  cannot 
restrain  them,  and  I  will  not  wear  a  token  of  peace  while  I  am 
compelled  to  act  as  an  enemy."  The  ammunition  that  had 
been  reserved — twenty-five  rounds  to  a  man — was  now  distrib 
uted.  The  baggage  wagons  for  the  sick,  the  women  and 


OR,    THE    BOEDER    WARS    OF    TWO    CENTURIES.  271 

children  were  ready,  and,  "  amidst  the  surrounding  gloom,  and 
the  expectation  of  a  fatiguing  march  through  the  wilderness, 
or  a  disastrous  issue  on  the  morrow,  the  whole  party,  except 
the  watchful  sentinels,  retired  for  a  little  rest."  At  length  the 
fatal  morning  of  the  fifteenth  of  August  arrived.  The  sun 
rose  in  splendor  above  the  placid  bosom  of  Lake  Michigan,  the 
air  was  balmy,  and,  excepting  the  distressing  apprehensions  of 
the  garrison  and  their  families,  the  morning  was  delightful. 

At  an  early  hour  Mr.  Kinzie  received  a  message  from  Tope- 
neebe,  a  friendly  chief  of  the  St.  Joseph's  band,  informing  him 
that  the  Pottawatomies,  who  had  promised  to  be  an  escort  to 
the  detachment,  designed  mischief.  Mr.  Kinzie  had  placed  his 
family  under  the  protection  of  some  friendly  Indians.  This 
party  embarked  in  a  boat,  and  consisted  of  Mrs.  Kinzie,  four 
children,  a  clerk  of  Mr.  Kinzie's,  two  servants  and  the  boat 
men,  with  two  Indians  as  protectors.  This  boat  was  intended 
to  pass  along  the  southern  shore  of  the  lake  to  St.  Joseph, 
while  Mr.  Kinzie  and  his  eldest  son  had  agreed  to  accompany 
Capt.  Heald  and  the  troops,  as  he  thought  his  influence  over 
the  Indians  would  enable  him  to  restrain  the  fury  of  the  sav 
ages,  as  they  were  much  attached  to  him  and  his  family. 
Topeneebe  urged  him  and  his  son  to  accompany  his  family  in 
the  boat,  assuring  him  the  hostile  Indians  would  allow  his 
boat  to  pass  in  safety  to  St.  Joseph's.  The  boat  had  but 
reached  the  lake,  when  another  messenger  arrived  from  the 
same  chief  to  detain  them  where  they  were. 

At  nine  o'clock  the  troops,  with  the  baggage  wagons,  left 
the  forthwith  martial  music  and  in  military  array."  Capt. 
Wells,  at  the  head  of  his  band  of  Miamis,  led  the  advance, 
with  his  face  blackened  after  the  manner  of  Indians ;  the  troops 
with  the  wagons,  containing  the  women  and  children,  the  sick 
and  lame,  followed,  while,  at  a  little  distance  behind,  were  the 
Pottawatomies,  about  five  hundred  in  number,  who  had  pledged 
their  honor  to  escort  them  in  safety  to  Fort  Wayne.  The  party 
took  the  road  along  the  lake  shore,  and  on  reaching  the  point 
where  a  range  of  sand  hills  commenced,  the  Pottawatomies 
defiled  on  the  right  into  the  prairie,  so  as  to  bring  the  sand 
hills  between  them  and  the  Americans.  They  had  marched 


THE    LIVES    OF    PONTIAO    AND    TEODMSEHI 

about  a  mile  and  a  half  from  the  fort,  when  Capt.  Wells,  who, 
with  his  Miamis,  was  in  advance,  rode  furiously  back  and 
exclaimed: 

"They  are  about  to  attack  us;  form  instantly,  and  charge 
upon  them!" 

But  these  words  had  scarcely  been  uttered,  when  a  volly  of 
balls  from  Indian  muskets,  behind  the  sand-hills,  poured  upon 
them.  The  troops  were  formed  as  quick  as  possible  and 
charged  up  the  bank.  One  man,  a  veteran  soldier  of  seventy, 
fell  as  they  mounted  the  bank.  The  battle  became  general. 
The  Miamis  fled  at  the  outset,  though  Capt.  Wells  did  his 
utmost  to  induce  them  to  stand  their  ground.  Their  chief  rode 
up  to  the  Pottawatomies,  charged  them  with  treachery,  and, 
brandishing  his  tomahawk,  declared,  "  he  would  be  the  first  to 
head  a  party  of  Americans  and  punish  them."  He  then 
turned  his  horse  and  galloped  after  his  companions  over  the 
prairie.'54'  The  American  troops  charged  upon  the  Indians  in 
a  gallant  manner,  and  "  sold  their  lives  dearly."  Mrs.  Helm, 
wife  of  Lieut.  Helm,  was  in  the  thickest  of  the  action,  and 
behaved  with  singular  presence  of  mind.  Indeed  every  woman 
present  acted  with  great  composure.  Mrs.  Helm,  in  giving  an 
account  of  the  battle,  or  the  massacre,  said  that  the  horses 
pranced  and  bounded,  and  could  hardly  be  restrained,  as  the 
balls  whistled  around  them.  She  drew  off  to  one  side  and  gazed 
upon  Lieut.  Helm,  her  husband,  who  was  as  yet  unharmed. 
She  says:  "I  felt  that  my  hour  was  come  and  endeavored  to 
forget  those  I  loved,  and  prepare  myself  for  my  approaching 
fate.  While  I  was  thus  engaged,  the  surgeon,  Dr.  V.,  came 
up;  he  was  badly  wounded.  His  horse  had  been  shot  under 
him,  and  he  had  received  a  ball  in  his  leg.  Every  muscle  of 
his  countenance  was  quivering  with  the  agony  of  terror.  He 
said  to  me,  '  Do  you  think  they  will  take  our  lives?  I  am  badly 
wounded,  but  I  think  not  mortally.  Perhaps  we  might  pur 
chase  our  lives  by  promising  them  a  large  reward.  Do  you 
think  there  is  any  chance?' 

"  '  Dr.  V.,'  said  I,  '  do  not  let  us  waste  the  few  moments  that 
yet  remain  to  us  in  such  vain  hopes.  Our  fate  is  inevitable. 

*  Western  Annals. 


OR,    THE    BORDER    WARS    OF    TWO    CENTURIES.  273 

In  a  few  moments  we  must  appear  before  the  bar  of  God.  Let 
us  endeavor  to  make  what  preparation  is  yet  in  our  power.' 
4  Oli !  I  cannot  die  !'  exclaimed  he;  CI  am  not  fit  to  die — if  I 
had  but  a  short  time  to  prepare — death  is  awful !'  I  pointed 
to  ensign  Ronan,  who,  though  mortally  wounded,  and  nearly 
down,  was  still  fighting  with  desperation  upon  one  knee. 

"  'Look  at  that  man,'  said  I,  'at  least  he  dies  like  a  soldier!' 

"'Yes,'  replied  the  unfortunate  man,  with  a  convulsive 
gasp,  '  but  he  has  no  terrors  of  the  future — he  is  an  unbe 
liever!' 

"  At  this  moment  a  young  Indian  raised  his  tomahawk  at 
me.  By  springing  aside  I  avoided  the  blow  which  was  aimed 
at  my  skull,  but  which  alighted  on  my  shoulder.  I  seized  him 
around  the  neck,  and,  while  exerting  my  utmost  efforts  to  get 
possession  of  his  scalping-knife,  which  hung  in  a  scabbard 
over  his  breast,  I  was  dragged  from  his  grasp  by  another  and 
older  Indian. 

"The  latter  bore  me,  struggling  and  resisting,  towards  the 
lake.  Notwithstanding  the  rapidity  with  which  I  was  hurried 
along,  I  recognized,  as  I  passed  them,  the  lifeless  remains  of 
the  unfortunate  surgeon.  Some  murderous  tomahawk  had 
stretched  him  upon  the  very  spot  where  I  had  last  seen  him. 

"  I  was  immediately  plunged  into  the  water,  and  held  there 
with  a  forcible  hand,  notwithstanding  my  resistance.  I  soon 
perceived,  however,  that  the  object  of  my  captor  was  not  to 
drown  me,  as  he  held  rne  firmly  in  such  a  position  as  to  place 
my  head  above  the  water.  This  reassured  me,  and  regarding 
him  attentively,  I  soon  recognized,  in  spite  of  the  paint,  with 
which  he  was  disguised,  The  Black  Partridge. 

"  When  the  firing  had  somewhat  subsided,  my  preserver  bore 
me  from  the  water  and  conducted  me  up  the  sand-banks.  It 
was  a  burning  August  morning,  and  walking  through  the 
sand  in  my  drenched  condition,  was  inexpressibly  painful  and 
fatiguing.  I  stopped  and  took  off  my  shoes  to  free  them  from 
the  sand,  with  which  they  were  nearly  filled,  when  a  squaw 
seized  and  carried  them  off,  and  I  was  obliged  to  proceed 
without  them.  When  we  had  gained  the  prairie,  I  was  met 
by  my  father,  who  told  me  that  my  husband  was  safe,  and  but 
18 


274  THE    LIVES    OF    PONTIAO    AND    TECUMSEH'. 

slightly  wounded.  They  led  me  gently  back  toward  the 
Chicago  river,  along  the  southern  bank  of  which  was  the  Pot- 
tawatomie  encampment.  At  one  time  I  was  placed  upon  a 
horse  without  a  saddle,  but  soon  finding  the  motion  insup 
portable,  I  sprang  off.  Supported  partly  by  my  kind  con 
ductor,  and  partly  by  another  Indian,  Pee-so-tum,  who  held 
dangling  in  his  hand  the  scalp  of  Capt.  Wells,  I  dragged  my 
fainting  steps  to  one  of  the  wigwams. 

"The  wife  of  Wau-bee-nee-mah,  a  chief  from  the  Illinois 
river,  was  standing  near,  and  seeing  my  exhausted  condition, 
she  seized  a  kettle,  dipped  up  some  water  from  a  little  stream 
that  flowed  near,  threw  into  it  some  maple  sugar,  and  stirring 
it  up  with  her  hand,  gave  it  to  me  to  drink.  This  act  of  kind 
ness,  in  the  midst  of  so  many  atrocities,  touched  me  most 
sensibly,  but  my  attention  was  soon  diverted  to  another  object. 
The  fort  had  become  a  scene  of  plunder  to  such  as  remained 
after  the  troops  had  marched  out.  The  cattle  had  been  shot 
down  as  they  ran  at  large  and  lay  dead  or  dying  around. 

"As  the  noise  of  the  firing  grew  gradually  less,  and  the 
stragglers  from  the  victorious  party  dropped  in,  I  received 
confirmation  of  what  my  father  had  hurriedly  communicated 
in  our  renconter  on  the  lake  shore;  namely,  that  the  whites 
had  surrendered  after  the  loss  of  about  two-thirds  their  num 
ber.  They  had  stipulated  for  the  preservation  of  their  lives, 
and  those  of  the  remaining  women  and  children,  and  for  their 
delivery  at  some  of  the  British  posts,  unless  ransomed  by 
traders  in  the  Indian  country.  It  appears  that  the  wounded 
prisoners  were  not  considered  as  included  in  the  stipulation, 
and  a  horrible  scene  occurred  upon  their  being  brought  into 
camp. 

"  An  old  squaw,  infuriated  by  the  loss  of  friends,  or  excited 
by  the  sanguinary  scenes  around  her,  seemed  possessed  by  a 
demoniac  ferocity.  She  seized  a  stable  fork  and  assaulted  one 
miserable  victim  who  lay  groaning  and  writhing  in  the  agony 
of  his  wounds,  aggravated  by  the  scorching  beams  of  the  sun. 
With  a  delicacy  of  feeling  scarcely  to  have  been  expected 
under  such  circumstances,  Wau-bee-nee-mah  stretched  a  mat 
across  two  poles  between  me  and  this  dreadful  scene.  I  was 


OR,    THE    BORDER    WARS    OF    TWO    CENTURIES.  275 

thus  spared,  in  some  degree,  a  view  of  its  horrors,  although  I 
could  not  entirely  close  my  ears  to  the  cries  of  the  sufferer. 
The  following  night  five  more  of  the  wounded  prisoners  were 
tomahawked." 

But  why  dwell  upon  this  painful  subject?  Why  describe 
the  butchery  of  the  children,  twelve  of  whom,  placed  together 
on  one  baggage-wagon,  fell  beneath  the  merciless  tomahawk 
of  one  young  savage?  This  atrocious  act  was  committed  after 
the  whites,  twenty-seven  in  number,  had  surrendered.  When 
Capt.  Wells  beheld  it  he  exclaimed;  "  Is  that  their  game?  Then 
I  will  kill  too!"  So  saying,  he  turned  his  horse's  head,  and 
started  for  the  Indian  camp  near  the  fort,  where  had  been  left 
their  squaws  and  children. 

Several  Indians  pursued  him,  firing  at  him  as  he  galloped 
along.  He  laid  himself  flat  on  the  neck  of  his  horse,  loading 
and  firing  in  that  position;  at  length  the  balls  of  his  pursuers 
took  effect,  killing  his  horse  and  severely  wounding  himself. 
At  this  moment  he  was  met  by  Winnemeg  and  Wau-ban-see, 
who  endeavored  to  save  him  from  the  savages  who  had  now 
overtaken  him ;  but  as  they  supported  him  along,  after  having 
disengaged  him  from  his  horse,  he  received  his  death-blow 
from  one  of  the  party,  (Pee-so-tum,)  who  stabbed  him  in  the 
back. 

The  heroic  resolution  of  one  of  the  soldier's  wives  deserves 
to  be  recorded.  She  had,  from  the  first,  expressed  a  determi 
nation  never  to  fall  into  the  hands  of  the  savages,  believing 
that  their  prisoners  were  always  subjected  to  tortures  worse 
than  death.  When,  therefore,  a  party  came  up  to  her,  to  make 
her  prisoner,  she  fought  with  desperation,  refusing  to  surrender, 
although  assured  of  safe  treatment,  and  literally  suffered  herself 
to  be  cut  to  pieces,  rather  than  become  their  captive.* 

The  heart  of  Capt.  Wells  was  taken  out  and  cut  into  pieces, 
and  distributed  among  the  tribes.  His  mutilated  body  was 
not  interred  until  "  Billy  Caldwell,"  Tecumseh's  Secretary, 
arrived  and  buried  it.  The  head  was  entirely  separated  from 
the  body,  and  the  latter  was  cut  into  several  pieces.  The  fam 
ily  of  Mr.  Kinzie  had  been  taken  from  the  boat  to  their  home, 

*  Western  Annals. 


276  THE    LIVES    OF    PONTIAC    AND    TECUMSEH : 

by  friendly  Indians,  and  there  strictly  guarded.  Very  soon  a 
hostile  party  of  the  Pottawatomies  arrived  from  the  Wabash, 
and  "  it  required  all  the  skill  and  bravery  of  Black  Partridge, 
Waubansee,  Billy  Caldwell  and  other  friendly  Indians  to  pro 
tect  them."  Messengers  had  been  sent  by  the  Chicago  Indians 
to  notify  all  hostile  tribes  of  the  intended  evacuation  of  the 
fort,  and  of  their  plan  of  attacking  the  troops.  Wherever 
these  messages  were  delivered,  the  Indians  wasted  no  time  in 
repairing  to  the  scene  of  massacre,  but  most  of  them  arrived 
too  late.  These  were  infuriated  at  their  disappointment,  and 
sought  to  glut  their  vengeance  on  the  wounded  and  prisoners. 
Mr.  Kinzie  and  his  family  escaped  through  the  protection  of 
the  savages.  Of  the  other  prisoners,  Capt.  Heald  and  Mrs. 
Ileald  were  sent  across  the  lake  to  St.  Joseph's,  the  day  after 
the  battle.  Capt.  Heald  had  received  two  wounds,  and  his  wife 
seven,  the  ball  of  one  of  which  was  cut  from  her  arm  by  Mr. 
Kinzie  with  a  pen-knife,  after  the  engagement.  Mrs.  Heaid 
was  ransomed  on  the  battle-field  by  a  half-breed,  for  a  mule 
and  ten  bottles  of  whisky.  Capt.  Heald  was  taken  prisoner  by 
an  Indian  from  the  Kankakee,  who,  seeing  the  wounded  and 
suffering  condition  of  Mrs.  Heald,  generoulsy  released  his  pris 
oner,  that  he  might  accompany  his  wife.  But  when  this  Indian 
returned  to  his  village  on  the  Kankakee,  he  found  that  his  gen 
erosity  had  excited  so  much  dissatisfaction  in  his  band  that  he 
resolved  to  visit  St.  Joseph's  and  reclaim  his  prisoner.  News 
of  his  intention  having  reached  Topeneebe,  Keepotah,  Chan- 
donnai  and  other  friendly  braves,  they  sent  them  in  a  bark 
canoe,  under  the  charge  of  Robinson,  a  half-breed,  along  the 
eastern  side  of  Lake  Michigan,  three  hundred  miles,  to  Mack- 
inac,  where  they  were  delivered  over  to  the  commanding 
officer. 

Lieut.  Helm  was  wounded  in  the  action  and  taken  prisoner; 
and  afterwards  taken  by  some  friendly  Indians  to  the  Au  Sable, 
and  from  thence  to  St.  Louis,  and  liberated  from  captivity 
through  the  agency  of  Thomas  Forsyth.  Mrs.  Helm  received 
a  slight  wound  in  the  ankle;  had  her  horse  shot  from  under 
her;  and,  after  passing  through  the  agonizing  scenes  described, 
went  with  the  family  of  Mr.  Kinzie  to  Detroit.  The  soldiers, 


OR,    THE    BORDER    WARS    OF    TWO    CENTURIES.  277 

with  their  wives  and  children,  were  dispered  among  the  differ 
ent  villages  of  the  Pottawatomies,  upon  the  Illinois,  Wabash, 
Rock  River  and  Milwaukee.  The  largest  proportion  were  taken 
to  Detroit,  and  ransomed  the  following  spring.  Some,  how 
ever,  remained  in  captivity  another  year,  and  experienced  more 
kindness  than  was*  expected  from  an  enemy  so  merciless.* 

In  addition  to  the  accounts  of  the  massacre  of  Fort  Dear 
born,  already  given,  I  will  affix  the  official  report  of  Capt. 
Heald,  which  differs  in  no  essential  particular  from  that  already 
given: 

"  On  the  ninth  of  August,  I  received  orders  from  Gen.  Hull  to  evacuate 
the  post,  and  proceed  with  my  command  to  Detroit,  leaving  it  at  my  dis 
cretion  to  dispose  of  the  public  property  as  I  thought  proper.  The 
neighboring  Indians  got  the  information  as  early  as  I  did,  and  came  from 
all  quarters  to  receive  the  goods  in  the  factory  store,  which  they  understood 
were  to  be  given  to  them.  On  the  thirteenth,  Capt.  Wells,  of  Fort  Wayne, 
arrived  with  about  thirty  Miamis,  for  the  purpose  of  escorting  us  in  by  the 
request  of  Gen.  Hull.  On  the  fourteenth,  I  delivered  the  Indians  all  the 
goods  in  the  factory  store,  and  a  considerable  quantity  of  provisions, 
which  we  could  not  take  away  with  us. 

The  surplus  arms  and  ammunition,  I  thought  proper  to  destroy,  fearing 
they  would  make  bad  use  of  it,  if  put  in  their  possession. 

I  also  destroyed  all  the  liquor  on  hand,  soon  after  they  began  to  collect. 
The  collection  was  unusually  large  for  that  place,  but  they  conducted  with 
the  strictest  propriety,  till  after  I  left  the  fort. 

On  the  fifteenth,  at  nine  o'clock  A.  M.,  we  commenced  our  march — a  part 
of  the  Miamis  were  detached  in  front,  the  remainder  in  our  rear  as  guards, 
under  the  direction  of  Capt.  Wells.  The  situation  of  the  country  ren 
dered  it  necessary  for  us  to  take  the  beach,  with  the  lake  on  our  left,  and  a 
high  bank  on  our  right,  at  about  one  hundred  yards  distance.  We  pro 
ceeded  about  a  mile  and  a  half,  when  it  was  discovered  the  Indians  were 
prepared  to  attack  us  from  behind  the  bank. 

I  immediately  marched  up  the  company  to  the  top  of  the  bank,  when 
the  action  commenced ;  after  firing  one  round,  recharged,  and  the  Indians 
gave  way  in  front  and  joined  those  on  our  flanks.  In  about  fifteen  min 
utes,  they  got  posssssion  of  all  our  horses,  provision  and  baggage  of  every 
description,  and,  finding  the  Miamis  did  not  assist  us,  I  drew  off  the  few 
men  I  had  left,  and  took  possession  of  a  small  elevation  in  the  open  prairie 
out  of  shot  of  the  bank  or  any  other  cover.  The  Indians  did  not  follow 
me,  but  assembled  in  a  body  on  the  the  top  of  the  bank,  and  after  some 
consultation  among  themselves,  made  signs  to  me  to  approach  them.  I 

*  Peck's  Compilation. 


278  THE    LIVES    OF    PONTIAO    AND    TECUMSEH: 

advanced  towards  them  alone,  and  was  met  by  one  of  the  Pottawatomie 
chiefs  called  the  Blackbird,  with  an  interpreter. 

After  shaking  hands,  he  requested  me  to  surrender,  promising  to  spare 
the  lives  of  all  the  prisoners.  On  a  few  moments'  consideration,  I  con 
cluded  it  would  be  the  most  prudent  to  comply  with  his  request,  although 
I  did  not  put  entire  confidence  in  his  promise.  After  delivering  up  our 
arms,  we  were  taken  back  to  their  encampment  near  the  fort,  and  distrib 
uted  among  the  different  tribes. 

The  next  morning  they  set  fire  to  the  fort,  and  left  the  place,  taking  the 
prisoners  wi+h  them.  Their  number  of  warriors  was  between  four  and 
five  hundred,  mostly  of  the  Pottawatomie  nation,  and  their  loss,  from  the 
best  information  I  could  get,  was  about  fifteen.  Our  strength  was  fifty- 
four  regulars  and  twelve  militia,  out  of  which  twenty-six  regulars  and  all 
the  militia,  -were  killed  in  the  action,  with  two  women  and  twelve 
children. 

Ensign  George  Ronan  and  Doctor  Isaac  V.  Van  Voorhees,  of  my  com 
pany,  with  Capt.  Wells,  of  Fort  Wayne,  are,  to  my  great  sorrow,  numbered 
among  the  dead.  Lieut.  Lina  T.  Helm,  with  twenty -five  non-commissioned 
officers  and  privates,  and  eleven  women  and  children,  were  prisoners  when 
we  separated. 

Mrs.  Heald  and  myself  were  taken  to  the  mouth  of  the  river  St.  Joseph, 
and  being  both  badly  wounded,  were  permitted  to  reside  with  Mr.  Burnet, 
an  Indian  trader.  In  a  few  days  after  our  arrival  there,  the  Indians  all 
went  off  to  take  Fort  Wayne,  and  in  their  absence  I  engaged  a  Frenchman 
to  take  us  to  Michilimackinac,  by  water,  where  I  gave  myself  up  as  a 
prisoner  of  war,  with  one  of  my  sergeants. 


CHAPTER    XXXIV. 

RAISING  AN  ARMY  TO  CONQUER  THE  ENGLISH  IN  THE  NORTHWEST 
EARLY   SETTLEMENTS  IN  ILLINOIS— EXPEDITION  UNDER  GOVERNOR 
EDWARDS    AND   COLONEL   RUSSELL  —  SEIGE    OF  FORT    HARRISON  — 
CAPTAIN  TAYLOR'S  DEFENSE— THE  ARMY  UNDER  HARRISON,  WIN 
CHESTER  AND  TUPPER. 

THE  defeat  of  General  Hull,  and  the  victories  of  English  and 
Indians  in  the  Northwest  produced  the  greatest  excitement 
among  the  people  of  the  Western  States,  and  especially  in 
Kentucky  and  Ohio.  By  the  middle  of  August,  1812,  the 
whole  Northwest,  with  the  exception  of  Fort  Wayne  and  Fort 
Harrison,  was  in  the  possession  of  the  British  and  the  savages. 
But  one  desire  seemed  to  actuate  the  heart  of  every  American 
on  the  borders — uto  wipe  off  the  disgrace  with  which  our 
arms  had  been  stained,  and  to  roll  back  the  desolation  that 
threatened  the  frontier  of  Ohio  and  territories  beyond." 

As  wTe  have  seen,  General  Harrison  had  been  appointed 
Brigadier-General  in  the  army  of  the  United  States.  The  all 
absorbing  theme  was  now  the  raising  of  another  army  to  con 
quer  the  British  and  subdue  the  red  men.  The  work  immedi 
ately  began.  In  the  course  of  a  few  weeks  Kentucky  had 
about  seven  thousand  men  in  the  field  under  Gen.  Thos.  Todd. 
A  large  body  of  troops  was  also  raised  in  the  same  State  to 
march  against  the  Indians  of  Indiana  and  Illinois,  under  Gen. 
Samuel  Hopkins.  Meanwhile  Governor  Edwards,  of  Illinois, 
was  active  in  raising  men  and  making  preparations  for  an 
expedition  against  the  hostile  Indians  on  the  Illinois  river. 
Col.  Wm.  Russell  engaged  himself  in  raising  a  company  of 
rangers  to  cooperate  with  Governor  Edwards.  The  place  of 
rendezvous  was  near  the  present  town  of  Edwardsville,  west 
of  Cahokia,  and  named  "Camp  Russell."  The  scattered  set- 

(279) 


280  THE    LIVES    OF    PCXNTIAC    AND    TECUMSEH I 

tlements  of  Illinois  then  extended  no  further  north  than  Wood 
river,  near  Alton.  A  line  drawn  from  that  point  past  Green 
ville  and  Mount  Yernon  to  Shawneetown,  would  have  enclosed 
all  the  white  population,  except  a  few  families  on  the  Wabash, 
adjacent  to  Vincennes.  The  concerted  arrangement  was,  for 
Gen.  Hopkins,  with  about  four  thousand  mounted  riflemen,  to 
move  up  the  Wabash  to  Fort  Harrison,  cross  over  to  the  Illinois 
country,  destroy  all  the  Indian  villages  near  the  Wabash,  march 
across  the  prairies  to  the  head  waters  of  the  Sangamon  and 
Yermilion  rivers,  form  a  junction  with  the  Illinois  rangers 
under  Governor  Edwards  and  Col.  Russell,  and  sweep  over  all 
the  villages  along  the  Illinois  river.* 

As  soon  as  the  troops  under  Gen.  Hopkins  entered  the 
prairies  of  Illinois  they  became  disorderly,  which  defeated  the 
objects  of  the  expedition.  By  constantly  firing  at  the  game 
with  which  they  came  in  contact,  they  made  the  Indians  aware 
of  their  approach,  and  gaining  a  knowledge  of  the  force  of 
their  invaders,  they  left  their  villages  in  flight.  The  troops 
under  Governor  Edwards  and  Col.  Russell,  however,  accom 
plished  more;  they  ascended  the  river  to  the  village  of  the 
Peorias  and  drove  the  savages  into  the  swamps,  killing  many 
and  destroying  their  town. 

On  the  twenty-eighth  of  August  of  the  same  year,  the  Pot- 
tawatomies,  Ottawas,  and  other  hostile  Indians,  made  an  attack 
on  Fort  Wayne,  which  they  continued  until  the  sixteenth  of 
September,  cutting  off  all  approach  to  the  fort  until  relieved 
by  a  strong  force  under  Gen.  Harrison.  Early  in  September 
a  fierce  attack  was  made  on  Fort  Harrison,  situated  a  short 
distance  above  the  site  of  the  present  city  of  Terre  Haute,  and 
which  was  commanded  by  Capt.  Z.  Taylor.  Tecumseh's  band 
and  many  other  hostile  Indians  appeared  before  the  fort,  having 
first  murdered  two  persons  belonging  to  the  post,  whom  they 
found  in  the  open  fields.  They  set  fire  to  one  of  the  block 
houses,  which  was  discovered  about  midnight,  and  which  pro 
duced  the  greatest  confusion  among  the  garrison.  Capt.  Taylor 
immediately  directed  the  men  to  get  the  buckets,  carry  water 
from  the  well  and  extinguish  the  fire,  but  from  some  cause 
*  Peck's  Compilation 


OR,  THE  BORDER  WARS  OF  TWO  CENTURIES.        281 

the  men  were  slow  in  executing  the  orders,  and  in  spite  of 
every  exertion  they  could  make  the  flames  ascended  to  the 
roof.  As  this  blockhouse  adjoined  the  barracks  that  made 
part  of  the  fortifications,  most  of  the  men  immediately  gave 
themselves  up  for  lost,  and  the  Captain  had  the  greatest  difii- 
culty  in  getting  his  orders  executed.  Indeed,  from  the  raging 
of  the  tire,  the  yelling  and  howling  of  a  thousand  savages,  the 
cries  of  women  and  children  in  the  fort,  and  the  desponding 
of  so  many  men,  his  own  feelings  were  unpleasant.  The 
situation  became  worse  on  account  of  the  sickness  which  at  the 
time  prevailed  in  the  fort.  Two  of  the  strongest  men  of  the 
garrison,  regarding  resistance  out  of  reason,  jumped  the  pickets 
and  left.  In  this  terrible  moment  Capt.  Taylor  conceived  a 
plan  by  which  the  fort  and  garrison  were  saved.  He  explained 
to  the  men  that  by  throwing  off  a  part  of  the  roof  that  joined 
the  blockhouse  that  was  on  fire  and  keeping  the  end  perfectly 
wet,  the  whole  row  of  buildings  might  be  saved.  In  this  way 
the  fire  would  leave  only  an  opening  of  eighteen  or  twenty 
feet  for  the  entrance  of  the  Indians  after  the  house  was  con 
sumed,  and  that  a  temporary  breastwork  might  be  erected  to 
prevent  their  entering  there.  The  men  were  taken  with  the 
plan  and  went  to  work  in  a  good  spirit  to  execute  it;  mean 
while  those  unable  for  such  arduous  duty  kept  up  a  constant 
fire  from  the  other  blockhouse  and  the  two  bastions.  The  men. 
who  undertook  the  execution  of  the  Captain's  plan  succeeded 
by  the  loss  of  only  one  of  their  number.  In  a  few  moments 
the  roof  was  removed,  and  before  the  dawn  of  the  following 
morning  a  temporary  breastwork  had  been  erected  over  the 
ashes  of  the  blockhouse.  During  the  whole  of  the  siege  but 
two  of  the  men  were  killed  within  the  fort.  Of  those  who 
jumped  the  pickets,  one  was  murdered  in  the  most  cruel  man 
ner  by  the  Indians,  the  other  escaped  to  the  fort  with  his  arm 
broken.  The  savages  kept  up  a  continual  fire  until  about  six 
o'clock  on  the  following  morning,  when  it  was  returned  with 
such  effect  that  they  were  driven  away. 

The  Indians  drove  up  the  horses  that  belonged  to  the  settlers 
of  the  post,  and  as  they  could  not  catch  them  they  shot  the 
whole  of  them  before  the  eyes  of  the  commandant,  as  also  the 


282  THE    LIVES    OF    PONTIAC    AND    TECUMSEH: 

hogs  and  cattle,  amounting  to  over  one  hundred  head.  By  the 
burning  of  the  blockhouse  the  garrison  were  deprived  of  all 
their  provisions  and  were  compelled  to  live  upon  green  corn 
until  relief  came. 

Meanwhile,  extensive  preparations  were  going  on  in  Ohio, 
Kentucky,  Virginia,  and  Pennsylvania,  to  bring  a  large  and 
efficient  army  into  service — a  force  that  would  compel  the 
British  to  retire,  and  subjugate  the  savages.  Three  points 
needed  defence,  Fort  Wayne  and  the  Maumee,  the  Wabash,  and 
the  Illinois  river:  the  troops  destined  for  the  first  point  were 
to  be  under  the  command  of  Gen.  Winchester,  a  revolutionary 
officer;  those  for  the  Wabash  were  to  be  under  Harrison,  whose 
name  since  the  battle  of  Tippecanoe  was  familiar  everywhere; 
while  Governor  Edwards,  of  the  Illinois  Territory,  was  to  com 
mand  the  expedition  up  the  river  of  the  same  name.  Such 
were  the  intentions  of  the  Government,  but  the  wishes  of  the 
people  frustrated  them,  and  led,  first,  to  the  appointment  of 
Harrison  to  the  command  of  the  Kentucky  volunteers,  destined 
to  assist  Hull's  army,  and  next  to  his  elevation  to  the  post  of 
commander-in-chief  over  all  the  forces  of  the  west  and  north 
west,  as  already  observed.  Meantine  Fort  Wayne  had  been 
relieved,  and  the  line  of  the  Maumee  secured;  so  that  when 
Harrison  found  himself  placed  at  the  head  of  military  affairs 
in  the  West,  his  main  objects  were,  first,  to  drive  the  Indians 
from  the  western  side  of  the  Detroit  river;  second,  to  take  Mai 
den;  and  third,  having  thus  secured  his  communications,  to 
recapture  the  Michigan  Territory  and  its  dependencies.  To  do 
all  this  before  winter,  and  thus  be  prepared  to  conquer  Upper 
Canada,  Harrison  proposed  to  take  possession  of  the  rapids  of 
the  Maumee  and  there  to  concentrate  his  forces  and  his  stores; 
in  moving  upon  this  point  he  divided  his  troops  into  three  col 
umns,  the  right  to  march  from  Wooster  through  Upper  San- 
dusky,  the  centre  from  Urbana,  by  Fort  McArthur,  on  the  head 
of  the  Scioto,  and  the  left  from  St.  Mary's  by  the  Auglaize 
and  Maumee, — all  meeting  of  course  at  the  Rapids.  This  plan, 
however,  failed;  the  troops  of  the  left  column,  under  Win 
chester,*  worn  out  and  starved,  were  found  on  the  verge  of 
*  Peck's  compilation. 


OR,    THE    BOEDER    WARS    OF    TWO    CENTURIES.  283 

mutiny,  and  the  mounted  men  of  the  centre,  under  Gen.  Tup- 
per,  were  unable  to  do  anything,  partly  from  their  own  want 
of  subordination,  but  still  more  from  the  shiftlessness  of  their 
commander.*  This  condition  of  the  troops,  and  the  prevalence 
of  disease  among  them,  together  with  the  increasing  difficulty 
of  transportation  after  the  fall  freshets,  forced  the  commander 
to  the  necessity  of  waiting  until  the  winter  had  bridged  the 
streams  and  swamps  with  ice,  and  even  when  that  had  taken 
place,  he  was  doubtful  as  to  the  wisdom  of  an  attempt  to  con 
quer  without  a  naval  force  on  Lake  Erie.  Thus  it  will  be  seen 
the  year  1812  closed,  leaving  the  British  and  Indians  in  posses 
sion  of  their  conquests.  Winchester,  with  the  left  wing  of  the 
army,  was  on  his  way  to  the  Kapids,  his  men  enfeebled  by 
sickness,  want  of  clothes  and  want  of  food ;  the  right  wing  was 
approaching  Sandusky,  and  the  centre  resting  at  Fort  McArthur. 

In  December,  however,  Gen.  Harrison  dispatched  a  party  of 
six  hundred  against  the  Miami  villages  upon  theMississineway, 
a  branch  of  the  Wabash.  This  body,  under  the  command  of 
Lieut.-Col.  Campbell,  destroyed  several  villages,  and.  fought  a 
severe  battle  with  the  Indians,  who  were  defeated;  but  the 
severity  of  the  weather,  the  large  number  of  the  wounded,  the 
scarcity  of  provisions,  and  the  probability  of  being  attacked  by 
Tecumseh  at  the  head  of  six  hundred  warriors,  induced  Col. 
Campbell  to  retreat  immediately  after  the  battle,  without 
destroying  the  principal  towns  of  the  enemy. 

Winchester  reached  the  Rapids  with  his  troops  on  the  tenth 
of  January,  1813.  Harrison  was  still  at  Sandusky  with  the 
right  wing,  and  Tupper  with  the  centre  at  Fort  McArthnr. 

*  McAfee. 


CHAPTER    XXXV. 

THE  WAR  OP  1812  —  DEFEAT  AT  FRENCHTOWN —  GROGHAN'S  HEROIC 
DEFENSE  OF  FORT  STEPHEKSON —  DEFEAT  OF  THE  AMERICANS  — 
PREPARATIONS  FOR  A  NEW  CAMPAIGN  —  PERRY'S  VICTORY  —  HAR 
RISON'S  TRIUMPH  —  THE  INDIANS  SUBDUED — THE  ENGLISH  DEFEATED 
—  CLOSE  OF  THE  WAR. 

WINCHESTER  was  now  besieged  with  messengers  from  French- 
town,  on  the  River  Raisin,  representing  the  danger  to  which 
that  place  was  exposed,  and  begging  for  protection.  Agreea 
bly  to  these  requests,  Col.  Lewis  was  dispatched  with  five 
hundred  men  to  the  River  Raisin,  and  soon  after  Col.  Allen 
followed  with  over  one  hundred  more.  This  was  in  January r 
18 13.  Marching  along  the  frozen  borders  of  the  bay  and  lake,, 
on  the  afternoon  of  the  eighteenth,  the  detachment  reached 
and  attacked  the  enemy  who  were  posted  in  the  village,  and 
after  a  severe  contest  defeated  them.  Having  gained  posses 
sion  of  the  town,  Col.  Lewis  wrote  for  reinforcements,  and 
prepared  to  defend  the  possession  he  had  gained.  And  it  was 
evident  that  all  his  means  of  defense  would  be  needed,  as  .the 
place  was  but  eighteen  miles  from  Maiden,  where  the  whole 
British  force  was  collected  under  Proctor.  Winchester,  on  the 
nineteenth,  having  heard  of  the  action  of  the  previous  day, 
marched  with  two  hundred  and  fifty  men,  which  was  the  most 
he  dared  detach  from  the  Rapids,  to  the  aid  of  the  captor  of 
Frenchtown,  which  place  he  reached  on  the  next  evening.  But 
instead  of  placing  his  men  in  a  secure  position,  and  taking 
measures  to  prevent  the  secret  approach  of  the  enemy,  Win 
chester  suffered  the  troops  he  had  brought  with  him  to  remain 
in  the  open  ground,  and  took  no  efficient  measures  to  protect 
himself  from  surprise,  although  informed  that  an  attack  might 
be  expected  at  any  moment.  The  consequence  was  that  during 

(284) 


OR,    THE    BOEDER    WARS    OF    TWO    CENTURIES.  285 

the  night  of  the  twenty-first,  the  whole  British  force  approached 
undiscovered,  and  erected  a  battery  within  three  hundred  yards 
of  the  American  camp.  From  this,  before  the  troops  were 
fairly  under  arms  in  the  morning,  a  discharge  of  bombs,  balls 
and  grape  shot,  "  informed  the  devoted  soldiers  of  Winchester, 
of  the  folly  of  their  commander,  and  in  a  moment  more  the 
dreaded  Indian  yell  sounded  on  every  side."  Lewis'  troops 
were,  it  would  seem,  on  their  guard,  protected  by  the  pickets 
of  a  garden.  Those  under  Winchester  were  in  the  open  field,  and 
against  them  the  main  effort  of  the  enemy  was-  directed.  In 
a  few  moments  Winchester's  troops  yielded,  broke  and  fled, 
under  a  fire  which  mowed  them  down  like  grass.  Winchester 
and  Lewis  were  both  taken  prisoners,  the  latter  having  left  his 
security  to  aid  his  superior  officer.  Upon  Lewis'  troops, 
however,  who  fought  from  behind  their  slight  defenses,  no 
impression  could  be  made,  and  it  was  not  until  Winchester 
sent  them  advice  to  surrender  that  they  thought  of  doing  so.* 
This  Proctor  persuaded  him  to  do,  by  telling  him  that  the 
Indians  would  massacre  all  the  Americans  should  resistance  be 
continued  longer.  To  this  he  added  a  promise  of  help  and 
protection  to  the  wounded,  and  of  a  removal  at  the  earliest 
moment.  It  was  only  in  consideration  of  the  last  promise  that 
Lewis'  troops  consented  to  yield,  even  when  required  by  their 
general.  "  But,"  says  Mr.  Peck,  "  the  promise,  even  if  given 
in  good  faith,  was  not  redeemed,  and  the  horrors  of  the  suc 
ceeding  night  and  day  will  long  be  remembered."  Of  the 
American  army,  which  was  nearly  eight  hundred  strong,  one- 
third  were  killed  in  the  battle  and  the  massacre  which  followed, 
and  but  thirty-three  escaped. 

As  before  mentioned,  Gen.  Harrison  was  at  Sandusky  when 
Winchester  reached  the  Kapids.  On  the  night  of  the  sixteenth 
word  came  to  him  of  the  arrival  of  the  left  wing  at  that  point, 
and  of  its  meditated  movements.  He  at  once  proceeded  with 
all  speed  to  Lower  Sandusky,  and  on  the  morning  of  the  eigh 
teenth,  sent  forward  a  battalion  of  troops  to  the  support  of 
Winchester.  On  the  nineteenth,  he  received  farther  intelli 
gence  as  to  the  proposed  movement  of  Winchester,  and,  with 

*  Peck's  Compilation. 


286  THE   LIVES    OF    PONTIAO    AND    TECUMSEH I 

additional  troops,  lie  immediately  started  for  the  falls,  where  he 
arrived  early  on  the  morning  of  the  twentieth.  At  this  point 
he  joined  the  battalion,  which  had  started  before  him.  The 
troops  now  moved  forward  to  aid  Winchester,  but  meeting  a 
few  of  the  survivors  of  his  disaster,  and  learning  of  what  had 
taken  place,  they  returned  to  the  Rapids.  At  this  place  a  con 
sultation  took  place,  the  result  of  which  was  a  determination 
to  retreat  yet  farther  in  order  to  prevent  the  possibility  of  being 
cut  off  from  the  convoys  of  stores  and  artillery  upon  their  way 
from  Sandusky.  On  the  next  morning,  therefore,  the  block 
house,  which  had  been  built,  was  destroyed,  together  with  the 
provisions  it  contained,  and  the  troops  retired  to  Portage  river, 
eighteen  miles  in  the  rear  of  Winchester's  position,  there  to 
await  the  guns  and  reinforcements  which  were  daily  expected, 
but  which,  as  it  turned  out,  were  detained  by  rains  until  the 
thirtieth  of  January.  Finding  his  army  seventeen  hundred 
strong,  Gen.  Harrison,  on  the  first  of  February,  again  advanced 
to  the  Kapids,  where  he  took  up  a  new  and  stronger  position, 
at  which  point  he  ordered  all  the  troops  as  rapidly  as  possible 
to  gather.  He  did  this  in  the  hope  of  being  able  before  the 
middle  of  the  month  to  advance  upon  Maiden,  but  the  long 
continuance  of  warm  and  wet  weather  kept  the  roads  in  such 
a  condition  that  his  troops  were  unable  to  join  him,  and  the 
project  of  advancing  upon  the  ice  was  entirely  frustrated;  so 
at  length  the  winter  campaign  had  to  be  abandoned,  as  the 
autumnal  one  had  been  before. 

So  far  the  military  measures  for  the  recovery  of  the  North 
west  forts  had  proved  a  failure.  The  Americans  had  been 
defeated  at  almost  every  turn,  and  hundreds  of  them  had  fallen 
under  the  merciless  tomahawk.  Tecumseh  and  his  warriors, 
on  the  other  hand,  were  full  of  hope.  Victory  had  crowned 
their  efforts,  and  made  them  more  valuable  as  British  allies. 

But  while  these  discouraging  events  were  taking  place  in  the 
Northwest,  a  series  of  events  transpired  at  the  National  Cap 
ital,  which  was  preparing  the  way  for  another  campaign,  which 
was  destined  to  victory.  Gen.  Armstrong  had  succeeded  Dr. 
Eustis  in  the  War  Department,  and  in  October,  1812,  he  urged 
upon  the  government  the  great  necessity  of  obtaining  the 


OR,  THE  BORDER  WARS  OF  TWO  CENTURIES.        287 

command  of  the  lakes.  Naval  operations  were  the  basis  of  his 
plan.  Among  the  defensive  operations  of  the  spring  and  sum 
mer  of  1813,  that  at  Fort  or  Camp  Meigs,  the  new  post  taken 
by  Harrison,*  at  the  Eapids,  and  that  at  Lower  Sandusky, 
deserve  to  be  especially  noticed.  It  had  been  anitcipated  that, 
'with  the  opening  of  spring,  the  British  would  attempt  the 
conquest  of  the  position  upon  the  Maumee,  and  measures  had 
been  taken  by  the  general  to  forward  reinforcements,  which 
were  detained,  however,  as  usual  by  the  spring  freshets  and  the 
bottomless  roads.  As  had  been  expected,  on  the  twenty-eighth 
of  April,  the  English  forces  began  the  investment  of  Harrison's 
camp,  and  by  the  first  of  May  had  completed  their  batteries; 
meantime,  the  Americans  behind  their  tents  had  thrown  up  a 
bank  of  earth  twelve  feet  high,  and  upon  a  basis  of  twenty 
feet,  behind  which  the  whole  garrison  withdrew  the  moment 
that  the  gunners  of  the  enemy  were  prepared  to  commence 
operations.  Upon  this  bank,  the  ammunition  of  His  Majesty 
was  wasted  in  vain,  and  down  to  the  fifth,  nothing  was  effected 
by  either  party.  On  that  day,  Gen.  Clay,  with  twelve  hundred 
additional  troops,  came  down  the  Maumee  in  flatboats,  and,  in 
accordance  with  orders  received  from  Harrison,  detached  eight 
hundred  men  under  Col.  Dudley  to  attack  the  batteries  upon 
the  left  bank  of  the  river,  while,  with  the  remainder  of  his 
forces,  he  landed  upon  the  southern  shore,  and  after  some  loss 
and  delay,  fought  his  way  into  camp.  Dudley,  on  his  part, 
succeeded  perfectly  in  capturing  the  batteries,  but  instead  of 
spiking  the  cannon,  and  then  instantly  returning  to  his  boats, 
he  suffered  his  men  to  waste  their  time  in  skirmish  with  the 
Indians,  until  Proctor  was  able  to  cut  them  off  from  their  only 
chance  of  retreat;  taken  by  surprise,  and  in  disorder,  the 
greater  part  of  the  detachment  became  an  easy  prey,  only  one 
hundred  and  fifty  of  the  eight  hundred  escaping  captivity  or 
death.  This  sad  result  was  partially,  though  but  little  allevi 
ated  by  the  success  of  a  sortie  made  from  the  fort  by  Col. 
Miller,  in  which  he  captured  and  made  useless  the  batteries 
that  had  been  erected  south  of  the  Maumee.  The  result  of  the 
day's  doings  had  been  sad  enough  for  the  Americans,  but  still 
*  Mr.  Peck's  Compilation. 


288  THE    LIVES   OF    I'ONTIAC    AND    TBODMSBHI 

the  British  General  saw  in  it  nothing  to  encourage  him ;  his 
cannon  had  done  nothing,  and  were  in  fact  no  longer  of  value ; 
his  Indian  allies  found  it  "  hard  to  fight  people  who  lived  like  ' 
groundhogs;"  news  of  the  American  successes  below  had  been 
received,  and  additional  troops  were  approaching  from  Ohio 
and  Kentucky.  Proctor,  weighing  all  things,  determined  to 
retreat,  and  upon  the  ninth  of  May  returned  to  Maiden. 

The  ship-building  going  forward  at  Erie  had  not,  mean 
while,  been  unknown  to,  or  disregarded  by,  the  English,  who 
proposed  all  in  good  time  to  destroy  the  vessels  upon  which  so 
much  depended,  and  to  appropriate  the  stores  of  the  Kepubli- 
cans:  "the  ordnance  and  naval  stores  you  require,"  said  Sir 
George  Prevost  to  Gen.  Proctor,  "  must  be  taken  from  the 
enemy,  whose  resources  on  Lake  Erie  must  become  yours.  I 
am  much  mistaken,  if  you  do  not  find  Capt.  Barclay  disposed 
to  play  that  game."  Capt.  Barclay  was  an  experienced,  brave 
and  able  seaman,  and  was  waiting  anxiously  for  a  sufficient 
body  of  troops  to  attack  Erie.  A  sufficient  force  was  promised 
him,  on  the  eighteenth  of  July,  at  which  time  the  British  fleet 
went  down  the  lake  to  reconnoitre,  and,  should  a  favorable 
opportunity  be  presented,  to  make  the  proposed  attempt  upon 
the  Americans  at  Erie.  No  attack,  however,  was  made. 
About  the  same  time,  Proctor,  with  his  soldiers  and  savages, 
again  surrounded  Fort  Meigs,  but  accomplished  nothing. 
Being  unable  to  accomplish  anything  at  this  point,  he  moved 
on  to  Sandusky,  into  the  neighborhood  of  the  commander-in- 
chief.  The  principal  stores  of  Harrison  were  at  Sandusky, 
while  he  himself  was  at  Seneca.  Major  Groghan  commanded 
'at  Fort  Stephenson  or  Lower  Sandusky.*  This  latter  post 
being  deemed  indefensible  against  heavy  cannon,  and  it  being 
known  that  Proctor  was  approaching  with  artillery,  the  Gen 
eral  and  a  council  of  war,  called  by  him,  thought  it  best  to 
abandon  it;  but  before  this  could  be  done,  the  appearance  of 
the  enemy  upon  the  thirty-first  of  July,  1813,  made  it  impos 
sible.  The  commandant  of  this  post  was  but  twenty-one  years 

*  I  depend,  in  this  portion  of  the  narrative,  very  materially  upon  the 
compilation  of  Mr.  Peck,  entitled  the  Western  Annals.  Published  by  Mr. 
Albach  at  St.  Louis,  in  1851. — ED. 


OR,    THE    BORDER    WARS    OF    TWO    CENTURIES.  289 

of  age,  and  the  garrison  consisted  of  but  one  hundred  and  fifty 
soldiers.  There  was  within  the  fort  only  one  piece  of  cannon, 
and  the  fortifications  were  deemed  insecure.  On  the  other 
hand,  the  investing  force,  including  Tecumseh  and  his  warriors, 
was  over  three  thousand  three  hundred  strong,  with  six  pieces 
of  artillery. 

Proctor  at  once  demanded  a  surrender,  arid  told  Groghan 
that  unless  he  did  so  at  once  a  general  massacre  would  follow. 
To  this  the  daring  young  officer  replied  by  saying,  that  "  the 
Indians  would  have  none  left  to  massacre,  if  the  British  con 
quered,  for  every  man  of  the  garrison  would  have  died  at  his 
post."  Proctor  at  once  opened  fire  upon  the  fort,  concentrat 
ing  his  aim  upon  the  northwest  angle  of  the  fort.  This  led 
Groghan  to  believe  that  the  British  intended  to  make  a  breach 
there,  and  carry  the  works  by  assault;  he,  therefore,  at  once 
proceeded  to  strengthen  that  point  by  bags  of  sand  and  fiour, 
while  under  cover  of  night  he  placed  his  single  six  pounder  in 
a  position  to  rake  the  angle  threatened,  and  then,  having 
charged  his  infant  battery  with  slugs,  and  hidden  it  from  the 
enemy,  he  waited  the  event.  During  the  night  of  the  first  of 
August,  and  till  late  in  the  evening  of  the  second,  the  firing 
continued  upon  the  devoted  northwest  corner;  then,  under 
cover  of  the  smoke  and  gathering  darkness,  a  column  of  three 
hundred  and  fifty  men  approached  unseen  to  within  twenty 
paces  of  the  walls.  The  musketry  opened  upon  them,  but  with 
little  effect.  The  ditch  was  gained,  and  in  a  moment  filled 
with  men:  at  that  instant^  the  masked  cannon,  only  thirty  feet 
distant,  and  so  directed  as  to  sweep  the  ditch,  was  unmasked 
and  fired,  killing  at  once  twenty-seven  of  the  assailants.  The 
effect  was  decisive,  the  column  recoiled,  and  the  little  fort  was 
saved  with  the  loss  of  one  man.  On  the  next  morning  the 
British  and  their  allies,  having  the  fear  of  Harrison  before  their 
eyes,  were  gone,  leaving  behind  them  in  their  haste,  guns, 
stores,  and  clothing. 

But  now  all  were  active,  preparing  for  the  attack  on  Maiden. 

Kentucky  sent  her  best  men  in  vast  numbers,  under  Governor 

Shelby  and  Richard  M.  Johnson,  and  on  the  fourth  of  August 

Perry  got  his  vessels  out  of  Erie  into  deep  water.     But  of  that 

19 


290  THE    LIVES    OF    PONTIAC    AND    TECUMSEH: 

contest  we  need  say  nothing,  for  Perry's  victory  has  become  a 
household  word  throughout  America. 

Meanwhile  the  American  army  had  received  reinforcements,, 
and  was  only  awaiting  the  expected  victory  of  Commodore 
Perry,  to  embark.  On  the  twenty-seventh  of  September,  it  set 
sail  for  the  shores  of  Canada,  and  in  a  few  hours  stood  around 
the  ruins  of  the  deserted  and  wasted  Maiden,  from  which  Proc 
tor  had  retreated  to  Sandwich,  intending  to  make  his  way  to 
to  the  heart  of  Canada,  by  the  valley  of  the  Thames.'55'  On 
the  twenty-ninth  Harrison  was  at  Sandwich,  and  Me  Ar 
thur  took  possession  of  Detroit  and  the  territory  of  Mich 
igan.  At  this  point  Col.  Johnson's  mounted  rifle  regiment, 
which  had  gone  up  the  west  side  of  the  river,  rejoined 
the  main  army.  On  the  second  of  October,  the  Americans 
began  their  march  in  pursuit  of  Proctor,  whom  they  overtook 
upon  the  fifth.  He  had  posted  his  army  with  its  left  resting 
upon  the  river,  while  the  right  flank  was  defended  by  a  marsh; 
the  ground  between  the  river  and  the  marsh  was  divided  length 
wise  by  a  smaller  swamp,  so  as  to  make  two  distinct  fields  in 
which  the  troops  were  to  operate.  The  British  were  in  two 
lines,  occupying  the  field  between  the  river  and  small  swamp; 
the  Indians  extended  from  the  small  to  the  large  morass,  the 
ground  being  suitable  to  their  mode  of  warfare,  and  unfavora 
ble  for  cavalry.  Harrison  ordered  Col.  Johnson  with  his 
mounted  men  to  charge,  and  try  to  break  the  regular  troopsy 
by  passing  through  their  ranks  and  forming  in  their  rear.  In 
arranging  to  do  this,  Johnson  found  the  space  between  the 
river  and  small  swamp  too  narrow  for  all  his  men  to  act  in 
with  effect;  so,  dividing  them,  he  gave  the  right  hand  body 
opposite  the  regulars  in  charge  to  his  brother  James,  while 
crossing  the  swamp  with  the  remainder,  he  himself  led  the  way 
against  Tecumseh  and  his  savage  followers.  The  charge  of 
James  Johnson  was  perfectly  successful.  The  Keiituckians 
received  the  fire  of  the  enemy,  broke  through  their  ranks,  and 
forming  beyond  them,  "produced  such  a  panic  by  the  novelty 
of  the  attack  that  the  whole  body  of  troops  yielded  at  once." 
On  the  left  the  Indians  fought  courageously,  and  the  American 

*  McAfee,  324  to  328— Western  Annals. 


OK,  THE  BORDER  WARS  OF  TWO  CENTURIES.        291 

horsemen  were  forced  to  dismount ;  but  in  a  few  moments 
Tecumseli,  the  great  Shawanoe  chieftain,  who,  more  than  any 
other  man  brought  about  this  war,  fell  dead.  He  was  pierced 
by  a  bullet .  either  from  the  Americans  or  from  his  own  fol 
lowers  who*  become  enraged  at  his  defeat.  The  exact  source  of 
his  death  is  a  matter  of  dispute.  The  Indians  were  now  discon 
certed.  They  soon  gave  up  the  contest,  and  now  all  was  over 
except  the  pursuit  of  Proctor,  who  had  fled  at  the  beginning 
of  the  engagement.  Such  were  the  glorious  victories  of  our 
arms  over  the  British  and  the  Indians.  Commodore  Perry  had 
been  triumphant  on  Lake  Erie,  and  the  scarcely  less  brave  Har 
rison  conquerer  in  the  battle  of  the  Thames. 

This  last  contest  practically  closed  the  war  in  the  Northwest. 
Tecumseh  having  fallen,  the  Indians  lost  their  power  and  pres 
tige,  and  the  British  having  been  thoroughly  defeated,  gave  but 
little  trouble  afterwards. 

However,  the  Americans  made  one  unsuccessful  attempt  to 
invade  Canada  afterwards.  They  also  failed  in  an  expedition 
against  the  British  at  Mackinac.  Meanwhile,  upon  the  twenty- 
second  of  July,  1814,  a  treaty  had  been  formed  at  Greenville, 
under  the  direction  of  Gen.  Harrison  and  Governor  Cass,  by 
which  the  United  States  and  the  faithful  Wyandots,  Delawares, 
Shawanoes,  and  Senecas,  gave  peace  to  the  Miamis,  Weas,  and 
Eel  river  Indians,  and  to  certain  of  the  Pottawatomies,  Otta- 
was,  and  Kickapoos;  and  all  the  Indians  engaged  to  aid  the 
Americans  should  the  war  with  Great  Britain  continue.  But 
such,  happily,  was  not  to  be  the  case,  and  on  the  twenty-fourth 
of  December,  the  treaty  of  Ghent  was  signed  by  the  representa 
tives  of  England  and  the  United  States. 


CHAPTER    XXXYI. 

THE  LTFE  AND  TIMES  OF  BLACK  HAWK  —  BLACK  HAWK  DISTINGUISHES 
HIMSELF  AS  A  WARRIOR  —  BLACK  HAWK  JOINS  THE  BRITISH  —  THE 
SACS  DRIVEN  BEYOND  THE  MISSISSIPPI  —  BLACK  HAWK  REMON 
STRATES  —  DESCRIPTION  OF  THE  PRINCIPAL  SAC  VILLAGE  AT  ROCK 
RIVER. 


WILL  now  turn  oar  course  westward  to  the  more  recent, 
and  perhaps  the  more  interesting  incidents  of  border  warfare 
in  that  direction.  The  life  and  times  of  Black  Hawk  will  next 
engage  the  reader's  attention.  One  writer  has  truthfully  said, 
"  Black  Hawk  may  die,  his  name  may  be  forgotten,  and  the 
smoke  of  his  wigwam  be  seen  no  more,  but  '  The  Black  Hawk 
War  '  will  long  form  a  page  of  deep  interest  in  the  history 
of  this  country." 

Black  Hawk,  the  Sac  chieftain,  was  born  at  the  principal 
Sac  village  on  Rock  river,  in  the  year  1767.  As  with  many 
other  distinguished  warriors,  he  was  not  a  chiefs  son,  but  rose 
to  that  station  through  his  own  ability.  At  the  early  age  of 
fifteen  he  distinguished  himself  by  killing  an  enemy,  and  was 
at  once  permitted  to  paint  himself  after  the  custom  of  the  Sac 
braves.  At  a  later  day  he  was  also  permitted  to  wear  feathers 
according  to  the  ancient  customs  of  his  tribe. 

As  early  as  1783,  he  united  in  an  expedition  against  the 
Osages,  and  had  the  high  fortune  to  kill  several  of  the  enemy. 
For  this  brave  act  he  was  now  permitted,  for  the  first  time,  to 
join  in  the  scalp  dance.  Subsequently  he  became  the  leader 
of  a  small  band  of  his  own  tribe,  and  again  performed  acts  of 
great  valor.  His  band  was  soon  increased,  and  presently  he 
found  himself  at  the  head  of  more  than  a  hundred  braves. 
With  this  band  he  marched  to  an  Osage  village  on  the  Mis 
souri,  but  finding  it  deserted,  most  of  his  followers  became  dis- 

(292) 


OR,    THE    BOEDER    WARS    OF    TWO    CENTURIES.  293 

couraged  and  returned  home.  Black  Hawk,  however,  with  only 
half  a  dozen  followers,  pursued  the  enemy,  and  after  several 
day's  march,  succeeded  in  overtaking  a  small  party  and  killing 
one  man  and  a  boy.  Securing  their  scalps,  he  returned  home, 
being  greeted  with  additional  respect. 

In  1786  he  was  again  marching  at  the  head  of  two  hundred 
braves  into  the  country  of  the  enemy.  On  this  occasion  he 
met  a  party  quite  equal  to  his  own  in  numbers,  and  a  battle 
took  place  in  which  he  was  victorious,  having  killed  one 
hundred  and  losing  only  nineteen.  Nearly  a  score  of  the  enemy 
fell  by  his  own  hand.  This  successful  event  had  a  two-fold 
result — that  of  keeping  the  Osages  in  check  and  winning  glory 
for  Black  Hawk.  The  Sacs,  with  this  brave  at  their  head,  now 
turned  their  attention  to  the  Cherokees,  who  had  committed 
several  depredations  upon  them.  A  battle  was  fought  between 
these  tribes  upon  the  Merrimack  river,  below  St.  Louis,  in 
which  Black  Hawk's  father  was  killed,  but  the  Cherokees  were 
defeated  and  compelled  to  retreat  with  a  loss  of  twenty-eight 
men,  the  Sacs  losing  but  seven.  So  great  was  his  success  at 
this  battle  that  he  was  immediately  promoted  to  the  high 
station  of  chief. 

In  the  year  1800,  "  he  made  another  excursion,"  says  Mr. 
Conclin,  "  against  the  Osages,  at  the  head  of  about  five  hundred 
Sacs  and  Foxes,  and  a  hundred  lowas,  who  had  joined  him  as 
allies.  After  a  long  march  they  reached  and  destroyed  about 
forty  lodges  of  the  enemy,  killing  many  of  their  bravest  war 
riors,  five  of  whom  were  slain  by  the  leader  of  the  invading 
army."  In  1802,  he  waged  a  successful  war  against  the 
Chippewas,  Kaskaskias  and  Osages,  killing  over  one  hundred 
warriors. 

In  1803,  Black  Hawk  made  a  visit  to  St.  Louis,  to  see  his 
"  Spanish  father."  He  was  well  received,  but  found  many  sad 
faces  because  the  United  States  were  about  to  take  possession 
of  their  country.  Soon  after,  Lieut.  Pike  visited  the  camp  of 
Black  Hawk,  made  several  presents,  and  delivered  a  speech  to 
the  Sacs,  telling  them  that  their  American  father  would  treat 
them  well.  He  presented  them  with  an  American  fiag,  which 
was  hoisted,  and  requested  them  to  pull  down  the  British  flag 


294  THE    LIVES    OF    BLACK    HAWK    AND    KEOKUKI 

and  give  him  their  British  medals,  promising  to  give  them 
others  from  their  American  father.  This,  however,  Black  Hawk 
declined,  saying  that  his  people  wished  to  have  two  fathers. 

Soon  after,  the  building  of  Fort  Edwards  near  the  head  of 
the  Des  Moines  rapids,  gave  great  uneasiness  to  the  Sacs.  They 
sent  a  deputation  to  that  point,  which  returned  with  unsatis 
factory  reports.  Black  Hawk  now  placed  himself  at  the  head 
of  a  strong  force  and  marched  to  Fort  Madison,  which  stood 
on  the  west  bank  of  the  Mississippi,  some  distance  down  the 
Des  Moines.  This  fort  was  garrisoned  with  about  fifty  men. 
Black  Hawk's  spies  having  ascertained  tl^at  the  soldiers 
marched  out  of  the  fort  every  morning  for  exercise,  he  deter 
mined  to  conceal  his  party  near  the  place  and  shoot  them  down. 
On  the  morning  of  the  proposed  attack  several  soldiers  denied 
out  upon  the  plain,  and  three  of  their  number  was  instantly 
shot  down.  The  Indians  then  opened  fire  upon  the  fort,  but 
being  unable  to  accomplish  anything  in  this  way  they  returned 
to  their  village. 

Upon  the  opening  of  the  war  of  1812,  the  Sacs  tendered  their 
services  to  the  United  States,  but  their  offer  was  declined. 
They  had  not  been  as  liberally  supplied  with  presents  by  the 
Americans  as  they  had  anticipated,  and  in  the  meantime  the 
British  agents  had  "  artfully  fomented  their  discontent,  and 
labored  to  win  their  confidence  by  the  most  liberal  distribution 
among  them  of  goods  and  ardent  spirits."  Soon  after  the 
declaration  of  war  a  British  trader  appeared  among  them  with 
two  boats  loaded  with  goods.  The  British  flag  was  immedi 
ately  hoisted,  and  the  trader  told  Black  Hawk  that  he  had 
been  sent  by  Col.  Dixon,  who  was  then  at  Green  Bay,  with  a 
large  quantity  of  goods,  and  who  was  desirous  that  the  Sac 
chieftain  should  raise  a  party  of  warriors  and  join  him.  Black 
Hawk  had  but  little  difficulty  in  raising  two  hundred  braves. 
At  the  head  of  this  band  he  marched  to  Green  Bay,  where  he 
found  Col.  Dixon  encamped  with  a  large  body  of  Indians  from 
various  tribes,  who  had  already  been  furnished  with  arms  and 
ammunition. 

Dixon  received  Black  Hawk  with  many  marks  of  respect, 
told  him  that  the  English  were  about  to  drive  the  Americans 


OK,    THE    BORDER    WARS    OF    TWO    CENTURIES.  295 

from  their  hunting  grounds,  and  placing  a  medal  about  his 
neck  he  said,  u  you  are  to  command  all  the  braves  that  will 
leave  here  the  day  after  to-morrow  to  join  our  braves  near 
Detroit."  Arms,  clothing,  knives  and  tomahawks  were  now 
distributed  among  Black  Hawk's  band,  and  at  the  appointed 
time  five  hundred  warriors  left  Green  Bay  on  their  march  to 
Detroit  to  join  the  British  army.  This  was  in  August,  1812, 
shortly  after  the  massacre  at  Fort  Dearborn. 

Black  Hawk  was  unsuccessful  among  the  British,  and  being 
tired  with  successive  defeats  he  returned  to  his  village  on  Rock 
river,  where,  in  all  probability,  he  would  have  remained  neu 
tral  had  it  not  been  for  the  murder  of  his  adopted  son.  By 
this  lawless  act  he  was  again  roused  to  vengeance  against  the 
Americans,  and  after  remaining  a  few  days  at  the  village,  and 
raising  a  band  of  braves,  prepared  for  offensive  operations  upon 
the  frontiers.  The  party,  consisting  of  about  thirty,  descended 
the  Mississippi  in  canoes  to  the  site  of  old  Fort  Madison,  which 
had  been  abandoned  by  the  American  troops  and  burned.  Con 
tinuing  their  course  they  landed  near  Cap  au  Gis,  where  they 
killed  one  of  the  United  States  rangers,  but  were  finally  dis 
persed  by  a  detachment  from  Fort  Howard.  The  Indians, 
however,  returned  to  the  contest  and  a  battle  ensued  between 
Black  Hawk's  party  and  the  troops  of  Fort  Howard,  under 
Lieut.  Drakeford  of  the  United  States  Rangers.  In  this  battle 
the  Americans  lost  ten  killed  and  several  wounded,  the  loss 
being  about  equal  on  both  sides. 

Tn  1815,  when  the  Indians  along  the  Mississippi  valley  had 
been  notified  of  the  peace  between  the  United  States  and  Eng 
land,  they,  for  the  most  part,  ceased  hostilities ;  but  Black  Hawk 
.and  his  band,  and  some  of  the  Pottawatomies,  were  not  inclined 
to  live  in  peace.  In  the  spring  of  1816  they,  in  connection  with 
the  British,  captured  the  garrison  at  -Prairie  du  Chien,  and 
attacked  some  boats  that  were  ascending  the  Mississippi  to  that 
point  with  troops  and  provisions.  One  of  the  boats  was  cap 
tured  and  several  of  the  crew  killed.  The  boats  were  compelled 
to  return.  In  1816,  however,  Black  Hawk  and  his  tribe  con 
cluded  a  peace  with  the  Americans,  by  which  the  hatchet  was 


296  THE   LIVES    OF    BLACK    HAWK    AND    KEOKUKI 

buried  ;  and  now,  we  hear  but  little  of  this  wonderful  Indian 
until  the  hostilities  which  broke  out  in  1832. 

Soon  after  this  treaty  the  United  States  government  built 
Fort  Armstrong,  upon  Rock  Island,  in  the  Mississippi  riverr 
and  but  a  few  miles  from  the  Indian  village  where  Black  Hawk 
resided.  The  Sac  Indians  were  jealous  of  this  movement,  for 
they  loved  to  look  upon  Rock  Island  as  one  of  their  choicest 
resorts.  They  had  a  traditionary  belief  that  this  island  was 
the  favorite  residence  of  a  good  spirit  which  dwelt  in  a  cave  in 
the  rocks  on  which  Fort  Armstrong  was  afterwards  built. 
This  spirit  had  bften  been  seen  by  the  Indians,  but  after  the 
erection  of  the  fort,  alarmed  by  its  noise  and  intrusion  of  the 
white  man,  it  spread  its  beautiful  wings  and  departed. 

In  the  autumn  of  1818,  Black  Hawk  and  some  of  his  band 
went  on  a  visit  to  their  British  father  at  Maiden,  and  received 
many  presents  from  him.  A  inedel  was  given  to  Black  Hawk 
for  his  fidelity  to  the  British,  and  he  was  requested  to  make 
annual  visits  with  his  band,  and  receive  such  presents  as  had 
been  promised  him  by  Col.  Dixon  in  1812.  These  visits  were 
regularly  made  down  to  1830.  In  the  latter  year  Black  Hawk 
and  his  party  encamped  at  two  rivers  for  the  purpose  of  hunt 
ing,  and  while  there  was  so  badly  treated  by  some  white  men, 
that  his  prejudices  against  the  Americans  were  greatly  revived. 

In  the  ensuing  summer  the  Americans  urged  the  whole  of 
the  Sacs  and  Foxes  to  remove  to  the  west  side  of  the  Missis 
sippi.  This  policy  was  urged  upon  them  by  the  agent  at  Fort 
Armstrong.  The  principal  Fox  chief,  and  several  of  the  Sac 
chiefs,  among  whom  was  Keokuk,  assented  to  the  removal. 
The  latter  sent  a  message  through  the  village  informing  the. 
Indians  that  it  was  the  wish  of  their  great  father,  the  Presi 
dent,  that  they  should  all  go  to  the  west  side  of  the  Mississippi, 
and  he  pointed  out  the  Iowa  river  as  a  suitable  place  for  their 
new  village.  There  was  a  party  among  the  Sacs  called  the 
*' British  Band,"  who  were  bitterly  opposed  to  a  removal;  and 
they  appealed  to  their  old  leader,  Black  Hawk,  for  his  decision 
on  the  question.  lie  claimed  the  ground  on  which  their  vil 
lage  stood  had  never  been  sold,  and  that,  therefore,  the  Ameri 
cans  had  no  right  to  insist  upon  the  measure. 


BLACKHAWK,  THE  SAC  CHIEFTAIN. 


OR,    THE    BORDER    WARS    OF    TWO    CENTURIES.  29T 

Black  Hawk  was  now  becoming  old,  and  he  felt  that  his 
power  in  the  tribe  was  waning  before  the  rising  popularity  of 
Keokuk,  his  rival.  He  now  resolved  to  place  himself  at  the 
head  of  a  band,  and,  if  possible,  recover  his  influence. 

However,  during  the  following  winter,  while  Black  Hawk 
and  his  party  were  absent  on  a  hunting  expedition,  several 
white  families  arrived  at  their  village,  destroyed  some  of  their 
lodges,  and  commenced  making  fences  over  their  cornfields. 
As  soon  as  the  old  Sac  chieftain  heard  of  this  movement,  he 
promptly  returned  to  Rock  Island,  where  he  found  his  own 
lodge  occupied  by  the  whites.  He  next  went  to  Fort  Arm 
strong  and  made  complaint  to  the  interpreter,  the  agent  being 
absent.  He  next  visited  the  prophet,  Wabokiesheik,  or  White 
Cloud,  whose  opinions  were  held  in  much  respect  by  the  Sacs. 
This  distinguished  man  urged  Black  Hawk  not  to  remove,  but 
to  persuade  Keokuk  and  his  party  to  return  to  Eock  river. 

Black  Hawk  now  returned  to  his  hunting  party,  and  in  the 
spring  when  the  band  returned  to  their  village  they  found  the 
white  settlers  still  there,  in  possession  of  their  lodges  and  corn 
fields.  About  the  same  time  Keokuk  visited  Rock  river,  and 
did  all  in  his  power  to  persuade  the  remaining  Sacs  to  accom 
pany  him  to  the  new  village  on  the  Iowa,  but  Black  Hawk 
said  it  w^ould  be  an  act  of  cowardice  to  yield  up  their  village 
and  the  graves  of  their  fathers  to  strangers,  who  had  no  right 
to  the  soil.  Keokuk's  influence  was  exerted  in  vain  and  he 
returned  to  the  western  village. 

The  settlers  began  to  increase,  and  it  would  seem  that  the 
Sac  village  on  Rock  river  was  the  principal  point  of  attrac 
tion.  At  this  place  the  Sacs  had  had  their  principal  village 
for  more  than  seventy  years.  Their  women  had  broken  the 
surface  of  the  surrounding  prairies  with  their  hoes  and  inclosed 
with  a  kind  of  pole-fence  many  fields  which  were  annually 
cultivated  by  them  in  the  raising  of  corn,  beans  and  squashes. 
They  had  also  erected  several  hundred  houses  of  various  dimen 
sions,  some  probably  one  hundred  feet  in  length  by  forty  or 
fifty  feet  broad,  which  were  constructed  of  poles  and  forks, 
arranged  so  as  to  form  a  kind  of  frame,  which  was  then  in 
closed  with  the  bark  of  trees,  which,  being  pealed  off  and 


298  THE   LIVES    OF   BLACK   HAWK    AND    KEOKUK: 

dried  under  a  weight,  for  the  purpose  of  keeping  it  expanded, 
was  afterwards  confined  to  the  walls  and  roof  by  means  of 
cords  composed  of  the  bark  of  other  trees.  This  was,  indeed, 
a  delightful  spot.  On  the  northwest  rolled  the  majestic  Mis 
sissippi,  while  the  dark  forests  which  clothed  the  island  of 
Rock  river,  with  its  several  rippling  streams  on  the  south  coast, 
formed  a  delightful  contrast  which  was  rendered  still  more 
pleasing  from  the  general  declivity  of  the  surrounding  country 
.as  it  sinks  gradually  away  to  the  shores  of  these  rivers.  This 
.ancient  village  literally  became  the  graveyard  of  the  Sac 
nation.  Scarcely  an  individual  could  be  found  in  the  whole 
nation  who  had  not  deposited  the  remains  of  some  relatives  in 
or  near  to  this  place.  Thither  the  mother,  with  mournful  and 
melancholy  step,  annually  repaired  to  pay  a  tribute  of  respect 
to  her  departed  offspring,  while  the  weeping  sisters  and  loud 
lamenting  widows  joined  the  procession  of  grief,  sometimes 
in  accordance  with  their  own  feelings,  no  doubt,  but  always  in 
pursuance  of  an  established  custom  of  their  nation  from  time 
immemorial.  On  these  occasions  they  carefully  cleared  away 
every  spear  of  grass  or  other  vegetable  which  they  found 
growing  near  the  graves,  and  made  such  repairs  as  seemed 
necessary.  They  also  carried  to  the  grave  some  kind  of  food 
which  they  left  for  the  spirit  of  the  deceased,  and  before  they 
concluded  these  ceremonies  they  often,  in  a  very  melancholy 
and  lamenting  mood,  addressed  the  dead,  inquiring  how  they 
fared,  and  who,  or  whether  any  one  performed  for  them  the 
kind  offices  of  mother,  sister  or  wife,  together  with  many  other 
inquiries  which  a  frantic  imagination  happened  to  suggest. 
This  being  one  of  the  most  important  religious  duties,  was 
-scrupulously  observed  by  all  the  better  class  of  this  people.* 

*  Chronicle  of  North  American  Savages. 


CHAPTEE    XXXVII. 

DIFFICULTIES  BETWEEN  BLACK  HAWK  AND  THE  SETTLERS  AT  ROCK 
RIVER  —  A  MILITARY  FORCE  CALLED  OUT  TO  REMOVE  THE  SAO 
INDIANS  WEST  OF  THE  MISSISSIPPI  —  SKETCH  OF  KEOKTTK  —  His 
BRAVERY,  SAGACITY  AND  ELOQUENCE. 

THE  SETTLERS  who  established  themselves  at  Eock  river,  in 
violation  of  the  laws  of  Congress,  and  the  provisions  of  all 
treaties,  committed  various  aggressions  upon  the  Indians,  such 
as  destroying  their  corn,  killing  their  domestic  animals,  and 
whipping  the  women  and  children.*  They  took  with  them  as 
articles  of  traffic,  whisky  and  other  liquors,  and  by  distribut 
ing  it  among  the  savages,  produced  all  the  horrors  of  debauchery. 
Black  Hawk  remonstrated  against  this,  and,  upon  one  occasion, 
he,  with  two  of  his  companions  entered  one  of  the  houses 
where  the  liquor  was  kept,  rolled  out  a  barrel  of  whisky,  broke 
in  the  head  and  emptied  the 'contents  upon  the  ground.  Thus 
matters  continued  for  several  years.  The  settlers  were  pushing 
their  claims  in  defiance  of  the  rights  of  the  Indians,  and  the 
latter  could  obtain  no  redress.  According  to  the  treaty  which 
defined  the  rights  and  wrongs  of  this  matter,  "  as  long  as  the 
lands  which  are  now  ceded  to  the  United  States  remain  their 
property,  the  Indians  belonging  to  said  tribes  shall  enjoy  the 
privilege  of  living  and  hunting  upon  them."  None  of  the 
lands  in  the  vicinity  of  Eock  river  were  brought  into  market 
by  the  United  States  until  the  year  1829.  Previous  to  this 
date,  of  course,  the  white  settlers  there  were  tresspassers  of 
the  law  and  of  justice.  In  the  latter  year,  however,  a  tract  of 
land  at  the  mouth  of  the  Eock  river,  including  the  Sac  village, 
was  sold.  This  was  done  with  a  view  of  removing  the  Sac 
Indians  to  the  west  side  of  the  Mississippi.  Therefore,  in  the 

*  Life  of  Black  Hawk. 


300  THE    LIVES    OF    BLACK    HAWK   AND    KEOKUKI 

spring  of  1830,  when  Black  Hawk  and  his  band  returned  from 
the  winter's  hunt  to  occupy  their  lodges,  and  prepare  for  rais 
ing  their  crop  of  vegetables,  they  found  that  their  lands  had 
been  purchased  by  the  settlers.  Black  Hawk,  greatly  dis 
turbed  by  this  change,  applied  to  the  Indian  agent  at  that 
place,  wishing  redress,  but  was  informed  that  since  the  govern 
ment  had  sold  his  land  he  had  no  longer  any  right  to  it.  The 
chief  still  refused  to  cross  the  river,  and  in  the  course  of  that 
season  he  visited  Maiden,  to  talk  with  his  British  father  on  the 
subject.  He  also  called  upon  Governor  Cass  at  Detroit  on  the 
same  subject.  Both  of  these  persons  told  him  that  if  he 
remained  quietly  upon  their  lands,  the  Americans  would  not 
interfere  with  them.  Consequently  Black  Hawk  returned 
home  determined  to  keep  possession  of  his  old  village.  But  it 
was  late  in  the  fall  when  he  arrived,  his  people  had  gone  to  the 
hunting  grounds,  and  he  was  not  long  in  following  them. 
During  this  winter  Keokuk  exerted  his  best  influence  to  induce 
them  to  desert  Black  Hawk  and  follow  him  to  the  new  village 
on  the  Iowa,  but  without  success.  They  were  so  firmly 
attached  to  their  old  chief,  and  to  their  ancient  village  that 
they  returned  with  him  to  it  in  the  following  spring  of  1831. 
The  traders  at  Rock  river  now  attempted  to  induce  Black 
Hawk  and  his  band  to  leave  by  making  him  presents,  and  after 
a  long  persuasion  the  old  chief  agreed  to  go,  provided  the 
government  would  distribute  six  thousand  dollars'  worth  of 
goods  among  his  people.  This  the  government  promptly 
declined  to  do,  and  threatened  to  send  an  armed  force  to  drive 
him  from  the  village  if  he  and  his  people  did  not  leave  at  once. 
The  squaws  had  planted  their  corn,  and  it  was  beginning  to 
grow,  but  the  settlers,  claiming  that  the  Indians  had  no  right 
to  the  ground,  plowed  it  up  again.  Matters  had,  at  last,  come 
to  a  crisis.  The  old  chief  could  stand  it  no  longer,  and  he 
notified  every  settler  to  leave  the  village  at  once.  Meanwhile, 
not  satisfied  with  their  encroachments  upon  the  rights  of  the 
savages,  the  settlers  united  in  a  memorial  to  the  governor  of 
the  Territory  of  Illinois,  in  which  they  declared  that  the  Sac 
Indians  "  had  threatened  to  kill  them ;  that  they  had  acted  in 
a  most  outrageous  manner ;  threw  down  their  fences ;  turned 


OK,    THE    BORDER    WARS    OF    TWO    CENTURIES.  30 1 

horses  into  their  cornfields;  stole  their  potatoes,  saying  the 
land  was  theirs,  and  that  they  had  not  sold  it;  leveled  deadly 
weapons  at  the  citizens,  and,  on  some  occasions,  hurt  the  citi 
zens,  for  attempting  to  prevent  the  destruction  of  their 
property." 

"  One  of  these  eight  afflicted  memorialists,"  says  Mr.  Oonc- 
lin,  "  swore  the  other  seven  to  the  truth  of  their  statements, 
and.  with  an  earnest  prayer  for  immediate  relief,  it  was  placed 
before  his  Excellency  on  the  nineteenth  of  May." 

But  this  was  not  the  only  complaint.  Every  day  reports 
were  coming  in  to  the  governor's  office  representing  the  lawless 
acts  of  "  General  Black  Hawk "  and  his  "  British  Band." 
These  representations  had  the  desired  effect.  A  strong  force 
was  sent  against  the  Sac  Indians,  and  they  were  driven  in  terror 
to  the  west  of  the  Mississippi. 

Before  passing  on  to  the  consequences  of  this  measure,  let 
us  glance,  for  a  moment,  at  Keokuk,  Black  Hawk's  rival,  who 
figures  conspicuously  in  our  narrative.  He  was  a  native  Sac, 
and  was  born  near  the  Eock  river  village,  about  the  year  1780. 
Like  Black  Hawk,  he  was  not  a  chief's  son,  but  worked  his  way 
to  the  distinguished  position  of  chief  by  his  own  native  force 
of  character,  bra  very,  and  address.  He  began  to  manifest  rare 
qualities  at  a  very  early  period  of  his  life.  While  but  a  youth 
he  engaged  in  a  battle  against  the  Sioux.  In  the  engagement 
he  encountered  and  killed  a  Sioux  warrior,  with  his  spear,  while 
on  horseback;  and,  as  the  Sioux  are  distinguished  for  their 
horsemanship,  this  feat  was  looked  upon  as  marvelous.  A 
public  feast  was  made  in  commemoration  of  it  by  his  tribe,  and 
the  youthful  warrior  was  from  that  day  ranked  among  the 
greatest  Sac  braves. 

During  the  war  of  1812,  and  before  Keokuk  was  old  enough 
to  be  admitted  to  the  councils  of  his  nation,  the  American 
government,  as  we  have  already  seen,  sent  an  expedition  against 
the  Peoria  Indians.  During  the  advance  of  this  detachment, 
a  rumor  reached  the  Sac  village  on  Rock  river,  that  the  expe 
dition  wTould  also  attack  the  Sacs.  This  news  threw  the  whole 
tribe  into  confusion.  A  council  was  immediately  held,  and  all 
agreed  to  abandon  their  village.  As  soon  as  Keokuk  heard  of 


302  THE    LIVES    OF    BLACK    HAWK    AND    KEOKUK  I 

this  decision,  he  advanced  to  the  door  of  the  council  house  and 
asked  to  be  admitted.  This  being  granted,  he  next  demanded 
permission  to  speak,  which  was  also  freely  granted  him.  He 
said  that  he  had  heard  their  decision  with  surprise  and  regret; 
that  he  was  opposed  to  a  flight,until  the  strength  of  the  enemy 
could  be  ascertained.  He  said,  "  make  me  your  leader!  Let 
your  young  men  follow  me,  and  the  pale  faces  shall  be  driven 
back  to  their  towns.  Let  the  old  men  and  the  women,  and  all 
who  are  afraid  to  meet  the  white  man  stay  here,  but  let  your 
braves  go  to  battle."  The  speech  had  a  magic  effect,  and  every 
warrior  present  declared  that  he  was  ready  to  follow  the  gallant 
Keokuk.  He  was  chosen  at  once  to  lead  them  against  the 
enemy.  Of  course,  it  turned  oat  that  the  rumor  was  without 
foundation,  and  there  was  no  enemy  to  battle  with,  but  the 
eloquence  and  bravery  of  Keokuk  placed  him  very  high  in  the 
ranks  of  the  Sac  braves. 

But  it  was  not  long  before  events  transpired  which  gave  him 
an  opportunity  to  display  his  warlike  spirit.  At  one  time 
Keokuk  was  hunting  with  a  party  in  the  country  which  laid 
between  the  Sac  and  Sioux  villages.  As  is  well  known,  these 
tribes  had  been  at  war  for  many  years.  Unexpectedly  a  party 
of  Sioux  came  upon  them,  mounted  and  ready  for  battle.  The 
Sacs  were  also  mounted,  but  the  situation  and  numbers  were 
both  in  favor  of  the  Sioux.  Keokuk  instantly  formed  his  men 
into  a  compact  circle,  ordered  them  to  dismount,  and  take 
shelter  behind  their  horses.  By  this  ingenious  movement  they 
were  enabled  to  screen  themselves  from  the  flying  missiles 
of  the  Sioux.  It  also  placed  them  in  a  position  by  which  they 
could  avail  themselves  of  their  superior  skill  as  marksmen. 
The  battle  was  a  long  and  hard  one,  but  Keokuk  was  triumph 
ant,  and  routed  the  enemy  with  great  loss.  He  had  many 
other  opportunities  of  showing  his  military  skill,  and  was 
almost  always  successful. 

Keokuk's  eloquence  and  ability  in  civil  matters  were  quite 
equal  to  his  military  talents.  Some  of  his  speeches  are  splen 
did  evidences  of  his  sagacity.  While  Black  Hawk  led  many 
of  the  Sac  braves  against  the  Americans  in  the  war  of  1812, 
Keokuk  and  a  majority  of  them  remained  neutral,  but  in 


OK,    THE   BOEDER    WARS   OF   TWO   CENTURIES.  303 

this  he  was  exposed  to  great  danger.  He  requested  the  agent 
of  the  American  government  to  send  to  his  village,  on  the 
west  side  of  the  Mississippi,  a  white  man  who  understood  the 
Sac  language,  and  who  might  bear  witness  to  his  sincerity  and 
faithfulness  to  the  whites.  Such  a  person  was  sent.  The 
excitement  among  his  people,  kindled  by  the  power  of  Black 
Hawk,  every  day  increased,  until  Keokuk  stood  on  a  mine  lia 
ble  to  be  exploded  by  a  single  spark.  He  was  in  peril  of  being 
slain  as  the  friend  of  the  Americans;  but  he  remained  calm 
and  unawed,  ruling  his  turbulent  little  State  with  mildness  and 
firmness,  but  at  the  constant  risk  of  his  life.  One  day  a  new 
emissary  arrived  from  Black  Hawk's  party.  Whisky  was  freely 
introduced  into  the  cafnp,  and  Keokuk  saw  that  the  crisis  was 
at  hand.  He  warned  the  white  man,  who  was  his  guest,  of  the 
impending  danger,  and  advised  him  to  conceal  himself.  A 
scene  of  tumult  followed.  The  emissary  spoke  of  the  blood 
that  had  been  shed;  of  their  relations  who  had  been  driven 
from  their  hunting  grounds;  of  many  insults  and  injuries 
which  had  been  boldly  perpetrated  by  the  Americans;  hinted 
at  the  ready  vengeance  that  might  be  taken  on  an  exposed  fron 
tier;  of  defenseless  cabins,  and  of  rich  booty.  The  braves  began 
to  dance  around  the  war  pole,  to  paint  and  to  give  evidences  of 
a  warlike  character.  Keokuk  watched  the  impending  storm, 
and  prepared  himself  to  take  an  important  part  in  it.  He 
drank  and  listened,  and  apparently  assented  to  all  that  was 
said.  At  length  his  warriors  called  out  to  be  led  to  battle, 
and  he  was  asked  to  lead  them.  He  rose  and  spoke  with  that 
power  that  had  never  failed  him.  He  sympathized  with  their 
wrongs,  their  thirst  for  vengeance,  and  won  their  confidence  by 
giving  utterance  to  the  passions  by  which  they  were  moved, 
and  echoing  back  their  own  thoughts  with  a  master  spirit.  He 
then  considered  the  proposition  to  go  to  war,  spoke  of  the 
power  of  the  whites,  and  the  hopelessness  of  the  contest.  He 
told  them  he  was  their  chief ;  that  it  was  his  duty  to  rule  them 
as  a  father  at  home,  or  to  lead  them  to  war  if  they  determined 
to  go.  But,  in  the  proposed  war,  there  was  no  middle  course. 
The  power  of  the  United  States  was  such  that  unless  they  con 
quered  that  great  nation,  they  must  perish;  that  he  would  lead 


304  THE    LIVES    OF   BLACK    HAWK    AND    KEOKUK : 

them  instantly  against  the  whites  on  one  condition,  and  that 
was,  that  they  would  first  put  all  their  women  and  children  to 
death,  and  then  resolve  that,  having  crossed  the  Mississippi, 
they  would  never  return,  but  perish  among  the  graves  of  their 
fathers,  rather  than  yield  them  to  the  white  men. 

This  proposal,  desperate  as  it  was,  presented  the  true  issue, 
and  it  calmed  the  spirits  of  the  clamorous  warriors,  who  now 
regarded  Keokuk  as  their  ruler,  and  obeyed  his  counsel. 

It  will  be  seen  that  the  Sacs  were  divided,  part  under  Black 
Hawk  and  part  under  Keokuk.  This  division  created  many 
dissensions  in  the  tribe,  and  at  length  led  to  the  overthrow  of 
the  latter,  a  young  brave  being  elected  to  his  place.  Keokuk 
received  the  change  with  a  good  graoe,  and  took  his  place 
among  the  common  warriors  without  a  word.  But  it  was  not 
long  before  the  incapacity  of  his  successor  manifested  itself, 
and  Keokuk  was  again  called  upon  to  rule  the  councils  of  his 
nation,  and  lead  the  warriors  to  battle. 

In  1832,  five  Sacs,  belonging  to  Keokuk's  party,  murdered  a 
settler  in  Illinois.  One  of  the  guilty  party  was  his  own 
nephew,  but  he  was  immediately  seized  and  delivered  up  to  the 
civil  authorities,  the  other  four  having  escaped.  Some  time 
after  the  Americans  demanded  the  other  four  prisoners,  but 
they  could  not  be  found.  Keokuk  called  a  council  and  stated 
the  matter  at  length,  saying  that  something  must  be  done  to 
appease  the  wrath  of  the  President.  An  expedient  was  soon 
offered.  Four  young  warriors  came  forward  and  gave  them 
selves  up,  manifesting  a  willingness  to  die  for  the  crimes  of 
their  brethren.  These  brave  men  were  turned  over  to  the 
proper  officers  and  imprisoned.  Keokuk  was  present  at  their 
trial,  and  testified  that  the  prisoners  were  not  guilty,  but  that 
they  had  offered  to  die  in  order  to  satisfy  the  law.  He  said 
that  the  real  murderers  had  escaped.  The  prisoners  were,  of 
course,  set  at  liberty. 

Some  time  after,  Keokuk,  Black  Hawk  and  several  Sac  chiefs 
made  a  visit  to  Washington  and  the  principal  cities  of  the 
Eastern  States,  in  which  they  were  well  received.  In  Boston 
they  created  great  excitement,  which  was  caused  by  the  war 
dance  on  the  common.  In  all  the  savage  virtues,  Keokuk  was 
a  superior  Indian,  far  in  advance  of  Black  Hawk. 


CHAPTER    XXXYIII. 

COMMENCEMENT  OF  THE  BLACK  HAWK  WAR  —  THE  SACS  VIOLATE  THEIH 
TREATY  —  THEY  ARE  ORDERED  TO  RETURN  WEST  OF  THE  MISSIS 
SIPPI  —  THEY  REFUSE  —  PURSUED  BY  AMERICAN  TROOPS  —  BLACK 
HAWK  AND  HIS  BAND  VICTORIOUS  —  DESOLATION  IN  THE  BORDER 
SETTLEMENTS  OF  ILLINOIS  —  BLACK  HAWK  DEFEATED  —  STARVATION 

AMONG   THE   SAVAGES. 


NOW  have  before  us  two  men  —  Black  Hawk  and  Keokuk. 
A  glance  at  their  different  virtues  has  enabled  the  reader  to 
judge  somewhat  of  these  Indians.  Let  us  now  notice,  briefly, 
the  principal  acts  of  their  lives. 

Black  Hawk  and  his  band  had  not  been  long  in  their  new 
village  before  difficulties  began  to  arise  which  terminated  in  a 
violation  of  the  treaty  which  he  had  made  subsequent  to  his 
removal.  They  had  been  sent  away  from  their  homes  too  late 
in  the  season  to  admit  of  planting  corn  and  beans,  and  before 
autumn  was  over  they  were  suffering  for  provisions.  It  is  not 
surprising  that  in  this  condition  they  should  attempt  to  steal 
the  corn  which  they  had  planted  on  the  opposite  side  of  the 
river  in  the  spring.  Many  events  followed,  trivial  in  their 
character,  but  all  well  qualified  to  foster  the  hatred  which 
already  existed  between  Black  Hawk's  band  and  the  Americans. 
In  April,  1832,  the  whole  party,  under  this  chief,  crossed  over 
the  river,  and  in  open  violation  of  their  treaty  of  the  previous 
year,  ascended  the  Bock  river  to  the  territory  of  their  friends, 
the  "Winnebagoes,  having  been  invited  thither  to  raise  corn. 
General  Atkinson,  with  a  body  of  troops,  was  then  at  Fort 
Armstrong,  having  been  ordered  by  the  government  to  that 
point  for  the  purpose  of  quelling  a  war  which  existed  between 
the  Menominies  and  the  Foxes.  Black  Hawk  had  not  pro 
ceeded  far  up  the  river  when  he  was  overtaken  by  a  messenger 
20  (305) 


306  THE    LIVES    OF    BLACK    HAWK    AND    KEOKUKI 

from  Gen.  Atkinson  with  an  order  for  him  and  his  party  to 
return  and  recross  the  Mississippi.  This  the  chief  refused  to 
obey,  saying  that  the  General  had  no  right  to  issue  such  an 
order.  He  declared  that  he  was  at  peace  with  the  Americans, 
and  that  he  was  peaceably  traveling  towards  the  village  of  his 
friends.  They  journeyed  on,  but  were  soon  overtaken  by 
another  messenger,  who  brought  word  that  unless  the  Sacs 
returned  and  recrossed  the  Mississippi  at  once,  an  armed  force 
would  be  sent  to  compel  them.  Black  Hawk's  reply  was  deci 
sive;  he  would  not  return.  Arriving  at  the  village  to  which 
he  was  traveling,  the  Sac  chief  found  that  in  case  he  should  be 
pursued  by  the  troops  at  Fort  Armstrong,  he  would  be  unable 
to  obtain  any  assistance  from  these  Indians,  and  he  therefore 
resolved,  if  overtaken,  to  return  peaceably.  He  encamped  at 
Kish-wa-cokee  and  began  preparations  for  a  dog-feast,  with 
which  to  compliment  the  PottawatOmies. 

Meanwhile  the  Illinois  militia  was  ordered  out  and  formed 
a  junction  with  the  regular  troops  under  Gen.  Atkinson,  at 
Rock  Island.  From  this  point  the  militia,  being  for  the  most 
part  mounted,  proceeded  by  land  to  Dixon's  ferry,  on  Eock 
river,  about  half  way  between  the  fort  and  Black  Hawk's  pres 
ent  encampment.  Gen.  Atkinson,  with  three  hundred  militia 
and  three  hundred  regulars,  ascended  the  river  in  boats  to  the 
same  point.  "  Major  Stillinan,"  says  Mr.  Conclin,  "  having 
under  his  command  a  body  of  two  hundred  and  seventy-five 
mounted  volunteers,  obtained  leave  of  Gen.  "Whitesides,  then 
in  command  of  the  Illinois  militia  at  Dixon's  ferry,  to  go  out 
on  a  scouting  expedition.  He  proceeded  up  Rock  river  about 
thirty  miles,  to  Sycamore  creek,  which  empties  into  that  river 
on  the  east  side.  This  movement  brought  him  within  a  few 
miles  of  the  camp  of  Black  Hawk  and  a  part  of  his  braves 
at  the  time  when  the  old  chief  was  engaged  in  getting  up  a 
dog-feast  in  honor  of  his  Pottawatomie  visitors." 

While  engaged  in  this  ancient  ceremony,  on  the  fourteenth 
of  May,  Black  Hawk  received  intelligence  of  the  advance  of  a 
large  number  of  mounted  volunteers,  which  were  reported  as 
being  about  eight  miles  distant.  "I  immediately  started," 
says  the  old  chief,  "  three  young  men  with  a  white  flag  to  meet 


OR,    THE   BOEDER    WARS    OF    TWO    CENTURIES.  307 

them  and  conduct  them  to  our  camp,  that  we  might  hold  a 
council  with  them  and  descend  Rock  river  again ;  and  directed 
them,  in  case  the  whites  had  encamped,  to  return,  and  I  would 
go  and  see  them.  After  this  party  had  started,  I  sent  five 
young  men  to  see  what  might  take  place.  The  first  party 
went  to  the  encampment  of  the  whites  and  were  taken  prisoners. 
The  last  party  had  not  proceeded  far  before  they  saw  twenty 
men  coming  towards  them  in  full  gallop.  They  stopped,  and 
finding  that  the  whites  were  coming  so  fast,  in  a  warlike  atti 
tude,  they  turned  and  retreated,  but  were  pursued  and  over 
taken,  and  two  of  them  killed.  The  others  made  their  escape. 
"When  they  came  in  with  the  news,  I  was  preparing  my  flags 
to  meet  the  war  chief.  The  alarm  was  given.  Nearly  all  my 
young  men  were  absent,  about  ten  miles  off.  I  started  with 
what  I  had  left,  about  forty,  and  had  proceeded  but  a  short 
distance  before  we  saw  a  part  of  the  enemy  approaching.  I 
raised  a  yell,  and  said  to  rny  braves,  '  some  of  our  people  have 
been  killed — wantonly  and  cruelly  murdered !  we  must  avenge 
their  death!'  In  a  little  while  we  discovered  the  whole  army 
coming  towards  us  in  full  gallop!  We  were  now  confident 
that  our  first  party  had  been  killed.  I  immediately  placed  my 
men  in  front  of  some  bushes,  that  we  might  have  the  first  fire, 
when  they  approached  close  enough.  They  made  a  halt  some 
distance  from  us.  I  gave  another  yell,  and  ordered  my  brave 
warriors  to  charge  upon  them,  expecting  that  we  would  all  be 
killed!  They  did  charge.  Every  man  rushed  and  fired,  and 
the  enemy  retreated  in  the  utmost  confusion  and  consternation 
before  my  little  but  brave  band  of  warriors.  After  pursuing 
the  enemy  for  some  distance,  I  found  it  useless  to  follow  them, 
as  they  rode  so  fast,  and  returned  to  my  encampment  with  a 
few  of  my  braves,  about  twenty-five  having  gone  in  pursuit 
of  the  enemy.  I  lighted  my  pipe  and  sat  down  to  thank  the 
Great  Spirit  for  what  he  had  done.  I  had  not  been  long 
meditating  when  two  of  the  three  young  men  I  had  sent  out 
with  the  flag  to  meet  the  American  war  chief  entered.  My 
astonishment  was  not  greater  than  my  joy  to  see  them  living 
and  well.  I  r-a^e.-y  listened  to  their  story,  which  was  as 
follows : 


308  THE   LIVES    OF   BLACK   HAWK   AND    KEOKUKI 

u  l  When  we  arrived  near  to  the  encampment  of  the  whites  a 
number  of  them  rushed  out  to  meet  us,  bringing  their  guns 
with  them.  They  took  us  in  the  camp,  when  an  American 
who  spoke  the  Sac  language  a  little,  told  us  that  his  chief 
wanted  to  know  how  we  were,  where  we  were  going,  where 
our  camp  was,  and  where  Black  Hawk  was.  We  told  him  that 
we  had  come  to  see  his  chief;  that  our  chief  had  directed  us 
to  conduct  him  to  our  camp,  in  case  he  had  not  encamped,  and 
in  that  event  to  tell  him  that  he  (Black  Hawk)  would  come  to 
Bee  him;  he  wished  to  hold  a  council  with  him,  as  he  had 
given  up  all  intention  of  going  to  war.  At  the  conclusion  of 
this  talk  a  party  of  white  men  came  in  on  horseback.  We  saw 
by  their  countenances  that  something  had  happened.  A  gen 
eral  tumult  arose.  They  looked  at  us  with  indignation,  talked 
among  themselves  for  a  moment,  when  several  cocked  their 
guns;  in  a  second  they  fired  at  us  in  the  crowd;  our  companion 
fell  dead.  We  rushed  through  the  crowd  and  made  our  escape. 
We  remained  in  ambush  but  a  short  time  before  we  heard 
yelling  like  Indians  running  an  enemy.  In  a  little  while  we 
saw  some  of  the  whites  in  full  speed.  One  of  them  came  near 
us.  I  threw  my  tomahawk  and  struck  him  on  the  head,  which 
brought  him  to  the  ground.  I  ran  to  him  and  writh  his  own 
knife  took  off  his  scalp.  I  took  his  gun,  mounted  his  horse, 
and  took  my  friend  here  behind  me.  We  turned  to  follow  our 
braves,  who  were  running  the  enemy,  and  had  not  gone  far 
before  we  overtook  a  white  man  whose  horse  had  inired-  in  a 
swamp.  My  friend  alighted  and  tomahawked  the  man,  who 
was  apparently  fast  under  his  horse.  He  took  his  scalp,  horse 
and  gun.  By  this  time  our  party  was  some  distance  ahead. 
We  followed  and  saw  several  white  men  lying  dead  on  the  way. 
After  riding  about  six  miles  we  met  our  party  returning.  We 
asked  them  how  many  of  our  men  had  been  killed.  They 
said  none,  after  the  Americans  had  retreated.  We  inquired 
then  how  many  whites  had  been  killed.  They  replied  they  did 
not  know,  but  said  we  would  soon  ascertain,  as  we  must  scalp 
them  as  we  go  back.  On  our  return  we  found  ten  men  beside 
the  two  we  had  killed  before  we  joined  our  friends.  Seeing 
that  they  did  not  yet  recognize  us,  it  being  dark,  we  again 


OK,    THE    BORDER    WARS    OF    TWO    CENTURIES.  309 

asked  how  many  of  our  braves  had  been  killed.  They  said 
five.  We  asked  who  they  were.  They  replied  that  the  first 
party  of  three  who  went  out  to  meet  the  American  war  chief 
had  all  been  taken  prisoners  and  killed  in  the  encampment, 
and  that  out  of  a  party  of  five  who  followed  to  see  the  meet 
ing  of  the  first  party  and  the  whites,  two  had  been  killed. 
We  were  now  certain  that  they  did  not  recognize  us,  nor  did 
we  tell  them  who  we  were  until  we  arrived  at  our  camp.  The 
news  of  our  death  had  reached  it  some  time  before,  and  all  were 
surprised  to  see  us  again.' ' 

"  The  precipitate  flight  of  the  troops  under  Major  Stillman," 
says  Conclin,  uhas  no  justification."  ISTo  effort  was  made  to 
rally  the  troops,  and  all  the  baggage  of  the  army,  blankets, 
saddle-bags,  camp  equipage  and  provisions  fell  into  the  hands 
of  the  Indians.  Black  Hawk,  finding  that  his  peace  flag  had 
been  fired  upon,  and  being  intoxicated  with  his  success, 
determined  on  war.  Indeed,  with  the  provision  and  other 
supplies  which  he  had  secured  in  this  contest,  he  was  not  poorly 
qualified  for  the  undertaking.  lie  assembled  his  braves  arid 
began  active  preparations  for  a  border  war.  He  immediately 
sent  out  spies  to  watch  the  movements  of  Gen.  Atkinson,  and 
prepared  to  remove  his  women  and  children  from  the  seat  of 
war  further  up  the  Eock  river,  where,  as  he  thought,  they 
would  be  secure  from  the  whites.  In  passing  to  this  point  he 
was  met  by  a  band  of  Winnebagoes,  who,  having  heard  of  his 
victory,  signified  a  willingness  to  join  him. 

But  meanwhile  the  defeat  of  the  troops  spread  consternation 
throughout  the  settlements  of  Illinois.  The  Indian  forces  were 
greatly  misrepresented,  and  everywhere  Black  Hawk  and  his 
band  were  spoken  of  as  bold  and  cunning  warriors.  Gen. 
Atkinson  at  once  fortified  his  camp  at  Dixon's  Ferry,  and  the 
Governor  of  the  State  issued  a  call  for  more  mounted  volun 
teers.  The  Secretary  of  War  sent  one  thousand  troops  from 
the  East  under  Gen.  Winfield  Scott,  who  was  to  have  the  com 
mand  of  the  campaign  against  the  Black  Hawk  forces. 

And  now  we  come  to  the  horrors  of  another  border  war  in 
which  many  frontier  families  were  massacred  or  carried  away 
into  captivity,  torture  and  death.  The  catalogue  begins  with 


310  THE    LIVES    OF    BLACK    HAWK    AND    KEOKUKI 

the  Indian  creek  massacre.  At  this  point  a  party  of  hostile 
Pottawatomies,  thirty  in  number,  fell  upon  a  little  settlement 
on  Indian  creek,  one  of  the  tributaries  of  Fox  river,  and  mur 
dered  fifteen  men,  women  and  children,  taking  two  prisoners, 
the  Misses  Hall,  who  were  afterwards  returned  to  their  friends 
by  the  Winnebagoes. 

It  was,  indeed,  a  war  of  detail.  A  party  of  Indians  stole 
the  horses  belonging  to  Capt.  Stephenson,  who  resided  not  far 
from  Galena.  The  captain  pursued  them  with  twelve  men.  A 
battle  or  skirmish  ensued,  in  which  six  Indians  and  three  sol 
diers  were  killed.  Soon  after,  a  party  of  eleven  Sacs  killed  five 
white  men  at  Stafford's  farm.  Yengeance  followed;  General 
Dodge  followed  and  overtook  them  in  a  swamp,  when  they 
were  all  shot  down  and  scalped.  Three  soldiers  fell  in  the  con 
test.  On  the  twenty-fourth  of  June,  1832,  the  Indians  made 
an  attack  upon  the  fort  at  Buffalo  Grove,  not  far  from  Dixon's 
Ferry.  The  post  was  garrisoned  by  one  hundred  and  fifty  men, 
commanded  by  Capt.  Dement.  In  this  contest  many  of  the 
soldiers  and  forty  horses  were  killed.  After  accomplishing 
this,  and  seeing  that  they  could  not  take  the  fort,  they  com 
menced  a  retreat.  They  had  not  gone  far  when  they  were 
overtaken  by  a  detachment  under  Col.  Posey.  This  is  Black 
Hawk's  account  of  the  contest  which  followed :  "  We  concealed 
ourselves  until  they  came  near  enough,  and  then  commenced 
yelling  and  firing,  and  made  a  rush  upon  them.  About  this 
time  their  chief  (Posey,)  with  a  party  of  men,  rushed  up  to 
the  rescue  of  those  we  had  fired  upon.  In  a  little  while 
they  commenced  retreating,  and  left  their  chief  and  a  few 
braves,  who  seemed  willing  and  anxious  to  fight.  They  acted 
like  braves,  but  were  forced  to  give  way  when  I  rushed  upon 
them  with  my  braves.  In  a  short  time  the  chief  returned  with 
a  larger  party.  He  seemed  determined  to  fight  and  anxious 
for  battle.  When  he  came  near  enough,  I  raised  the  yell,  and 
firing  commenced  from  both  sides.  The  chief,  who  is  a  small 
man,  addressed  his  warriors  in  a  loud  voice,  but  they  soon 
retreated,  leaving  him  and  a  few  braves  on  the  battlefield.  A 
great  number  of  my  warriors  pursued  the  retreating  party  arid 
killed  a  number  of  their  braves  as  they  ran.  The  chief  and 


OK,    THE    BORDER    WARS    OF    TWO    CENTURIES.  311 

his  braves  were  unwilling  to  leave  the  field;  I  ordered  my 
braves  to  rush  upon  them,  and  had  the  mortification  of  seeing 
two  of  my  chiefs  killed  before  the  enemy  retreated.  This 
young  chief  deserves  great  praise  for  his  courage,  but  fortu 
nately  for  us,  his  army  was  not  all  composed  of  such  brave 
men."  The  numbers  on  both  sides  were  about  equal  in  this 
engagement.  On  the  fourth  of  July,  the  army  under  Gen. 
Atkinson,  consisting  of  four  hundred  regulars  and  over  one 
thousand  mounted  volunteers,  arrived  at  the  foot  of  Lake  Cash- 
conong.  Two  brigades  of  the  volunteers,  under  Gen.  Dodge, 
pursued  the  Indians  from  this  point,  and  overtook  them  on  the 
twenty-first  of  July,  about  sundown,  on  the  banks  of  the  Wis 
consin.  An  attack  was  made,  resulting  in  the  route  of 
the  Indians,  with  a  heavy  loss.  One  of  the  troops  was 
killed  and  eight  wounded.  "The  exact  loss  of  the  Indians 
in  this  engagement  cannot  be  ascertained.  One  account,"  says 
Mr.  Conclin,  " places  the  number  at  sixteen.",  Black  Hawk 
says  that  he  had  but  fifty  warriors  with  him  in  this  engage 
ment,  the  rest  being  engaged  in  assisting  the  women  and 
children  in  crossing  the  Wisconsin  to  an  island,  to  protect 
them  from  the  fire  of  the  whites.  This  was  undoubtedly  a 
mistake,  as  one  of  his  own  men  gives  the  number  engaged  in 
the  battle  at  sixty  or  seventy.  "A  party  of  Black  Hawk's 
band,  including  many  women  and  children,  now  attempted  to 
descend  the  Wisconsin  upon  rafts  and  in  canoes,  that  they  might 
escape  by  recrossing  the-Mississippi."  But  in  this  attempt  they 
were  overtaken  and  attacked  by  troops  which  had  been  sta 
tioned  on  the  banks  of  the  river.  Many  of  the  savages  were 
killed,  some  were  taken  prisoners,  others  escaped  to  the  neigh 
boring  woods,  where  they  soon  perished  from  hunger.  Another 
party,  among  whom  was  Black  Hawk,  having,  it  is  said,  aban 
doned  all  idea  of  continuing  the  war,  and  being  unwilling  to 
trust  themselves  to  a  capitulation,  started  across  the  country, 
hoping  to  escape  west  of  the  Mississippi.  In  this  route  they 
lost  many  of  their  people  from  starvation.  Reaching  the  Mis 
sissippi,  a  number  of  the  women  and  children  undertook  to 
descend  the  river  in  canoes  to  Prairie  du  Chien.  Many  of 
them  were  drowned  in  this  attempt,  and  those  who  did  reach 


312  THE    LIVES   OF    BLACK    HAWK    AND    KEOKUKI 

their  destination  were  found  to  be  in  a  starving  condition. 
But  let  us  turn  to  Black  Hawk  and  his  party.  On  the  first  of 
August,  while  in  the  act  of  crossing  the  Mississippi,  he  was 
attacked  by  the  steamboat  Warrior,  with  an  armed  force  on 
board. 

In  this  engag  ment  the  Indians  lost  twenty-three  killed,  and 
a  great  many  wounded,  while  on  board  the  Warrior,  not  one  of 
the  gallant  little  crew  was  killed,  only  one  being  slightly 
wounded.  On  the  following  morning,  the  whole  of  General 
Atkinson's  army  was  upon  them.  The  Warrior  also  assisted, 
killing  three  by  the  first  shot.  In  Atkinson's  army  nine  were 
killed  and  seventeen  wounded.  The  Indians  were,  of  course, 
cruelly  put  to  flight. 


CHAPTEK    XXXIX. 

BLACK  HAWK'S  DEFEAT — HE  AND  His  BAND  ARE  DRIVEN  INTO  THE 
MISSISSIPPI  —  TERRIBLE  INDIAN  SLAUGHTER  —  THE  WAR  ENDED  — 
BLACK  HAWK  CAPTURED,  AND  WITH  OTHER  CHIEFS  CONFINED  IN 
IRONS  —  HE  VISITS  WASHINGTON  AND  THE  EASTERN  CITIES  —  His 
RECEPTION. 

GEN.  ATKINSON  was  not  satisfied  with  his  triumph  upon  the 
Wisconsin,  but  pushed  forward  with  his  whole  army  in  pursuit 
of  the  Indians,  making  forced  marches  over  a  rough,  uneven 
country.  On  the  morning  of  the  second  of  August,  when 
within  ten  miles  of  the  Mississippi,  it  was  ascertained  that  the 
enemy  was  then  on  the  bank  of  the  river  in  their  front,  pre 
paring  to  embark,  at  a  place  called  Bad  Axe.  Arrangements 
were  at  once  made  for  an  attack.  Gen.  Dodge's  squadron  was 
placed  in  front,  followed  by  the  infantry,  and  these  by  the 
brigades  of  Henry,  Alexander  and  Posey.  They  had  proceeded 
in  this  order  for  about  five  miles,  when  they  discovered  a  small 
party  of  Indians,  and  immediately  fired  upon  them.  This 
band  retreated  to  the  main  body  on  the  bank  of  the  river.  In 
order  to  prevent  the  Indians  from  escaping,  Generals  Alexan 
der  and  Posey  were  directed  to  form  the  right  wing  of  the 
army,  and  to  march  to  the  river  above  the  Indian  encampment, 
and  then  to  move  down  along  the  bank.  Gen.  Renry  formed 
the  left  wing,  and  the  United  States  infantry  and  Gen.  Dodge's 
squadron  occupied  the  centre.  In  this  order  the  army  descended 
into  the  valley  of  the  river,  which  was  covered  with  weeds  and 
heavy  brushwood.  Gen.  Henry  was  the  first  to  discover  the 
enemy.  He  opened  a  heavy  fire  upon  them,  which  was 
returned.  Gen.  Dodge's  troops  and  the  United  States  infantry 
joined  him  in  the  action,  and  the  whole,  with  Gen.  Henry's 
men,  rushed  upon  the  savages,  killing  them  without  mercy. 
Only  a  few  of  them  escaped. 

(313) 


314  THE    LIVES    OF    BLACK    HAWK   AND    KEOKUKI 

Meanwhile,  the  brigades  of  Alexander  and  Posey,  which 
were  approaching  along  the  river's  bank,  fell  in  with  another 
party  of  Indians,  putting  them  to  rout  with  great  slaughter. 
The  Indians  were  ^driven  to  the  edge  of  the  river,  where  they 
hoped  to  escape  by  swimming  to  the  opposite  side,  but  they 
were  shot  in  the  water,  until  nearly  all  had  perished.  Among 
the  few  who  escaped  was  Black  Hawk. 

Generals  Atkinson,  Dodge  and  Posey,  descended  the  Missis 
sippi  to  Prairie  du  Chien  in  the  "Warrior,  and  there  awaited 
the  arrival  of  the  mounted  volunteers.  The  latter  arrived  on 
the  fourth.  The  few  Indians  who  escaped  in  this  battle, 
reached  the  western  side  of  the  Mississippi,  only  to  fall  a  prey 
to  the  tomahawks  of  their  enemies,  the  Sioux.  The  loss  of 
the  Indians  was  about  a  hundred  and  fifty  killed,  thirty-nine 
women  and  children  taken  prisoners.  The  American  loss  did 
not  exceed  ten  killed  and  fifteen  wounded. 

Soon  after  this  fatal  battle,  Black  Hawk  and  the  prophet, 
Wabokieshiek,  who  had  escaped  into  the  country  of  the  Sioux, 
were  captured  by  two  chiefs  belonging  to  the  Winnebagoes,  and 
delivered  as  prisoners  to  the  Indian  agent  at  Prairie  du  Chien. 
The  prisoners  were  all  conducted  to  Fort  Barracks,  a  few  miles 
below  St.  Louis. 

Soon  after,  Gen.  Scott  arrived  at  Rock  Island  from  the  East, 
and  made  some  investigations  into  the  causes  which  led  to  the 
Black  Hawk  War,  from  which  it  was  made  to  appear, that  the 
whole  contest  might  have  been  avoided. 

On  the  twenty-first  of  September,  Gen.  Scott  and  Governor 
Reynolds  concluded  a  treaty  with  the  Winnebagoes  and  the 
Sacs  and  Foxes.  For  the  faithful  performance  of  the  provisions 
of  this  treaty  on  the  part  of  the  Indians,  it  was  stipulated  that 
Black  Hawk,  his  two  sons,  the  prophet  and  six  other  chiefs  of 
the  hostile  band,  should  be  retained  as  hostages  during  the 
pleasure  of  the  President.  All  the  other  prisoners  were  set  at 
liberty.  The  hostages  were  confined  in  Fort  Barracks,  and 
put  in  irons. 

"  We  were  now  confined,"  says  the  old  chief,  Black  Hawk, 
"  to  the  barracks,  and  forced  to  wear  the  ball  and  chain.  This 
was  extremely  mortifying  and  altogether  useless.  Was  the 


OR,    THE    BOEDER    WARS    OF    TWO    CENTURIES.  315 

White  Beaver  (Gen.  Atkinson)  afraid  that  I  would  break  out 
of  his  barracks  and  run  away,  or  was  he  ordered  to  inflict  this 
punishment  upon  me?  If  I  had  taken  him  prisoner,  upon  the 
field  of  battle,  I  would  not  have  wounded  his  feelings  so  much 
by  such  treatment,  knowing  that  a  brave  war  chief  would  pre 
fer  death  to  dishonor.  But  I  do  not  blame  the  White  Beaver 
for  the  course  he  pursued.  It  is  the  custom  among  white 
soldiers,  and,  I  suppose,  was  a  part  of  his  duty. 

"  The  time  dragged  heavily  and  gloomily  along  throughout 
the  winter,  although  the  White  Beaver  did  everything  in  his 
power  to  render  us  comfortable.  Having  been  accustomed, 
throughout  a  long  life,  to  roam  through  the  forests,  to  come 
and  go  at  liberty,  confinement  under  any  such  circumstances 
could  not  be  less  than  torture. 

"  We  passed  away  the  time  making  pipes,  until  spring,  when 
we  were  visited  by  the  agent,  trader  and  interpreter,  from 
Rock  Island,  Keokuk  and  several  chiefs  and  braves  of  our 
nation,  and  my  wife  and  daughter.  I  was  rejoiced  to  see  the 
two  latter,  and  spent  my  time  very  agreeably  with  them  and 
my  people,  as  long  as  they  remained." 

Keokuk  made  exertions  to  obtain  the  release  of  Black  Hawk, 
pledging  himself  to  be  responsible  for  his  good  conduct.  But 
while  the  rival  chief  was  endeavoring  to  effect  this,  an  order 
arrived  from  the  Secretary  of  War  to  have  the  prisoners  sent 
to  Washington  City.  Accordingly  they  set  out,  and  reached 
the  National  Capital  in  the  latter  part  of  April,  1833.  They 
were  immediately  sent  to  Fortress  Monroe,  "  there  to  remain 
until  the  conduct  of  their  nation  was  such  as  to  justify  their 
being  set  at  liberty."  The  chiefs  were  much  dissatisfied  with 
this  part  of  their  reception,  and  remonstrated  bitterly.  The 
prophet  said:  "We  expected  to  return  immediately  to  our 
people.  The  war  in  which  we  have  been  involved  was  occa 
sioned  by  our  attempting  to  raise  provisions  on  our  own  lands, 
or  where  we  thought  we  had  a  right  to  do  so.  We  have  lost 
many  of  our  people,  as  well  as  the  whites.  Our  tribes  and 
families  are  now  exposed  to  the  attacks  of  our  enemies,  the 
Sioux  and  the  Menominies.  We  hope,  therefore,  to  be  per 
mitted  to  return  home  to  take  care  of  them.' 


316  THE   LIVES    OF   BLACK   HAWK   AND    KEOKUK: 

Black  Hawk  concluded  his  complaint  by  saying:  "We  did 
not  expect  to  conquer  the  whites.  No ;  they  had  too  many 
horses,  too  many  men.  I  took  up  the  hatchet,  for  my  part,  to 
revenge  injuries  which  my  people  could  no  longer  endure. 
Had  I  borne  them  longer  without  striking,  my  people  would 
have  said  Black  Hawk  is  a  woman.  He  is  too  old  to  be  a 
chief.  He  is  no  Sac.  These  reflections  caused  me  to  raise  the 
war-whoop.  I  say  no  more  of  it;  it  is  known  to  you.  Keokuk 
once  was  here,  and  when  he  wished  to  return  to  his  home,  you 
were  willing.  Black  Hawk  expects  that,  like  Keokuk,  we  shall 
be  permitted  to  return,  too."  The  President  assured  them 
that  their  women  and  children  should  be  protected  against  their 
enemies,  and  that  as  soon  as  he  was  satisfied  that  peace  was 
restored  to  the  frontiers,  he  would  set  them  at  liberty. 

It  was  on  the  twenty-sixth  of  April  that  the  chiefs  entered 
Fortress  Monroe,  at  Old  Point  Comfort,  where  they  remained 
until  the  fourth  of  June,  when  they  were  released.  When 
about  to  depart  Black  Hawk  waited  upon  the  commandant  of 
the  fort  and  said: 

"  Brother,  I  have  come  on  my  own  part  and  in  behalf  of 
my  companions  to  bid  you  farewell.  Our  great  father  has  at 
length  been  pleased  to  permit  us  to  return  to  our  hunting 
grounds.  We  have  buried  the  tomahawk,  and  the  sound  of 
the  rifle  will  hereafter  only  bring  death  to  the  deer  and  the 
buffalo.  Brother,  you  have  treated  the  red  men  very  kindly. 
Your  squaws  have  made  them  presents,  and  you  have  given 
them  plenty  to  eat  and  drink.  The  memory  of  your  friend 
ship  will  remain  until  the  Great  Spirit  says  it  is  time  for  Black 
Hawk  to  sing  his  death  song.  Brother,  your  houses  are  as 
numerous  as  the  leaves  of  the  trees,  and  your  young  warriors 
like  the  sand  upon  the  shore  of  the  big  lake  that  rolls  before 
us.  The  red  man  hath  but  few  houses  and  few  warriors,  but 
the  red  man  has  a  heart  which  throbs  as  warmly  as  the  heart 
of  his  white  brother.  The  Great  Spirit  has  given  us  our  hunt 
ing  grounds,  and  the  skin  of  the  deer  which  we  kill  there  is 
his  favorite,  for  its  color  is  white,  and  this  is  the  emblem  of 
peace.  This  hunting  dress  and  these  feathers  of  the  eagle  are 
white.  Accept  them,  my  brother.  I  have  given  one  like  this 


OK,    THE    BORDER    WARS    OF    TWO    CENTURIES.  317 

to  the  White  Otter.  Accept  of  it  as  a  memorial  of  Black  Hawk. 
When  he  is  far  away  this  will  serve  to  remind  you  of  him. 
May  the  Great  Spirit  bless  you  and  your  children.  Farewell." 

On  the  fifth  of  June  Black  Hawk  and  his  five  companions 
left  the  Fortress  under  the  charge  of  Major  John  Garland,  of 
the  United  States  army.  Before  leaving  the  place  they  visited 
Norfolk  and  the  navy-yard  at  Gosport.  They  were  taken  on 
board  of  some  of  the  war  ships,  and  Black  Hawk  expressed  a 
desire  to  see  the  chiefs  who  commanded  them. 

At  Norfolk  they  were  greeted  by  crowds  of  citizens,  who 
tendered  them  a  cordial  reception.  From  the  balcony  of  his 
hotel  the  Prophet  Wabakieshiek  addressed  them  as  follows: 

"  The  Great  Spirit  sent  us  here,  and  now  happily  we  are 
about  to  return  to  our  own  Mississippi  and  to  our  own  people. 
It  affords  us  much  happiness  to  rejoin  our  friends  and  kindred. 
We  would  shake  hands  with  all  our  white  friends  assembled 
here.  Should  any  of  them  go  to  our  country,  on  the  Missis 
sippi,  we  would  take  pleasure  in  returning  their  kindness  to 
us.  We  will  go  home  with  peaceable  dispositions  towards  our 
white  brethren,  and  make  our  conduct  hereafter  more  satisfac 
tory  to  them.  We  bid  you  all  farewell,  as  it  is  the  last  time 
we  shall  see  each  other." 

Black  Hawk  also  made  a  speech,  after  which  the  party  left 
for  Baltimore.  Here,  as  everywhere  else  in  the  East,  they  were 
greeted  by  crowds  of  curious  spectators.  The  President  hap 
pened  to  be  at  Baltimore  at  the  same  time,  and  at  an  interview 
with  him  he  addressed  the  old  chief  as  follows: 

"  When  I  saw  you  in  Washington  I  told*  you  that  you  had 
behaved  very  badly  in  raising  the  tomahawk  against  the  white 
people  and  killing  men,  women  and  children  upon  the  frontier. 
Your  conduct  last  year  compelled  me  to  send  my  warriors 
against  you,  and  your  people  were  defeated  with  great  loss,  and 
your  men  surrendered,  to  be  kept  until  I  should  be  satisfied 
that  you  would  not  try  to  do  any  more  injury.  I  told  you  I 
would  inquire  whether  your  people  wished  you  to  return,  and 
whether,  if  you  did  return,  there  would  be  any  danger  to 
the  frontier.  Gen.  Clark  and  Gen.  Atkinson,  whom  you  know, 
have  informed  me  that  Keokuk,  your  principal  chief,  and  the 


318  THE    LIVES    OF    BLACK    HAWK    AND    KEOKUKI 

rest  of  your  people,  are  anxious  you  should  return,  and  Keokuk 
has  asked  me  to  send  you  back.  Your  chiefs  have  pledged 
themselves  for  your  good  conduct  and  I  have  given  directions 
that  you  should  be  taken  to  your  own  country. 

"  Major  Garland,  who  is  with  you,  will  conduct  you  through 
some  of  our  towns.  You  will  see  the  strength  of  the  white 
people.  You  will  see  that  our  young  men  are  as  numerous  as 
the  leaves  in  the  woods.  What  can  you  do  against  us?  You 
may  kill  a  few  women  and  children,  but  such  a  force  will  soon 
be  sent  against  you  as  would  destroy  your  whole  tribe.  Let 
the  red  men  hunt  and  take  care  of  their  families;  but  I  hope 
they  will  not  again  raise  their  hands  against  their  white 
brethren.  We  do  not  wish  to  injure  you.  We  desire  your 
prosperity  and  improvement.  But  if  you  again  plunge  your 
knives  into  the  breasts  of  our  people,  I  shall  send  a  force  which 
will  severely  punish  you  for  all  your  cruelties.  When  you  go 
back,  listen  to  the  counsels  of  Keokuk  and  the  other  friendly 
chiefs.  Bury  the  tomahawk  and  live  in  peace  with  the  frontier, 
and  I  pray  the  Great  Spirit  to  give  you  a  smooth  path  and  a 
fair  sky  to  return." 

Black  Hawk  and  the  prophet  both  replied  to  this  speech, 
promising  not  to  go  to  war  again.  The  captives  were  next 
conducted  to  Philadelphia,  where  they  arrived  on  the  tenth  of 
June,  and  remained  at  Congress  Hall  until  the  fourteenth. 
While  in  this  city  they  were  taken  to  see  all  the  features  of 
interest,  and  before  they  left  they  had  the  pleasure  of  witness 
ing  a  grand  military  display  in  front  of  the  quarters.  Black 
Hawk  at  once  inquired  whether  or  not  these  were  the  soldiers 
who  had  conquered  him  and  his  warriors  on  the  previous  sum 
mer.  In  speaking  of  his  war  he  said : 

"  My  heart  grew  bitter  against  the  whites  and  my  hands 
were  strong.  I  dug  up  the  tomahawk  and  led  my  warriors  to 
fight.  I  fought  hard;  I  was  no  coward.  Much  blood  was 
shed.  But  the  white  men  were  mighty.  They  were  as  many 
as  the  leaves  in  the  forest.  I  and  my  people  failed.  I  am 
sorry  the  tomahawk  was  raised.  I  have  been  a  prisoner.  I 
see  the  strength  of  the  white  men;  they  are  many,  very  many. 
The  Indians  are  but  few ;  they  are  not  cowards ;  they  are  braves ; 


OB,    THE    BORDER    WARS    OF    TWO    CENTURIES.  319 

but  they  are  few.  "While  the  Great  Spirit  above  keeps  my 
heart  as  it  now  is,  I  will  be  the  white  man's  friend.  I  will 
remain  in  peace.  I  will  go  to  my  people  and  speak  good  of 
the  white  man.  I  will  tell  them  they  are  as  the  leaves  of  the 
forest,  very  many,  very  strong,  and  that  I  will  fight  no  more 
against  them." 

They  were  next  taken  to  New  York  city,  where,  immediately 
upon  their  arrival,  they  had  the  pleasure  of  witnessing  a  bal 
loon  ascension  at  Castle  Garden.  This  novel  sight  greatly 
pleased  the  red  men,  and  one  of  them  appealed  to  the  prophet 
to  know  if  the  air  ship  was  "  going  to  see  the  Great  Spirit." 
When  the  crowd  ascertained  that  Black  Hawk  was  present, 
the  air  was  rent  with  shouts  of  welcome,  and  the  press  of  the 
multitude  to  see  the  strangers  was  so  great  that  they  could 
not  reach  their  lodgings  until  placed  in  carriages  and  com 
mitted  to  the  care  of  the  police.  It  was  with  much  difficulty 
that  they  reached  the  Exchange  Hotel,  which  was  immediately 
surrounded  by  thousands  who  would  not  be  dispersed  until 
"  General .  Black  Hawk  "  would  show  himself,  which  he  did. 
While  in  New  York  they  were  treated  with  many  civilities. 
They  were  conducted  to  all  public  places  of  interest,  and  were 
much  pleased  with  their  visit. 

The  party  was  conducted  to  Albany,  Buffalo,  and  thence  to 
Fort  Armstrong,  on  Rock  Island,  where  they  arrived  about 
the  middle  of  August.  "  In  passing  by  the  site  of  the  old 
Sac  village,  Black  Hawk  was  deeply  affected,  and  expressed 
much  regret  for  the  causes  which  compelled  him  to  emigrate 
beyond  the  Mississippi.  The  return  of  the  prophet  was  also 
attended  with  melancholy  associations.  His  village,  over  which 
he  had  long  presided,  was  entirely  broken  up,  his  wigwam  in 
ashes,  his  family  dispersed  and  he  a  suppliant  for  a  home  in 
the  village  of  some  other  chief." 


CHAPTEE    XL. 

CEREMONIES  OF  LIBERATING  BLACK  HAWK  —  KEOKUK'S  TRIUMPH  — 
BLACK  HAWK'S  ANGER — HE  WILL  NOT  CONFORM  TO  THE  COUNCILS 
OF  KEOKUK  —  His  SPEECH  —  HE  DEPARTS  TO  His  SQUAWS  —  INTER 
ESTING  INCIDENTS  AT  ROCK  ISLAND. 

FORT  ARMSTRONG  had  been  chosen  as  the  proper  place  for 
the  ceremonies  of  the  liberation  of  Black  Hawk  and  his  party. 
Its  central  position  enabled  the  commander  to  assemble  the 
surrounding  Indians  at  short  notice,  runners  being  sent  out 
for  that  purpose.  The  first  to  arrive  were  the  friendly  Keokuk 
and  his  band.  He  ascended  the  Mississippi  by  water,  and  led 
the  van  with  two  large  canoes  lashed  side  by  side,  handsomely 
decorated,  with  a  canopy  erected  over  them,  "  beneath  which 
sat  the  chief  and  his  three  wives,  with  the  American  flag 
waving  over  them.  More  than  twenty  canoes  followed  the 
chieftain,  each  containing  from  four  to  eight  of  his  warriors, 
whose  shouts  and  songs  swept  over  the  transparent  waters  of 
the  Mississippi  and  were  echoed  from  shore  to  shore."  The 
little  fleet  passed  slowly  up  the  river,  opposite  the  camp  of  the 
captives,  and  landed  on  the  west  side  of  the  river.  At  this 
place  Keokuk  and  his  party  spent  several  hours  in  arranging 
their  dress,  painting  and  equipping  themselves  for  the  occa 
sion.  When  this  important  duty  had  been  completed  they 
crossed  the  river.  Reaching  the  bank  the  great  Keokuk  turned 
to  his  followers  and  said:  "The  Great  Spirit  has  sent  our 
brother  back;  let  us  shake  hands  with  him  in  friendship." 
He  then  approached  Black  Hawk,  followed  by  his  warriors. 
The  old  chief  was  seated  in  front  of  his  temporary  lodge,  sur 
rounded  by  his  followers,  and  appeared  to  be  deeply  affected 
by  the  scene.  Now  the  rivals  met  face  to  face — Keokuk  in  his 
glory  and  Black  Hawk  in  disgrace,  fallen,  forsaken!  But  the 

(320) 


OR,    THE    BORDER    WARS    OF    TWO    CENTURIES.  321 

proud  ruler  did  not  exult  in  his  well-merited  triumph.  Ap 
proaching  the  old  chief,  Keokuk  stretched  forth  his  hand  in 
friendship,  which  Black  Hawk  grasped  with  a  degree  of  cordi 
ality.  Keokuk  and  his  followers  then  took  seats,  winch  was 
followed  by  a  long  silence.  The  pipe  was  lighted  and  passed 
from  hand  to  hand,  followed  by  friendly  sentiments  expressed 
by  both  parties.  At  length  Keokuk  arose  and  shook  hands 
with  the  fallen  chief,  saying,  "We  will  return  to-morrow." 
He  then  re-crossed  the  river  to  his  own  camp. 

On  the  following  day  the  grand  council  for  the  liberation 
of  the  captives  was  held.  "It  presented,"  says  Mr.  Conclin, 
"the  novel  spectacle  of  a  chief,  compelled  by  a  third  power,  to 
acknowledge  the  authority  of  a  rival,  and  formally  descend 
from  the  rank  which  he  had  long  sustained  among  his  people. 
Fort  Armstrong  presented  a  commodious  room  for  the  cere 
monies  of  the  day,  and  it  was  fitted  up  for  the  occasion. 
About  ten  o'clock  in  the  forenoon  Keokuk  and  one  hundred 
followers  re-crossed  the  river  and  proceeded  in  martial  array 
to  the  garrison.  They  were  conducted  into  the  council  room 
and  shown  the  seats  which  they  were  to  occupy.  Keokuk  was 
seated  with  Pashepahow  (the  Stabber)  on  one  side,  Wapellar 
(the  Little  Prince)  on  the  other — the  former  a  chief  of  the  Sacs, 
the  latter  of  the  Foxes.  The  remainder  of  his  band  took  their 
seats  in  the  rear,  and  maintained  throughout  the  ceremony 
profound  silence." 

In  a  few  minutes  Black  Hawk  and  his  followers  came  into 
the  council.  As  they  entered,  Keokuk  and  the  two  chiefs  by 
his  side  rose  and  greeted  them.  The  old  chief  and  his  associ 
ates  were  seated  directly  opposite  Keokuk.  Black  Hawk  was 
accompanied  by  his  son,  Nasinewiskuk,  and  both  appeared  to 
be  displeased.  They  had,  the  day  previous,  offered  great  objec 
tions  to  the  council,  saying  it  was  altogether  unnecessary  and 
would  be  very  painful  to  them,  and  it  was  now  with  the 
greatest  reluctance  that  they  came  into  it. 

For  several  minutes  a  profound  silence  reigned  over  the 

assembly,  at  the  end  of  which  Major  Garland  rose  and  addressed 

the  council.     He  said  he  was  pleased  to  see  the  Sacs  and  Foxes 

greet  Black  Hawk  with  friendship,  and  he  believed  that  here- 

21 


322  THE    LIVES    OF    BLACK    HAWK    AND    KEOKUK: 

after  they  would  live  in  peace.  At  this  point  Major  Garland 
caused  the  speech*  delivered  to  Black  Hawk  at  Baltimore  by  the 
President  to  be  again  interpreted  to  him.  This  ended,  Keokuk 
rose,  and  after  shaking  hands  with  those  around  him,  said: 

"  I  have  listened  to  the  talk  of  our  great  father.  It  is  true 
we  pledged  our  honor,  with  those  of  our  young  braves,  for  the 
liberation  of  our  friends.  We  thought  much  of  it;  our  coun 
cils  were  long;  their  wives  and  childred  were  in  our  thoughts; 
when  we  talked  of  them  our  hearts  were  full.  Their  wives 
and  children  came  to  see  us,  which  made  us  feel  like  women; 
but  we  were  men.  The  words  which  we  sent  to  our  great 
father  were  good;  he  spoke  like  the  father  of  children.  The 
Great  Spirit  made  his  heart  big  in  council.  "We  received  our 
brothers  in  friendship;  our  hearts  were  good  towards  them. 
They  once  listened  to  bad  council;  now  their  ears  are  closed. 
I  give  my  hand  to  them;  when  they  shake  it  they  shake  the 
hands  of  all!  I  will  shake  hands  with  them  and  then  I  am 
done." 

Major  Garland  again  rose  and  said  that  the  President,  their 
great  father,  would  hereafter  recognize  Keokuk  as  the  principal 
chief  of  the  Sac  and  Fox  nations,  and  that  he  wished  and 
expected  that  Black  Hawk  would  conform  to  his  (rival's) 
councils.  All  unfriendly  feelings  between  them  must  be 
buried,  and  the  band  of  Black  Hawk  must  be  hereafter  merged 
in  that  of  Keokuk.  And  just  here  I  cannot  resist  from  making 
a  single  comment:  Was  it  not  enough  that  Black  Hawk,  whose 
once  powerful  band  of  warriors  had  been  shot  down  by  Amer 
ican  soldiers,  had  been  left  without  any  followers,  that  he  had 
suffered  the  shame  of  a  long,  and,  in  some  respects,  merciless 
confinement?  Why  crush  out  the  last  spark  of  pride  within 
him? 

On  hearing  the  words  of  Major  Garland,  the  old  chief,  who 
had  suffered  his  captivity  and  imprisonment  with  fortitude, 
lost  all  control  of  himself  and  became  deeply  excited.  The 
great  spirit  which  had  borne  him  through  the  daring  struggles 
of  his  great  war,  and  made  his  name  terrible  wherever  it  was 
spoken,  suddenly  returned  and  burst  forth  with  great  violence. 


OR,    THE    BORDER    WARS    OF    TWO    CENTURIES.  323 

He  leaped  to  his  feet,  trembling  with  anger,  his  eyes  sparkling 
with  rage,  and  exclaimed: 

"  I  am  a  man  !  an  old  man !  I  will  not  conform  to  the 
councils  of  any  one!  I  will  act  for  myself  !  None  shall  gov 
ern  me!  I  am  old;  my  hair  is  gray.  I  once  gave  councils  to 
my  young  men.  Am  I  to  conform  to  others?  I  shall  soon  go 
to  the  Great  Spirit,  where  I  shall  be  at  rest.  What  I  said  to 
our  great  father,  I  say  again.  I  will  always  listen  to  him.  I 
am  done." 

This  speech  created  great  excitement  in  the  council,  and  the 
interpreter  was  directed  to  explain  to  Black  Hawk  that  the  Presi 
dent  had  only  requested  him  to  listen  to  the  counsel  of  Keokuk. 
But  the  old  man  was  displeased  and  would  make  no  reply. 
Keokuk  approached  him  and  whispered,  "  Why  do  you  speak 
so  before  the  white  men ;  I  will  speak  for  you ;  you  trembled. 
You  did  not  mean  what  you  said."  Keokuk  then  took  his 
place,  and  remarked  to  the  council:  "Our  brother  has  again 
come  to  us,  has  spoken,  but  he  spoke  in  wrath.  His  tongue 
was  forked.  He  spoke  not  like  a  man — a  Sac.  He  knew  his 
words  were  bad ;  he  trembled  like  the  oak  whose  roots  have 
been  wasted  away  by  many  rains.  He  is  old — what  he  said 
let  us  forget.  He  says  he  did  not  mean  it;  he  wishes  it  for 
gotten.  I  have  spoken  for  him.  What  I  have  said  are  his  own 
words,  not  mine.  Let  us  say  he  spoke  in  council  to-day — that 
his  words  were  good.  I  have  spoken."  Several  other  speeches 
were  made,  after  which  Major  Garland  rose  and  told  Black 
Hawk  that  he  was  at  liberty  to  go  where  he  pleased ;  that  the 
people  of  the  United  States,  as  well  as  himself,  were  pleased 
with  the  uniform  good  conduct  of  all  the  captives  while  among 
them;  that  they  were  convinced  their  hearts  were  good,  but 
they  had  listened  to  bad  councils.  The  Major,  in  conclusion, 
said  he  hoped  that  peace  and  harmony  would  long  exist 
between  them. 

Black  Hawk  rose  in  reply,  and  made  a  short  and  appropriate 
speech^  asking  the  reporters  to  draw  a  line  over  the  speech  he 
had  made.  He  said  he  did  not  mean  it.  The  council  was  then 
broken  up. 

In  the  evening  of  the  same  day,  Major  Garland  invited  the 


324  THE    LIVES    OF    BLACK    HAWK    AND    KEOKUKI 

principal  chiefs  to  liis  own  quarters,  and,  after  treating  them 
to  champagne,  all  indulged  in  speeches.  Black  Hawk,  who 
was  the  last  one  who  spoke,  said: 

"  I  feel  that  I  am  an  old  man;  once  I  could  speak,  but  now 
I  have  but  little  to  say;  to-day  we  met  many  of  our  brothers; 
we  were  glad  to  see  them.  I  have  listened  to  what  my  broth 
ers  have  said;  their  hearts  are  good;  they  have  been  like  Sacs 
since  I  left  them;  they  have  taken  care  of  my  wife  and  chil 
dren,  who  had  no  wigwam;  I  thank  them  for  it;  the  Great 
Spirit  knows  thats  I  thank  them.  Before  the  sun  gets  behind 
the  hills  to-morrow  I  shall  see  them;  I  want  to  see  them. 
When  I  left  them  I  expected  soon  to  return;  I  told  our  great 
father  when  in  Washington,  that  I  would  listen  to  the  councils  of 
Keokuk.  I  shall  soon  be  far  away.  I  shall  have  no  village,  no 
band.  I  shall  live  alone.  What  I  said  in  council  to-day  I 
wish  forgotten.  If  it  has  been  put  on  paper,  I  wish  a  mark 
drawn  over  it;  I  did  not  mean  it.  Now  we  are  alone,  let  us 
say  we  will  forget  it.  Say  to  our  Great  Father  and  Governor 
Cass,  that  I  will  listen  to  them.  Many  years  ago  I  met  Gov 
ernor  Cass  in  councils,  far  across  the  prairies,  to  the  rising 
sun.  His  councils  were  good;  my  ears  were  closed ;  I  listened 
to  the  Great  Father  across  the  waters.  My  father  listened  to 
him  whose  band  was  large.  My  band  was  once  large;  now  I 
have  no  band.  I  arid  my  son  and  all  the  party,  thank  our 
Great  Father  for  what  he  has  done.  He  is  old ;  I  am  old ;  we 
shall  soon  go  to  the  Great  Spirit,  where  we  shall  rest.  He 
sent  us  through  his  great  villages.  We  saw  many  of  the 
white  people,  who  treated  us  with  kindness.  We  thank  them; 
we  thank  you  and  Mr.  Sprague  for  coming  with  us.  Your 
road  was  long  and  crooked.  We  never  saw  so  many  white 
men  before.  When  you  were  with  us,  we  felt  as  though  we 
had  some  friends  among  them.  We  felt  safe;  you  knew  them 
all.  When  you  come  upon  the  Mississippi  again,  you  shall 
come  to  my  wigwam.  I  have  now  none.  On  your  road  home, 
you  will  pass  where  my  village  was  once;  no  one  lives  there 
now;  all  are  gone.  I  give  you  my  hand;  we  may  never  meet 
again.  I  shall  long  remember  you.  The  Great  Spirit  will  be 
with  you  and  your  wives  and  children.  Before  the  sun  rises  I 


OK,    THE    BORDER    WARS    OF    TWO    CENTURIES.  325 

shall  go  to  my  family;  my  son  will  be  here  to  see  yon  before 
we  go.  I  will  shake  hands  with  my  brothers  here,  and  then  I 
am  done." 

On  the  following  morning  Black  Hawk  crossed  the  river 
and  wasted  no  time  in  reaching  his  wife.  The  other  Indians 
also  repaired  to  their  villages. 

I  affix  to  this  chapter  the  following  article,  which  appeared 
in  the  "  Baltimore  American,"  soon  after  Black  Hawk's  death. 
The  article  was  written  by  one  acquainted  wTith  the  circum 
stance.  It  gives  an  account  of  the  death  of  Tecumseh,  and 
many  interesting  points  in  the  life  of  the  Sac  chieftain: 

"During  a  residence  of  several  years  in  what  is  now  the 
Territory  of  Iowa,  I  had  many  opportunities  of  seeing  and 
conversing  with  this  noted  warrior,  and  often  look  back  with 
feelings  of  great  pleasure  to  the  many  tokens  of  good  will  and 
friendship  that  he  has  frequently  bestowed  upon  men.  His 
lodge  was  always  open  to  a  stranger,  and  he  was  ever  ready  to 
share  that  with  him  which  he  might  most  want,  either  his  furs 
and  blankets  for  a  couch,  or  his  corn  and  venison  for  a  repast. 
He  always  spoke  in  terms  of  high  regard  of  tire  whites,  saying 
that  in  war  he  fought  like  a  brave  man,  but  in  peace  he  wished 
to  forget  that  his  hand  had  ever  been  raised  against  them. 
His  career  as  a  warrior  commenced  at  a  very  early  age;  when 
he  was  but  fourteen  years  old,  his  father,  Pawheese,  led  a  war 
party  against  the  Osages,  in  which  expedition  he  accompanied 
him.  They  succeeded  in  reaching  the  village  of  Osages,  which 
they  attacked,  and  after  a  very  severe  encounter,  they  routed 
their  enemies  and  burnt  their  town.  In  this  battle  Black 
Hawk's  father  was  killed,  but  he  revenged  his  death  by  killing 
and  scalping  the  Osage  who  had  slain  him.  He  was  fond  of 
recounting  his  earlier  exploits,  and  often  boasted  of  his  being 
at  the  right  hand  of  Tecumseh,  when  the  latter  was  killed  at 
the  battle  of  the  Thames.  His  account  of  the  death  of  this 
distinguished  warrior,  was  related  to  me  by  himself,  during  an 
evening  that  I  spent  in  his  lodge  some  winters  ago.  In  the 
course  of  our  talk,  I  asked  him  if  he  was  with  Tecumseh  when 
he  was  killed.  He  replied: 

" '  I  was,  and  I  will  now  tell  you  all  about  it.     Tecumseh, 


326  THE    LIVES    OF    BLACK    HAWK    AND    KEOKUKI 

Shaubinne  and  Caldwell,  two  Pottawatomie  chiefs,  and  myself, 
were  seated  on  a  log  near  our  camp  fire,  filling  our  pipes  for  a 
smoke,  on  the  morning  of  the  battle,  when  word  came  from 
the  British  general,  that  he  wished  to  speak  with  Tecumseh. 
He  went  immediately,  and  after  staying  some  time  rejoined  us, 
taking  his  seat  without  saying  a  word,  when  Caldwell,  who 
was  one  of  his  favorites,  observed  to  him,  '  my  father,  what 
are  we  to  do?  Shall  we  fight  the  Americans?'  '  Yes,  my  son,' 
replied  Tecumseh,  i we  shall  go  into  their  very  smoke — but  you 
are  now  wanted  by  the  general.  Go,  my  son,  I  never  expect  to 
see  you  again.'  Shortly  after  this  (continued  Black  Hawk,)  the 
Indian  spies  came  in,  and  gave  word  of  the  near  approach  of 
the  Americans.  Tecumseh  immediately  posted  his  men  in  the 
edge  of  a  swamp,  which  flanked  the  British  line,  placing  him 
self  at  their  head.  I  was  a  little  to  his  right,  with  a  small 
party  of  Sacs.  It  was  not  long  before  the  Americans  made 
their  appearance;  they  did  noc  perceive  us  at  first,  hid  as  we 
were  by  the  undergrowth,  but  we  soon  let  them  know  where 
we  were  by  pouring  in  one  or  two  volleys  as  they  were  forming 
into  a  line  to  op^rjse  the  British.  They  faltered  a  little,  but 
very  soon. we  perceived  a  large  body  of  horse  (Col.  Johnson's 
regiment  of  mounted  Kentuckians)  preparing  to  charge  upon 
us  in  the  swamp.  They  came  bravely  on,  yet  we  never  stirred 
until  they  wore  so  close  that  we  could  see  the  flints  of  their 
g/ns,  when  Tecumseh,  springing  to  his  feet,  gave  the  Shaw- 
<moe  war  cry,  and  discharged  his  rifle.  This  was  the  signal  for 
us  to  commence  the  fight;  but  it  did  not  last  long;  the  Amer 
icans  answered  the  shout,  returning  our  fire,  and  at  the  first 
discharge  of  their  guns,  I  saw  Tecumseh  stagger  forwards  over 
a  fallen  tree  near  which  he  was  standing,  letting  his  rifle  drop 
to  his  feet.  As  soon  as  the  Indians  discovered  he  was  killed, 
a  sudden  fear  came  over  them,  and  thinking  that  the  Great 
Spirit  was  displeased,  they  fought  no  longer,  and  were  quickly 
put  to  flight.  That  night  we  returned  to  bury  our  dead,  and 
search  for  the  body  of  Tecumseh.  He  was  found  lying  where 
he  had  first  fallen ;  a  bullet  had  struck  him  above  the  hip,  and 
his  skull  had  been  broken  by  the  butt  end  of  the  gun  of  some 
soldier,  who  had  found  him,  perhaps,  when  life  was  not  yet 


OK,    THE    BOEDER    WARS    OF    TWO    CENTURIES.  327 

quite  gone.  With  the  exception  of  these  wounds,  his  body 
was  untouched;  lying  near  him,  however,  was  a  large,  fine 
looking  Pottawatomie,  who  had  been  killed,  decked  off  in  his 
plumes  and  war  paint,  whom  the  Americans  no  doubt  had 
taken  for  Tecumseh ;  for  he  was  scalped,  and  every  particle  of 
skin  flayed  from  his  body.  Tecumseh  himself,  had  no  orna 
ments  about  his  person  save  a  British  medal.  During  the 
night  we  buried  our  dead,  and  brought  oif  the  body  of  Tecum 
seh,  although  we  were  within  sight  of  the  fires  of  the  American 
camp.' 

"  This  is  somewhat  different  from  the  account  which  is  com 
monly  given  of  Tecumseh's  death,  yet  I  believe  it  to  be  true; 
for  after  hearing  Black  Hawk  relate  it,  I  heard  it  corroborated 
by  one  of  the  Pottawatomie  chiefs,  mentioned  by  him.  I  asked 
him  if  he  had  ever  fought  against  the  whites  after  the  death  of 
Tecumseh.  He  said  not — that  he  returned  home  to  his  village 
on  the  Mississippi,  at  the  mouth  of  Bock  river,  and  there  he 
remained  until  driven  away  by  the  whites,  in  the  year  1832. 
The  wish  to  hold  possession  of  this  village,  was  the  cause  of 
the  war  which  he  waged  against  the  whites  during  that  year. 
He  told  me  that  he  never  wished  to  fight;  that  he  was  made 
to  do  so;  that  the  whites  killed  his  warriors  when  they  went 
with  a  white  flag  to  beg  a  parley,  and  that  after  this  was  done, 
he  thought  they  intended  to  kill  him  at  all  events,  and  there 
fore  he  would  die  like  a  warrior. 

"  In  speaking  of  his  defeat,  he  said  it  was  what  he  expected ; 
that  he  did  not  mind  it;  but  what  hurt  him  more  than  any 
thing  else,  was  our  government  degrading  him  in  the  eyes  of 
his  own  people,  and  setting  another  chief  (Keokuk)  over  him. 
This  degradation  he  appeared  to  feel  very  sensibly,  still  he  con 
tinued  to  possess  all  his  native  pride.  One  instance  that  came 
under  my  observation,  I  recollect  well,  in  which  it  was  strongly 
displayed.  He  happened  to  be  in  a  small  town  in  Iowa,  on 

the  same  day  in  which  a  party  of  dragoons,  under  Capt. 

arrived;  and  in  paying  a  visit  to  a  friend  with  whom  he  always 
partook  of  a  meal,  whenever  he  stopped  at  the  village,  he  met 
with  the  captain,  who  had  been  invited  to  dine.  Black  Hawk 
remained,  also  expecting  the  usual  invitation  to  stay  and  eat 


328  THE    LIVES    OF    BLACK    HAWK    AND    KEOKUK I 

with  them;  but  when  the  dinner  was  ready,  the  host  took  him 
aside,  and  told  him  the  captain,  or  rather  the  white  man's  chief, 
was  to  dine  with  him  that  day,  and  he  must  wait  until  they 
had  finished.  The  old  chief's  eye  glistened  with  anger  as  he 
answered  him,  raising  the  forefinger  of  one  hand  to  his  breast,. 
to  represent  the  officer,  '  I  know  the  w^hite  man  is  a  chief,  but 
/,'  elevating  the  finger  of  the  other  hand  far  above  his  head, 
i  was  a  chief,  and  led  my  warriors  to  the  fight  long  before  his 
mother  knew  him.  Your  meat — my  dogs  should  not  eat  it/9 
Saying  this,  he  gathered  the  folds  of  his  blanket  about  him, 
and  stalked  off,  looking  as  proudly  as  if  he  still  walked  over 
ground  that  he  could  call  l  my  own.' 

"  Black  Hawk  possessed,  to  a  great  degree,  one  fine  trait 
which  is  not  usual  for  us  to  concede  to  the  Indian — kindness 
and  affection  for  his  wife.  He  never  had  but  one,  and  with 
her  he  lived  for  upwards  of  forty  years;  they  had  several  chil 
dren,  three  of  whom  still  survive,  two  sons  and  a  daughter. 
The  eldest  son  is  now  one  of  the  most  promising  young  braves 
of  the  nation,  and  bids  fair  to  be  one  of  its  most  noble  men. 
The  daughter  is  still  quite  young,  and  is  considered  to  be  the 
most  beautiful  maiden  belonging  to  her  tribe. 

"  He  has  now  departed  on  his  long  journey,  to  join  those  of 
his  people  who  have  gone  before  him  to  the  happy  hunting 
grounds,  far  beyond  the  setting  sun.  May  the  Great  Spirit 
grant  him  a  clear  sunshine,  and  a  smooth  path." 

In  addition  to  this,  it  will  be  proper  to  add  that  in  Septem 
ber,  1838,  while  on  his  way  to  Rock  Island  to  receive  his 
portion  of  the  annual  payment,  he  took  a  heavy  cold,  which 
resulted  in  a  fatal  attack  of  bilious  fever,  which  terminated  his 
life  on  the  third  of  October,  after  an  illness  of  only  a  few  days. 
His  wife,  who  was  devotedly  attached  to  him,  mourned  deeply 
during  his  sickness.  She  said  on  the  day  before  he  died,  "  he 
is  getting  old,  he  must  die.  Monotah  calls  him  home."  After 
his  death,  he  was  dressed  in  the  uniform  presented  to  him  by 
the  President  while  in  Washington,  and  buried.  "  The  grave- 
was  six  feet  deep,  and  of  the  usual  length,  situated  upon  a  little 
eminence  about  fifty  yards  from  his  wigwam.  The  body  was 
placed  in  the  middle  of  the  grave,  in  a  sitting  posture,  upon  a 


OR,    THE    BORDER    WARS    OF    TWO    CENTURIES.  329 

seat,  constructed  for  the  purpose.  On  his  left  side,  the  cane, 
given  him  by  Henry  Clay,  was  placed  upright,  with  his  right 
hand  resting  upon  it.  Many  of  the  old  warrior's  trophies  were 
placed  in  the  grave,  and  some  Indian  garments,  together  with 
his  favorite  weapons." 


CHAPTEE    XL1. 

INDIAN  TRIBES  WEST  or  THE  MISSISSIPPI — THE  MANDANS,  THEIR 
DWELLINGS,  MANNERS  AND  CUSTOMS  —  THEIR  TRADITIONS  OF  THE 
FLOOD  —  THEIR  SINGULAR  CEREMONIES  —  How  THEY  WERE  DE 
STROYED —  THEIR  SUPPOSED  ORIGIN. 

HAVING  reached  the  proper  point,  I  will  now  interrupt  the 
narrative  to  give  the  reader  a  very  brief  history  of  the  tribes 
of  Indians  which  existed  in  that  vast  territory  between  the 
Mississippi  and  the  Pacific  coast  about  the  year  1800.  But  in 
this  undertaking  I  find  myself  surrounded  with  difficulties  of 
a  kind  not  encountered  in  the  review  of  the  tribes  east  of  the 
Mississippi  at  the  beginning  of  this  work,  as  the  tribal  divisions 
of  the  Western  Indians  are,  both  in  language  and  customs  less 
distinguishing  than  those  of  the  former.  Yet,  avoiding  the 
finer  details  of  difference,  we  shall  have  but  little  difficulty  in 
presenting  the  general  characteristics  of  the  various  nations 
of  the  great  West.  It  will  be  difficult,  however,  to  give  any 
boundaries  of  territory  owned  or  occupied  by  these  nations  as, 
either  by  their  roving  habits  or  by  the  results  of  conquest,  they 
were  continually  changing  their  abode.  Along  the  borders  of 
the  Missouri,  and  high  up  the  western  tributaries  of  the  Mis 
sissippi,  we  find  the  various  tribes  belonging  to  the  Sioux  or 
Dahcotah  nation,  called  by  the  early  explorers  and  travelers, 
Naudowesses.  These  Indians  lived  principally  by  the  chase,  a 
few  only  practicing  any  degree  of  husbandry.  The  tribal 
divisions  of  this  nation  were  as  follows:  the  Waupeentowas, 
the  Tintons,  the  Afracootans,  the  Mawhaws,  (called  by  some  the 
Omawhas,)  and  the  Schians.  These  tribes,  with  a  few  excep 
tions,  dwelt  in  the  prairie  country,  near  the  borders  of  the  St. 
Peter.  The  Assinaboins,  and  several  other  tribes,  were,  by 
some  of  the  oldest  writers,  classed  in  the  same  nation. 

(330^ 


OR,    THE    BOEDER    WARS    OF    TWO    CENTURIES.  331 

Mr.  Gallatin,  an  able  writer  on  these  and  other  tribes,  classes 
them  as  follows :  The  Winnebagos,  of  Wisconsin ;  the  Sioux 
proper,  or  Dahcotas,  and  the  Assinaboins;  the  Minetari,  and 
tribes  allied  to  them;  and  the  Osages,  and  other  kindred  tribes. 
The  same  writer,  I  believe,  holds  that  the  Minetari  include  the 
Crows,  and  the  Mandans.  The  latter,  however,  are  a  distinct 
nation,  and  differ  widely  from  all  other  Indians  in  America  in 
many  important  peculiarities.  In  1832,  we  find  the  Mandans 
situated  in  two  villages  on  the  left  bank  ot  the  Missouri,  about 
two  hundred  miles  below  the  mouth  of  the  Yellowstone.  At 
this  time  their  population  did  not  exceed  two  or  three  thou 
sand.  However,  according  to  their  best  traditions,  and  as 
evinced  by  the  ruins  of  their  former  settlements  they  had,  at 
an  earlier  date,  been  a  populous  and  powerful  nation.  In  the 
date  above  mentioned  we  find  them  in  their  principal  town 
upon  the  Missouri  well  fortified  against  the  enemy.  Within 
the  pickets  the  houses  were  exceedingly  compact,  leaving  but 
little  room  for  the  gaudy  inhabitants  to  move  to  and  fro.  These 
dwellings  were  partially  sunk  in  the  ground,  the  roofs  being 
made  of  earth  and  clay.  On  entering  them  one  would  be  sur 
prised  with  their  neatness,  comfort  and  spacio-us  dimensions. 
"  They  were  all  of  a  circular  form,"  says  Mr.  Catlin,  "  and  are 
from  forty  to  sixty  feet  in  diameter.  Their  foundations  are 
prepared  by  digging  some  two  feet  in  the  ground  and  forming 
the  floor  of  earth  by  leveling  the  requisite  size  for  a  lodge." 
These  singular  dwellings  were  not  devoid  of  comfort.  "  They 
consisted,"  says  Mr.  Brown  ell,  "of  a  row  of  perpendicular 
stakes  or  timbers  six  feet  or  thereabouts  in  height,  supporting 
long  rafters  for  the  roof.  A  hole  was  left  in  the  center  for  air, 
light,  and  the  escape  of  the  smoke."  The  rafters  were  first 
covered  by  boughs,  and  lastly  by  earth.  A  small  excavation  in 
the  center  of  the  hut  served  as  a  fire-place.  The  furniture  was 
not  elegant,  although  comfortable.  A  rude  bedstead  was  erec 
ted  at  one  side,  abundantly  provided  writh  buffalo  skins,  with 
ornamented  curtains,  not  of  European  manufacture,  for  they 
did  not  import  their  goods,  but  of  various  skins  of  wild  animals. 
"This  arrangement  of  beds,  and  arms,  etc.,"  says  Mr.  Catlin, 
"  combining  the  most  vivid  display  and  arrangement  of  colors, 


332  THE    INDIAN    TRIBES    WIST    OF   THE    MISSISSIPPI: 

of  furs,  of  trinkets,  of  barbed  and  glistening  points  and  steel, 
of  mysteries  and  hocus-pocus,  together  with  the  sombre  and 
smoked  color  of  the  roof  and  sides  of  the  lodge;  and  the  wild, 
and  rude,  and  red — the  graceful  (though  uncivil)  conversa 
tional,  garrulous,  story-telling,  and  happy,  though  ignorant 
and  untutored  groups,  that  are  smoking  their  pipes — wooing 
their  sweethearts,  and  embracing  their  little  ones  about  their 
peaceful  and  endeared  fire-sides ;  together  with  their  pots  and 
kettles,  spoons,  and  other  culinary  articles  of  their  own  manu 
facture,  around  them,  present,  altogether,  one  of  the  most 
picturesque  scenes  to  the  eye  of  a  stranger  that  can  be  possibly 
seen,  and  far  more  wild  and  vivid  than  could  ever  be  imagined. " 

But  if  the  interior  was  full  of  interesting  scenes,  we  have 
only  to  open  another  book  to  find  that  the  exterior  was  also 
replete  with  interest.  Of  this  Mr.  Brownell  says:  "In  the 
center  of  the  village  an  open  court  was  left  for  purposes  of 
recreation  and  for  the  performances  of  the  national  religious 
ceremonies.  Upon  the  rounded  roofs  of  the  domicils  numerous 
busy  or  indolent  groups  were  sitting  or  lounging  in  every 
possible  attitude,  while  in  the  central  area  some  were  exercising 
their  wild  horses,  or  training  and  playing  with  their  dogs. 
Such  a  variety  of  brilliant  and  fanciful  costumes,  orrnamented 
with  plumes  and  porcupine  quills,  with  the  picturesque  throng 
of  Indians  and  animals,  the  closely  crowded  village,  the  green 
plain,  the  river,  and  the  blue  hills  in  the  distance,  formed  a 
happy  subject  for  the  artist. 

But  the  attractions  of  a  Mandan  village  were  not  all  confined 
within  the  narrow  limits  encompassed  by  the  pickets.  Out 
side,  at  a  little  distance,  could  be  seen  the  scaffolds  upon  which 
the  dead  were  placed.  The  funeral  rites  of  this  nation  were 
very  peculiar  and  not  without  interest.  The  body  of  the  dead 
person  was  wrapped  in  a  buffalo  skin,  which  included  the  arms 
used  by  the  deceased  during  his  life,  and  the  usual  provision 
of  tobacco,  flint  and  steel,  knife  and  food.  A  slight  scaffold 
was  arranged,  high  enough  to  be  out  of  the  reach  of  wild 
beasts,  and  there  the  body  was  placed  to  decay  in  the  open  air. 
"  Day  after  day,"  continues  Mr.  Brownell,  "  those  who  had  lost 
friends  would  come  out  from  the  village  to  this  strange  ceme- 


OR,    THE    BOEDER    WARS    OF    TWO    CENTURIES.  333 

tery  to  weep  and  bewail  over  their  loss.  Sucli  genuine  and 
long-continued  grief  as  was  exhibited  by  the  afflicted  relatives, 
puts  to  shame  the  cold-heartedness  of  too  many  among  the 
cultivated  and  enlightened.  When,  after  the  lapse  of  years, 
the  scaffolds  had  fallen,  and  nothing  was  left  but  bleached  and 
mouldering  bones,  the  remains  were  buried,  with  the  excep 
tion  of  the  skulls.  These  were  placed  in  circles  upon  the 
plain,  with  the  faces  turned  inward,  each  resting  upon  a  bunch 
of  wild  sage;  and  in  the  center,  upon  two  slight  mounds, 
'  medicine-piles '  were  erected,  at  the  foot  of  which  were  the 
heads  and  horns  of  a  male  and  female  buffalo.  To  these  new 
places  of  deposit,  each  of  which  contained  not  far  from  one 
hundred  skulls,  do  these  people  again  resort  to  evince  their 
further  affection  for  the  dead — not  in  groans  and  lamentations, 
however,  for  several  years  have  cured  the  anguish,  but  fond 
affections  and  endearments  are  here  renewed,  and  conversations 
are  here  held  and  cherished  with  the  dead." 

Alone  on  that  far  distant  river's  bank,  away  from  the 
encroachments  of  civilization,  the  wife  or  mother  would  sit  for 
hours  by  the  side  of  the  skull  of  the  loved  and  lost,  addressing 
it  with  the  most  affectionate  and  loving  words,  or  perhaps 
lying  down  and  falling  asleep  with  it  in  her  embrace. 

The  Mandans  were  a  hospitable  race,  friendly  in  their  treat 
ment  of  each  other,  and  mindful  of  the  wants  of  travelers. 
They  were  for  the  most  part  a  fine  looking  people,  many  of 
their  women  being  very  handsome.  With  a  few  exceptions, 
they  were  a  clean,  tidy  people.  They  indulged  in  all  the 
elaboration  of  the  war-paint  and  dress,  and  were  exceedingly 
proud  of  their  appearance. 

The  custom  of  polygamy  was  universal  among  the  Mandans 
by  all  whose  native  vigor  procured  them  rank.  The  girls  were 
usually  sold  at  prices  in  proportion  to  their  beauty  by  their 
parents  at  a  very  early  age,  and  as  among  the  Eastern  nations 
of  savages,  their  fate  was  a  life  of  toil  and  hardship.  Never 
theless,  "amongst  them  respectable  virtue  was  as  highly 
cherished  and  as  inapproachable  as  in  any  society  whatever. " 
The  white  traders  and  travelers  who  went  among  them,  either 
from  policy  or  inclination,  allied  themselves  to  one  or  more  of 


334:  THE    INDIAN    TRIBES    WEST    OF    THE    MISSISSIPPI  I 

the  principal  chiefs  by  a  temporary  espousal  of  his  daughter. 
"  In  many  instances  they  indulged  in  a  plurality."  This  was 
a  position  greatly  sought  after  by  the  daughters  of  the  chiefs, 
as  it  afforded  them  a  good  opportunity  for  idleness  and  orna 
mentation.  Games  were  largely  practiced  among  the  boys  and 
young  men.  An  endless  variety  of  dances,  with  vocal  and 
instrumental  music,  mingled  with  their  recreations  and  reli 
gious  ceremonies.  When  game  was  scarce,  or  when  the  buffalo 
herds  had  wandered  far  away  from  the  vicinitv  of  their  village, 
these  superstitious  savages  would  perform  the  "  buffalo  dance" 
in  the  central  arena  of  their  village.  On  this  occasion  every 
man  in  the  tribe  wore  a  mask  made  from  the  skin  of  a  buffalo's 
head,  including  the  horns.  "  "When  the  wise  men  of  the  nation 
determined  upon  their  vocations  to  attack  the  buffalo  herds," 
says  Brownell,  "  watchers  were  stationed  upon  the  eminences 
surrounding  the  villages  and  the  dance  commenced.  With 
extravagant  actions  and  strange  ejaculations  the  crowd  per 
formed  the  prescribed  maneuvers:  As  fast  as  those  engaged 
became  weary  they  would  signify  it  by  crouching  down,  when 
those  without  .the  circle  would  go  through  the  pantomime  of 
severally  shooting,  flaying  and  dressing  them,  while  new  per 
formers  took  their  place.  Night  and  day  the  mad  scene  was 
kept  up,  sometimes  for  weeks  together,  until  the  signal  was 
given  of  the  approach  of  buffaloes,  when  all  prepared  with 
joy  and  hilarity  for  a  grand  hunt,  fully  convinced  that  their 
own  exertions  had  secured  the  prize."  A  ceremony  not  less 
ridiculous  was  performed  in  case  of  a  drought,  with  a  view  to 
producing  a  rain  shower. 

Their  children  were  taught  the  principles  of  war  from  in 
fancy,  and  impressed  with  the  idea  that  true  dignity  and  glory 
awaited  him  alone  who  could  fringe  his  garments  with  the 
scalps  of  his  enemies.  Among  the  Mandan  warriors,  even  at 
a  recent  date,  were  some  of  the  boldest  men  of  the  forest;  the 
result,  no  doubt,  in  a  great  measure  of  their  early  training. 

The  religion  of  the  Mandans  was  similar  to  that  of  most 
of  the  Indian  tribes  already  spoken  off,  yet  many  of  their  reli 
gious  ceremonies  are  full  of  the  most  unique  situations.  The 
grand  four  days'  ceremony  had  three  distinct  objects:  "  a  festi- 


OR,    THE    BOEDER    WARS    OF    TWO    CENTURIES.  335 

val  of  thanksgiving  for  the  escape  of  their  ancestors  from  the 
flood,  of  which  they  had  a  distinct  tradition,  strikingly  com 
fortable  to  scriptural  history;"  the  grand  bull  dance  already 
described,  and  to  initiate  the  young  men,  by  terrible  trials  and 
tortures,  into  the  order  of  warriors. 

This  ceremony  was  performed  in  the  spring,  as  soon  as  the 
willow  trees  on  the  bank  of  the  river  were  in  leaf,  "  for,  accord 
ing  to  their  tradition,"  says  Catlin,  "  the  twig  that  the  bird 
brought  home  was  a  willow  bough  and  had  full  grown  leaves 
upon  it,  and  the  bird  to  which  they  allude  is  the  mourning  or 
turtle-dove,  which  they  took  great  pains  to  point  out  to  me." 
The  first  performances  were,  as  I  have  said,  in  reference  to  the 
deluge,  and  in  commemoration  of  this  ancient  event  a  sort  of 
"curb  or  hogshead"  stood  in  the  centre  of  the  village,  in 
memory  of  the  "  big  canoe,"  in  which  the  human  race,  includ 
ing  the  Indians,  was  saved  from  a  watery  grave. 

The  Indians  were  not  informed  as  to  what  day  the  ceremo 
nies  would  take  place;  but  on  a  fine  morning  the  inhabitants 
of  the  village  would  be  all  astir  gazing  earnestly  at  an  ap 
proaching  figure.  This  strange  person  would  soon  enter  within 
the  inclosed  space  of  the  village,  painted  white  and  carrying  a 
large  pipe  in  his  hand.  This  visitor  was  saluted  by  the  prin 
cipal  men  of  the  village  as  "  Xumohkmuchanah  "  (Noah).  His 
mission  was  to  open  the  great  lodge  reserved  exclusively  for 
the  annual  religious  ceremonies.  After  performing  this  duty 
and  promising  to  return  in  the  following  spring,  he  took  his 
departure  for  his  distant  mountain  home. 

One  of  the  most  interesting  features  of  these  curious  rites 
was  the  ordeal  which  the  young  warriors  had  to  pass  in  order 
to  qualify  them  for  the  duties  of  a  brave.  The  candidates  for 
this  torturous  performance  were  obliged  to  abstain  from  eat 
ing  any  kind  of  food,  drinking  or  sleeping  for  three  days. 
Then  coming  forward,  the  candidates  allowed  the  flesh  of  their 
breasts  or  backs  to  be  pierced  with  rude  two-edged  knives,  and 
rough  sticks  thrust  through  the  holes.  The  sticks  were  run 
through  the  flesh  to  such  a  depth  as  to  be  capable  of  support 
ing  much  more  than  the  weight  of  the  body.  Cords  were 
attached  to  these  sticks,  by  which  the  sufferers  were  hoisted  up 


CHAPTER    XLII. 

SKETCH  OF  THE  Sioux  INDIANS  —  How  THEY  NURSED  THEIR  INFANTS 
—  LEAVING  THEIR  OLD  AND  INFIRM  TO  DIE  FROM  STARVATION  — 
THE  PECULIARITIES  OF  THE  RED-PIPE  STONE  QUARRY — SUPERSTI 
TIONS  OF  THE  Sioux  REGARDING  THE  PIPE  STONE  —  THE  BUFFALO 
HUNT. 

THE  Sioux  or  Dacotas,  were  at  one  time  the  most  widely 
diffused  tribe  of  Indians  of  the  West.  Their  territory  extended 
far  west  to  the  country  of  the  Blackfeet,  and  from  the  Missouri 
in  the  south  to  the  Upper  Mississippi  in  the  north.  They  sub 
sisted  entirely  by  hunting  and  fishing,  using,  until  a  recent  date, 
the  native  weapons  of  their  race.  One  of  the  most  remarkable 
traits  in  their  character  was  the  strength  of  maternal  affection. 
According  to  their  custom,  their  infants  were  carried  for  the 
first  six  or  seven  months  of  their  existence,  strapped  firmly  to 
a  board,  the  hands  and  feet  only  being  left  at  liberty.  A  small 
hoop  was  placed  over  their  faces,  so  .  that  in  case  they  should 
fall,  no  injury  would  be  sustained.  This  contrivance,  or  rude 
cradle,  was  almost  always  neatly  ornamented  with  fringe  or 
embroidery.  The  whole  was  suspended  upon  the  back  of  the 
mother  by  a  strap,  which  passed  around  over  her  forehead. 
After  the  child  has  reached  this  age  it  is  loosened  and  nursed 
in  the  folds  of  the  mother's  blanket  or  robe.  If  the  infant 
dies  during  the  time  that  is  allotted  to  it  to  be  carried  in  this 
cradle,  it  is  buried,  and  the  disconsolate  mother  fills  the  cradle 
with  black  quills  and  feathers,  in  the  parts  which  the  child's 
body  had  occupied,  and  in  this  way  carries  it  around  with  her 
wherever  she  goes  for  a  year  or  more,  with  as  much  care  as  if 
her  infant  were  alive  and  in  it;  and  she  often  lays  or  stands  it 
against  the  side  of  the  wigwam,  where  she  is  all  day  engaged 
with  her  needle- work,  and  chatting  and  talking  to  it  as  famil- 

(338) 


OR,    THE    BORDER    WARS    OF   TWO    CENTURIES.  339 

iarly  and  affectionately  as  if  it  were  her  loved  infant,  instead* 
of  its  shell,  that  she  was  talking  to.  So  lasting  and  so  strong 
is  the  affection  of  these  women  for  the  lost  child,  that  it  mat 
ters  not  how  heavy  or  cruel  their  load,  or  how  rugged  the 
route  they  have  to  pass  over,  they  will  faithfully  carry  this, 
and  carefully,  from  day  to  day,  and  even  more  strictly  perform 
their  duties  to  it,  than  if  the  child  wrere  alive  and  in  it. 

One  of  the  most  cruel  customs  among  the  Sioux  was  that 
of  leaving  their  old  and  infirm  to  die  alone,  exposed  and  unat 
tended.  The  old  sufferers  not  only  assented  to  this  proceeding, 
but  generally  suggested  it  when  conscious  that  they  were  no 
longer  able  to  support  themselves.  They  were  generally  left  with 
a  slight  protection  over  them,  with  a  little  food  by  their  side,  to 
die,  or  be  devoured  by  the  hungry  wolves.  It  was  in  the 
country  of  the  Sioux  at  the  southern  extremity  of  the  high 
ridge,  called  the  Coteau  des  Prairies,  which  lies  between  the 
head  waters  of  the  St.  Peter's  and  Missouri,  that  the  far-famed 
quarry  of  red  pipe-stone  was  situated.  Pipes  made  from  this 
stone  were  common  among  all  the  Western  tribes.  The  stone 
was  obtained  by  digging  to  a  depth  of  several  feet  in  the  prairie 
at  the  foot  of  a  precipitous  wall  of  quartz  rocks.  The  geolo 
gical  formation  of  this  spot  presents  a  singular  phenomenon, 
and  the  pipe-stone  is  of  itself  a  singular  material.  It  is  said 
to  be  harder  than  gypsum,  and  softer  than  carbonate  of  lime, 
and  is  different  from  any  other  metal  ever  discovered  by  geolo 
gists.  The  component  materials  of  this  stone,  according  to 
the  analysis  of  Dr.  Jackson,  of  Boston,  are  as  follows:  "  water, 
8,4;  silica,  48,2;  alumina,  28.2;  magnesia,  6.0;  carbonate  of 
lime,  2.6;  peroxide  of  iron,  5.0;  oxide  of  manganese,  0.6." 

"  The  Indians,"  says  Mr.  Brownell,  in  his  valuable  book, 
"use  the  stone  only  in  the  manufacture  of  pipes;  to  apply  it 
to  any  other  use  they  esteem  the  most  unheard-of  sacrilege. 
From  the  affinity  of  its  color  to  that  of  their  own  skins,  they 
draw  some  fanciful  legend  of  its  formation,  at  the  time  of  the 
great  deluge,  out  of  the  flesh  of  the  perishing  red  men.  They 
esteem  it  one  of  the  choicest  gifts  of  the  Great  Spirit." 

The  following  extracts  from  the  speeches  of  Sioux  orators, 
will  give  the  reader  a  good  idea  of  how  highly,  and  in  what 


CHAPTER    XLJI. 

SKETCH  OF  THE  Sioux  INDIANS  —  How  THEY  NURSED  THEIR  INFANTS 
—  LEAVING  THEIR  OLD  AND  INFIRM  TO  DIE  FROM  STARVATION  — 
THE  PECULIARITIES  OF  THE  RED-PIPE  STONE  QUARRY — SUPERSTI 
TIONS  OF  THE  Sioux  REGARDING  THE  PIPE  STONE  —  THE  BUFFALO 
HUNT. 

THE  Sioux  or  Dacotas,  were  at  one  time  the  most  widely 
diffused  tribe  of  Indians  of  the  West.  Their  territory  extended 
far  west  to  the  country  of  the  Blackfeet,  and  from  the  Missouri 
in  the  south  to  the  Upper  Mississippi  in  the  north.  They  sub 
sisted  entirely  by  hunting  and  fishing,  using,  until  a  recent  date, 
the  native  weapons  of  their  race.  One  of  the  most  remarkable 
traits  in  their  character  was  the  strength  of  maternal  affection. 
According  to  their  custom,  their  infants  were  carried  for  the 
first  six  or  seven  months  of  their  existence,  strapped  firmly  to 
a  board,  the  hands  and  feet  only  being  left  at  liberty.  A  small 
hoop  was  placed  over  their  faces,  so  .  that  in  case  they  should 
fall,  no  injury  would  be  sustained.  This  contrivance,  or  rude 
cradle,  was  almost  always  neatly  ornamented  with  fringe  or 
embroidery.  The  whole  was  suspended  upon  the  back  of  the 
mother  by  a  strap,  which  passed  around  over  her  forehead. 
After  the  child  has  reached  this  age  it  is  loosened  and  nursed 
in  the  folds  of  the  mother's  blanket  or  robe.  If  the  infant 
dies  during  the  time  that  is  allotted  to  it  to  be  carried  in  this 
cradle,  it  is  buried,  and  the  disconsolate  mother  fills  the  cradle 
with  black  quills  and  feathers,  in  the  parts  which  the  child's 
body  had  occupied,  and  in  this  way  carries  it  around  with  her 
wherever  she  goes  for  a  year  or  more,  with  as  much  care  as  if 
her  infant  were  alive  and  in  it;  and  she  often  lays  or  stands  it 
against  the  side  of  the  wigwam,  where  she  is  all  day  engaged 
with  her  needle- work,  and  chatting  and  talking  to  it  as  famil- 

(338) 


OR,    THE    BORDER    WARS    OF   TWO    CENTURIES.  339 

iarly  and  affectionately  as  if  it  were  her  loved  infant,  instead' 
of  its  shell,  that  she  was  talking  to.  So  lasting  and  so  strong 
is  the  affection  of  these  women  for  the  lost  child,  that  it  mat 
ters  not  how  heavy  or  cruel  their  load,  or  how  rugged  the 
route  they  have  to  pass  over,  they  will  faithfully  carry  this, 
and  carefully,  from  day  to  day,  and  even  more  strictly  perform 
their  duties  to  it,  than  if  the  child  were  alive  and  in  it. 

One  of  the  most  cruel  customs  among  the  Sioux  was  that 
of  leaving  their  old  and  infirm  to  die  alone,  exposed  and  unat 
tended.  The  old  sufferers  not  only  assented  to  this  proceeding, 
but  generally  suggested  it  when  conscious  that  they  were  no 
longer  able  to  support  themselves.  They  were  generally  left  with 
a  slight  protection  over  them,  with  a  little  food  by  their  side,  to 
die,  or  be  devoured  by  the  hungry  wolves.  It  was  in  the 
country  of  the  Sioux  at  the  southern  extremity  of  the  high 
ridge,  called  the  Coteau  des  Prairies,  which  lies  between  the 
head  waters  of  the  St.  Peter's  and  Missouri,  that  the  far-famed 
quarry  of  red  pipe-stone  was  situated.  Pipes  made  from  this 
stone  were  common  among  all  the  Western  tribes.  The  stone 
was  obtained  by  digging  to  a  depth  of  several  feet  in  the  prairie 
at  the  foot  of  a  precipitous  wall  of  quartz  rocks.  The  geolo 
gical  formation  of  this  spot  presents  a  singular  phenomenon, 
and  the  pipe-stone  is  of  itself  a  singular  material.  It  is  said 
to  be  harder  than  gypsum,  and  softer  than  carbonate  of  lime, 
and  is  different  from  any  other  metal  ever  discovered  by  geolo 
gists.  The  component  materials  of  this  stone,  according  to 
the  analysis  of  Dr.  Jackson,  of  Boston,  are  as  follows:  "  water, 
8,4;  silica,  48,2;  alumina,  28.2;  magnesia,  6.0;  carbonate  of 
lime,  2.6;  peroxide  of  iron,  5.0;  oxide  of  manganese,  0.6." 

"  The  Indians,"  says  Mr.  Brownell,  in  his  valuable  book, 
"use  the  stone  only  in  the  manufacture  of  pipes;  to  apply  it 
to  any  other  use  they  esteem  the  most  unheard-of  sacrilege. 
From  the  affinity  of  its  color  to  that  of  their  own  skins,  they 
draw  some  fanciful  legend  of  its  formation,  at  the  time  of  the 
great  deluge,  out  of  the  flesh  of  the  perishing  red  men.  They 
esteem  it  one  of  the  choicest  gifts  of  the  Great  Spirit." 

The  following  extracts  from  the  speeches  of  Sioux  orators, 
will  give  the  reader  a  good  idea  of  how  highly,  and  in  what 


340  THE    INDIAN    TRIBES    WEST    OF    THE    MISSISSIPPI: 

light  the  savages  appreciated  this  stone:  "  You  see,"  said  one 
(holding  a  red  pipe  to  the  side  of  his  naked  arm,)  "that  this 
pipe  is  a  part  of  our  flesh.  The  red  men  are  a  part  of  the  red 
stone." 

Another  says,  "  If  the  white  men  take  away  a  piece  of  the 
red  pipe-stone,  it  is  a  hole  made  in  our  flesh,  and  the  blood  will 
always  run.  We  cannot  stop  the  blood  from  running.  The 
Great  Spirit  has  told  us  that  the  red  stone  is  only  to  be  used 
for  pipes,  and  through  them  we  are  to  smoke  to  him." 

"We  find  another  Sioux  saying:  "  We  love  to  go  to  the  Pipe- 
Stone,  and  get  a  piece  for  our  pipes;  but  we  ask  the  Great  Spirit 
first.  If  the  white  men  go  f/o  it,  they  will  take  it  out,  and  not 
fill  up  the  holes  again,  and  the  Great  Spirit  will  be  offended." 

And  still  another:  "My  friends,  listen  to  me!  what  I  am 
about  to  say  will  be  truth.  I  bought  a  large  piece  of  the  pipe- 
stone,  and  gave  it  to  a  white  man  to  make  a  pipe;  he  was  our 
trader,  and  I  wished  him  to  have  a  good  pipe.  The  next  time 
I  went  to  his  store,  I  was  unhappy  wrhen  I  saw  that  stone  made 
into  a  dish !  This  is  the  way  the  white  men  would  use  the  red 
pipe-stone  if  they  could  get  it.  Such  conduct  would  offend 
the  Great  Spirit,  and  make  a  red  man's  heart  sick." 

Buffalo  hunting  was  the  principal  occupation  of  the  Sioux, 
and  in  this  pursuit  they  were  not  excelled  by  any  other  West 
ern  tribe.  They  used  horses,  a  wild  breed  extensively  spread 
over  the  Western  country,  the  descendants  of  those  originally 
brought  over  by  the  Spaniards  in  the  sixteenth  century,  and 
were  excellent  horsemen.  These  animals  were  superior  in 
speed  to  any  animals  on  the  Western  prairies.  Numbers  of 
them  were  kept  about  the  encampment  of  the  Indians,  hoppled, 
so  as  to  prevent  their  straying  away.  Upon  the  open  prairie, 
the  buffalo  were  generally  pursued  on  horseback,  the  Indians 
being  armed  with  the  lance  and  bow  and  arrow.  The  Indian 
would  generally  ride  furiously  on  until  he  came  within  a  few 
feet  of  his  prey,  and  then  discharging  his  arrow  with  great 
force  into  its  side,  would  follow  it  with  his  lance,  which  gener 
ally  proved  fatal.  This  pursuit  was  not  without  danger,  for 
oftimes  both  horse  and  rider  would  fall  a  prey  to  the  dangerous 


OR,    THE    BORDER    WARS    OF    TWO    CENTURIES.  341 

animal.  Yet  such  was  the  excitement  of  the  savages  while 
in  the  chase,  that  they  seemed  to  be  regardless  of  all  danger. 

In  the  winter  season  the  buffalo  hunt  was  managed  on  a 
different  plan.  They  were  generally  driven  from  the  high 
ridges,  where  they  had  gathered  to  feed  upon  the  herbage,  into 
the  snow-covered  prairies,  where,  floundering  in  the  deep  snow, 
they  were  soon  overtaken  by  the  savages  on  their  snow  shoes, 
and  picked  off  by  the  arrow  and  lance.  "  When  buffaloes  are 
plenty,"  says  the  author  from  whom  I  have  just  quoted,  "  and 
the  Indians  have  fair  opportunity,  the  most  astonishing  and 
wasteful  slaughter  ensues.  Besides  the  ordinary  methods  of 
destruction,  the  custom  of  driving  immense  herds  over  some 
precipitous  ledge,  where  those  behind  trample  down  and  thrust 
over  the  foremost,  until  hundreds  and  thousands  are  destroyed, 
has  been  often  described." 

Some  early  writers  have  severely  censured  savage  improvi 
dence  in  this  regard,  on  the  grounds  that  in  a  few  years  they 
would  be  left  without  the  means  of  subsistence.  But  we  have 
lived  to  see  the  Indians  imprudently  destroyed,  long  before 
they  had  killed  half  the  buffaloes  of  the  Western  prairies. 


CHAPTER    XLIII. 

THE  CROWS  AND  THE  BLACKFEET  — THEIR  MYTHS  AND  THEIR  WARS  — 
CHARACTERISTICS  OF  THESE  TRIBES  —  INTERESTING  INCIDENTS. 

WE  NOW  come  to  notice  the  tribes  upon  the  Yellowstone  and 
the  head  waters  of  the  Missouri.  Among  the  most  noted  of 
these  were  the  Crows  and  the  Blackfeet,  and  their  neighbors 
and  enemies,  the  Ojibwas,  Knisteneaux,  and  Assinaboins. 
In  1834,  the  numbers  of  the  Blackfeet  exceeded  twenty  thou 
sand,  but  the  small-pox,  in  1838,  reduced  their  number  to  about 
thirteen  thousand.  The  Blackfeet,  being  farthest  removed 
from  the  influences  of  civilization,  presented  many  fine  speci 
mens  of  the  Indian  race.  They  were  of  manly  proportions, 
active,  and  capable  of  great  endurance.  Their  dress  was  both 
comfortable  and  ornamental,  "  bedecked  with  al]  the  em 
broidery  and  fixings  characteristic  of  savage  finery."  Their 
dwellings,  means  of  subsistence,  customs,  etc.,  were  so  nearly 
like  those  tribes  already  mentioned  that  any  particulars  con 
cerning  them  in  this  place  will  be  superfluous.  There  were, 
however,  a  few  points  of  difference  which  I  shall  not  fail  to 
mention.  Their  lodges  were  generally  made  of  buffalo  skins, 
supported  by  firm  poles,  which  they  brought  from  the  distant 
mountains.  The  skins  were  strongly  stitched  together,  and 
highly  ornamented.  The  tents  were  easily  moved  by  making 
the  poles  into  one  bundle  and  the  skins  into  another. 

Among  these  very  remote  tribes  might  have  been  found  at  a 
late  day  many  of  the  ancient  superstitous  observances  of  their 
race,  retained  with  all  their  original  solemnity.  One  of  the 
most  singular  of  these,  says  Mr.  Brownell,  is  the  preparation 
of  the  "  medicine-bag,"  which  every  man  carried  with  him 
upon  all  occasions,  as  being  intricately  involved  with  his  own 
safety  and  success  in  war,  hunting,  or  any  of  the  occuptions 

(342) 


OK,    THE    BOEDER    WARS    OF    TWO    CENTURIES.  343 

of  life.  At  about  the  age  of  puberty  the  Indian  boy  bethought 
himself  of  taking  the  necessary  steps  for  the  preparation  of  this 
mysterious  amulet  or  charm.  He  retired  to  some  solitary 
spot,  where  he  spent  several  days,  lying  upon  the  ground, 
taking  nothing  to  eat,  and  employing  himself  constantly  in 
praying  to  the  Great  Spirit.  Becoming  exhausted,  he  would 
fall  asleep,  and  of  course  drea.ni  very  important  and  significant 
dreams.  He  would  then  return  home,  and  after  gaining  suffi 
cient  strength,  start  out  in  pursuit  of  the  bird  or  animal  which 
appeared  most  conspicuous  in  his  dreams,  not  resting  until  he 
had  obtained  a  specimen.  This  done,  he  would  return  and 
•dress  the  skin,  stuff  it  with  moss,  or  some  other  light  sub 
stance,  after  which  he  would  ornament  it  with  every  description 
of  savage  finery.  This  medicine-bag  was  considered  invalu 
able,  and  was  carried  in  every  important  undertaking.  "  These 
curious  appendages,"  says  Mr.  Catlin,  "  to  the  persons  or  ward 
robe  of  an  Indian  are  sometimes  made  of  the  skin  of  an  otter, 
a  beaver,  a  muskrat,  a  weasel,  a  raccoon,  a  pole-cat,  a  snake,  a 
frog,  a  toad,  a  bat,  a  mouse,  a  mole,  a  hawk,  an  eagle,  a  mag 
pie,  or  a  sparrow;  sometimes  of  the  skin  of  an  animal  so  large 
.as  a  wolf." 

The  Crows  were  inferior  in  numbers  to  the  Blackfeet,  but 
with  whom  they  were  for  many  years  at  war.  Physically  they 
are  a  fine  race,  being  much  taller  than  the  Indians  of  surround 
ing  tribes,  and  models  of  agility  and  strength.  In  their 
primitive  state  they  were  an  honest,  trustworthy  set  of  savages, 
but  in  later  days,  when  corrupted  by  the  evils  of  civilization, 
they  became  a  lawless,  thieving  horde.  As  will  be  seen  in  the 
course  of  our  narrative,  the  Crows  and  Blackfeet  were  objects 
of  terror  to  the  pioneer  settlers,  traders,  and  trappers  of  the 
Far  West.  Mr.  Brownell,  in  speaking  of  their  personal  appear 
ance,  says  that  one  distinguishing  peculiarity  of  these  Indians 
was  the  extraordinary  length  of  their  hair,  which  was  cherished 
and  cultivated  as  an  ornament,  until  it  swept  the  ground  after 
them.  This  profusion  was  to  be  seen  in  no  tribe  except  the 
Crows,  although  some  of  their  neighbors  endeavored  to  imitate 
it  by  glueing  an  additional  length  to  their  natural  hair.  The 
Orows  spoke  a  different  language  from  the  Blackfeet. 


344  THE    INDIAN    TRIBES    WEST    OF    THE    MISSISSIPPI! 

"The  smaller  Mini tari  tribes,  between  the  mouth  of  the  Yel 
lowstone  and  the  site  of  the  Man  dan  villages,  and  the  extensive 
nation  of  the  Gros  Yentres,  inhabiting  the  eastern  slope  of  ^e 
Rocky  Mountains,  spoke  the  same  language  with  the  Crows,  ^r 
one  very  nearly  allied  to  it.  The  Arapahoes,  numbering  some 
three  thousand,  and  dwelling  about  the  sources  of  the  Platte 
and  Arkansas  rivers,  belonged  to  the  race  of  the  Blackfeet." 

The  Arapahoes  were  for  many  years  at  war  with  the  Flat- 
head  and  other  tribes  still  further  westward.  The  descent  of 
these  remote  bands  upon  the  plains  in  pursuit  of  buffalo,  was- 
deemed  by  the  Blackfeet  a  signal  infringement  of  their  rights,, 
and  fierce  battles  often  resulted  from  the  conflicting  claims  of 
the  rival  nations. 

Along  the  Rocky  Mountains  and  their  western  slopes,  and 
on  the  plains  drained  by  the  sources  of  the  Columbia,  were  the 
Nez-Perces,  or  Pierced-Nose  Indians,  the  Flatheads  and  the 
Pends  Orcilles,  or  Hanging  Ears.  These  stragling  tribes  were 
at  continual  war  with  nearly  all  the  western  tribes,  and  were, 
more  particularly  enemies  of  trie  Blackfeet.  At  one  time  a 
number  of  Blackfeet  prisoners  fell  into  the  hands  of  the  Flat- 
heads,  and  although  the  latter  were  usually  a  kind,  hospitable 
race,  they  thrust  upon  their  captives  upon  this  occasion  every 
species  of  torture  with  a  view  to  overcome  the  far-famed 
courage  and  fortitude  of  the  Blackfeet.  But  it  was  all  in  vain. 
One  exulted  over  his  tormentors,  vaunting  his  own  deeds  in 
the  following  language:  "My  heart  is  strong. — You  do  not 
hurt  me.  You  can't  hurt  me.  You  are  fools.  You  do  not 
know  how  to  torture.  Try  it  again.  I  don't  feel  any  pain 
yet.  We  torture  your  relations  a  great  deal  better,  because  we 
make  them  cry  out  loud,  like  little  children.  You  are  not 
brave;  you  have  small  hearts,  and  you  are  always  afraid  to 
fight."  Then  speaking  to  one  of  his  captors,  he  said:  "It  was 
hy  my  arrow  you  lost  your  eye;"  upon  which  the  Flathead 
darted  at  him,  and  with  a  knife,  in  a  moment  scooped  out  one 
of  his  eyes;  at  the  same  time  cutting  the  bridge  of  his  nose 
nearly  in  two.  This  did  not  stop  him;  with  the  remaining 
eye  he  looked  sternly  at  another,  and  said,  "I  killed  your 
brother,  and  I  scalped  your  old  fool  of  a  father."  The  warrior 


OR,    THE    BORDER    WARS    OF    TWO    CENTURIES.  345 

to  whom  this  was  addressed  instantly  sprung  at  him  and 
severed  the  scalp  from  his  head.* 

Some  very  interesting  traits  of  the  character  of  the  Crows 
are  exhibited  in  an  adventure  of  a  noted  trapper — Mr.  Robert 
Brownell,  as  given  in  Mr.  Irving's  book.  This  traveler  was  at 
one  time  hospitably  entertained  by  the  celebrated  Crow  chief, 
Arapooish,  in  whose  care  he  had  placed  a  large  and  valuable 
package  of  furs.  The  greater  part  of  his  goods  had  been  buried 
in  the  ground  for  greater  safety.  These,  however,  were  all 
stolen,  the  number  of  beaver  skins  included  being  one  hundred 
and  fifty.  Upon  hearing  this,  Arapooish  immediately  assembled 
all  the  men  of  the  village,  and  after  making  a  speech,  in  which 
he  vehemently  declaimed  against  their  bad  faith  towards  the 
stranger,  and  declared  that  he  would  neither  touch  food  nor 
drink  until  the  skins  should  all  be  returned.  The  Indians  at 
once  acknowledged  their  guilt  and  returned  the  goods. 

In  a  former  chapter  I  have  mentioned  the  strength  of 
maternal  affection  among  the  Sioux.  We  now  have  numerous 
anecdotes  exemplifying  the  enduring  and  powerful  attachment 
between  the  sexes  among  the  Far  West  tribes;  but  this  was  not 
only  among  the  Indians  alone,  but  when  they  had  intermarried 
with  whites.  One  of  these  instances  is  as  follows:  "Among 
the  free  trappers  in  the  Rocky  Mountain  band  was  a  spirited 
young  Mexican,  named  Loretto,  who,  in  the  course  of  his  wan 
derings,  had  ransomed  a  beautiful  Blackfoot  girl  from  a  band 
of  Crows,  by  whom  she  had  been  captured.  He  made  her  his 
wife,  after  the  Indian  style,  and  she  had  followed  his  fortunes 
ever  since  with  the  most  devoted  affection."  In  Mr.  Brownell's 
work  we  find  the  same  incident  referred  to  in  these  words: 
"  The  company  one  day  fell  in  with  a  numerous  party  of  Black- 
feet  warriors,  and  the  preliminary  steps  were  taken  for  a  parley, 
and  for  smoking  the  calumet,  in  token  of  peace.  At  this 
moment,  Loretto's  Indian  wife  perceived  her  own  brother 
among  the  band.  Leaving  her  infant  with  Loretto,  she  rushed 
forward  and  threw  herself  upon  her  brother's  neck,  who  clasped 
his  long-lost  sister  to  his  heart  with  a  warmth  of  affection  but 
little  compatible  with  the  reputed  stoicism  of  the  savage. 

*  Brownell's  Indian  Races. 


346  THE    INDIAN    TRIBES    WEST    OF    THE    MISSISSIPPI : 

"  Meanwhile,  Bridger,  one  of  the  trapper  leaders,  approaching 
the  Blackfeet,  from  the  imprudent  excess  of  caution,  cocked  his 
rifle  just  as  he  came  up  with  them.  The  Indian  chief,  who  was 
in  the  act  of  proffering  a  friendly  salutation,  heard  the  click 
of  the  lock,  and  all  his  native  fury  and  suspicion  were  instantly 
aroused.  He  sprang  upon  Bridger,  forced  the  muzzle  of  the 
rifle  into  the  ground,  where  it  was  discharged,  knocked  him 
down,  seized  his  horse,  and  rode  off.  A  general,  but  disorderly 
tight  ensued,  during  which  Loretto's  wife  was  hurried  away  by 
her  relations. 

"  The  noble  young  Mexican  saw  her  in  their  power,  vainly 
entreating  permission  to  return,  and,  regardless  of  the  danger 
incurred,  at  once  hastened  to  her  side,  and  restored  the  child 
to  its  mother.  The  Blackfeet  braves  admired  his  boldness,  and 
respected  the  confidence  which  he  had  reposed  in  them  by 
thus  venturing  in  their  midst,  but  they  were  deaf  to  all  the 
prayers  of  himself  and  his  wife  that  they  might  remain 
together.  He  was  dismissed  unharmed,  but  the  woman  and 
child  were  detained. 

"  Not  many  months  afterwards  the  faithful  Loretto  procured 
his  discharge  from  the  company  in  whose  service  he  was 
enlisted,  and  followed  his  wife  to  her  own  country.  A  happy 
reunion  took  place,  and  the  loving  pair  took  up  their  residence 
at  the  trading-house  among  the  Blackfeet,  where  the  husband 
served  as  interpreter  between  the  Indians  and  white  traders." 


CHAPTEE    XLIV. 

THE  INDIAN  TRIBES  OF  THE  FAR  WEST  —  THE  PIERCED-NOSES —  THE 
WALLA  WALLAS — THE  FLAT-HEADS — PECULIARITIES  OF  THIS  TRIBE — 
THEIR  CANOES,  ETC. 

STILL  west  of  the  Blackfoot  country  and  west  of  the  Eocky 
Mountains,  lived  the  Pierced-Nose  Indians,  and  far  down  the 
Kooskooske  river  dwelt  the  Flat-Heads,  while  upon  the  main 
southern  branch,  the  Lewis  Fork  of  the  Columbia  or  Snake 
river,  dwelt  the  Shoshonees  or  Snake  Indians. 

The  Pierced-JSTose  Indians  were  a  quiet,  inoffensive  people, 
although  when  provoked  to  anger  they  were  by  no  means  want 
ing  in  courage  or  ability.  They  were  exceedingly  superstitious 
and  consequently  perceptible  to  religious  impressions.  Their 
patient  reliance  upon  the  Great  Spirit,  in  times  of  want  and 
danger,  would  shame  our  civilized  devotion. 

In  a  time  of  great  want  a  traveler  named  Capt.  Bonneville 
happened  among  them,  and  found  them  subsisting  upon  wild 
rose  buds,  roots  and  other  innutritions  vegetable  matters.  At 
this  early  day  their  weapon  was  the  spear.  "With  this  they  set 
out  on  a  certain  day,  on  horseback,  to  obtain  game.  The  whites 
regarded  the  expedition  as  hopeless.  They  galloped  away,  how 
ever,  in  high  confidence.  The  undertaking  being  successful, 
the  poor  Indians  freely  shared  the  meats  they  had  taken  with 
the  strangers.  Capt.  Bonneville,  in  afterwards  speaking  of 
these  savages,  says:  "  Simply  to  call  these  people  religious, 
would  convey  but  a  faint  idea  of  the  deep  hue  of  piety  and 
devotion  which  pervades  their  whole  conduct.  Their  honesty 
is  immaculate,  and  their  purity  of  purpose  and  their  observ 
ance  of  the  rites  of  their  religion,  are  most  uniform  and 
remarkable.  They  are  certainly  more  like  a  nation  of  saints 
than  a  horde  of  savages." 

(347) 


348  THE    INDIAN    TRIBES    WEST    OF    THE    MISSISSIPPI: 

The  Pierced-Nose  Indians  were  divided  into  two  tribes,  the 
upper  and  the  lower,  the  first  of  these  is  that  to  which  allusion 
has  heretofore  been  made  in  connection  with  the  Blackfeet. 
The  Indians  of  the  lower  tribe  subsisted  upon  fish,  and  upon 
deer,  elk  and  other  game  of  their  own  country.  However, 
they  differed  in  nothing  important  from  their  brethren. 

But  farther  to  the  westward,  upon  the  banks  of  the  Colum 
bia,  we  come  to  the  Wallawallas,  a  tribe  not  unlike  the  Pierced- 
Noses  in  general  characteristics.  They  were,  for  savages, 
exceedingly  clean  and  decent.  They  had  plenty  of  horses,  and 
lived  chiefly  by  hunting;  but  like  their  neighbors,  whom  I 
have  just  mentioned,  they  were  constantly  at  war.  The  Shos- 
honees  were  their  mortal  enemies.  The  cause  for  their  hostility 
was  that  which  produced  nearly  all  wars  between  the  Indians — 
disputed  territory. 

But  let  us  notice  some  of  the  strange  peculiarities  of  the 
Flat-Heads,  who  lived  along  the  banks  of  the  lower  Columbia. 
The  horrible  deformity  of  the  skull,  which  constitutes  their 
chief  peculiarity,  is  produced  by  pressure  upon  the  forehead 
of  the  infant  while  the  bone  is  soft  and  pliable.  The  infant  is 
stretched  upon  its  back,  as  already  described  in  our  account  of 
the  Sioux,  a  bit  of  bark  is  then  so  secured  about  the  head  by 
strings  that  it  can  be  tightened  at  pleasure,  creating  a  steady 
pressure  until  the  head  is  so  flattened  that  "  a  straight  line  can 
be  drawn  from  the  tip  of  the  nose  to  the  unnatural  apex."  The 
operation  occupies  nearly  a  year. 

It  is  said,  however,  that  this  extensive  displacement  of  the 
brain  does  not  effect  any  noticeable  change  in  the  faculties  of 
the  mind.  "  It  is  an  unaccountable  custom  and  is  persisted  in 
as  being  an  improvement  upon  nature." 

Mr.  Brown  ell  informs  us  that,  exclusive  of  the  head,  there 
is  little  particularly  noticeable  about  the  personal  appearance 
of  the  Indians  of  the  lower  Columbia.  The  description  given 
of  them,  particularly  of  their  women,  is  by  no  means  attractive. 
It  would  seem,  from  one  of  Mr.  Catlin's  illustrations,  that  a 
singular  custom,  generally  considered  as  peculiar  to  the  Brazil 
ian  Botocudos,  is  occasionally  observable  among  them.  He 


OR,    THE    BOEDER    WARS    OF    TWO    CENTURIES.  349 

gives  a  sketch  of  a  woman  whose  under-lip  is  pierced,  and  the 
aperture  filled  with  a  large  wrooden  plug  or  button. 

In  building  canoes  they  excelled  nearly  all  other  savages. 
These  were  often  fifty  feet  long,  and  would  carry  from  eight  to 
ten  thousand  pounds  weight,  or  from  twenty  to  thirty  persons. 
They  were  cut  out  of  a  single  trunk  of  a  tree,  which  is  gen 
erally  white  cedar,  though  the  fir  is  sometimes  used.  When 
they  embarked  one  Indian  sat  in  the  stern  and  steered  with  a 
paddle;  the  others  kneeled  in  pairs  in  the  bottom  of  the  canoe, 
and,  sitting  on  their  heels,  paddled  over  the  gunwale  next  to 
them.  In  this  way  they  rode  with  perfect  safety  the  highest 
waves,  and  ventured  without  the  least  concern  in  seas  where 
other  boats  and  seamen  could  not  have  lived  an  instant.  They 
sat  quietly  and  paddled,  with  no  other  movement,  except  when 
any  large  wave  thro  wed  the  boat  on  her  side,  and  to  the  eye  of 
the  spectator  she  seemed  lost ;  the  man  to  windward  then 
steadied  her  by  throwing  his  body  towards  the  upper  side,  and, 
sinking  his  paddle  deep  into  the  waves,  appeared  to  catch  the 
water  and  force  it  under  the  boat. 

The  Flat-Heads  subsisted  chiefly  by  fishing,  in  which  they 
were  unusually  expert.  Their  nets  were  made  of  silk  grass, 
or  of  the  fibrous  bark  of  white  cedar,  as  were  also  the  lines 
used  for  angling.  The  hooks  were  procured  from  white  traders, 
but  in  earlier  times  were  manufactured  from  bones  by  the 
natives. 

Their  houses  were  exceedingly  large,  many  being  thirty  feet 
broad  by  one  hundred  long.  Their  household  furniture  was 
.rude  and  simple.  Such  were  the  Flat-Heads. 


CHAPTEE    XLY. 

THE  SHOSHONEES— THE  ROOT-DIGGERS  —  DESCRIPTION  OF  THE  SNAKE 
INDIANS — THE  UTAHS  AND  APACHES  —  THE  NABAJOS  AND  THE 
MOQUES. 

WE  NEXT  come  to  the  great  nation  of  the  Shoshonees,  whose 
various  tribes  were  scattered  over  the  boundless  wilderness  from 
Texas  to  the  Columbia.  "  Their  territory,"  says  Mr.  Brownell, 
11  was  bounded  on  the  north  and  west  by  that  of  their  hered 
itary  enemies,  the  Blackfeet  and  Crows,  the  tribes  allied  to  the 
great  Dacotah  or  Sioux  family,  and  the  Indians  removed  west 
ward  from  the  United  States. 

"  Those  who  dwelt  among  the  rugged  and  inhospitable  regions 
of  the  great  Rocky  Mountain  chain,  known  as  Shoshonees,  or 
Root-Diggers,  were  the  most  destitute  and  miserable  portion 
of  all  the  North  American  tribes.  They  had  no  horses,  and 
nothing  but  the  rudest  native  implements  for  securing  game. 
They  were  harmless,  and  exceedingly  timid  and  shy,  choosing 
for  their  dwellings  the  most  remote  and  unexplored  retreats  of 
the  mountains,  whither  they  fled  in  terror  at  the  approach  of 
strangers,  whether  whites  or  Indians."  "  These  forlorn  beings," 
says  Irving,  "  forming  a  mere  link  between  human  nature  and 
the  brute,  have  been  looked  down  upon  with  pity  and  contempt 
by  the  Creole  trappers,  who  have  given  them  the  appellation 
of  '  lea  diynes  de  pitiej  or,  the  objects  of  pity."  They  appear 
more  worthy  to  be  called  the  wild  men  of  the  mountains." 

Although  living  in  a  climate  where  they  experienced  great 
severity  of  cold,  these  miserable  people  were  very  insufficiently 
protected  either  by  clothing  or  comfortable  huts.  Of  a  party 
seen  by  Bonneville  upon  the  plain  below  Powder  River,  that 
traveler  remarks:  "They  live  without  any  further  protection 
from  the  inclemency  of  the  season,  than  a  sort  of  break- 

(350) 


OR,    THE    BOEDER    WARS    OF    TWO    CENTURIES.  351 

weather,  about  three  feet  high,  composed  of  sage  (or  wormwood,) 
and  erected  around  them  in  the  shape  of  a  half-moon."  This 
material  also  furnishes  them  with  fuel.  Many  were  seen  carry 
ing  about  with  them  a  slow  match,  made  of  twisted  bark. 
"Whenever  they  wished  to  warm  themselves,  they  would 
gather  together  a  little  wormwood,  apply  the  match  and  in  an 
instant  produce  a  cheering  blaze."  * 

They  subsisted  in  a  great  degree  upon  roots  and  wild  seeds. 
However,  they  were  ambitious  enough  to  catch  rabbits  and 
other  small  animals.  Those  who  lived  in  the  vicinity  of  streams 
added  to  their  supplies  by  fishing,  and  it  was  in  this  pursuit 
that  they  evinced  one  provident  trait — that  of  laying  by  a 
store  of  dried  fish  for  the  winter.  Yet,  for  the  most  part,,  they 
were  miserably  provided  with  the  necessaries  of  life.  Mr. 
Bonneville  informs  us  that  they  were  destitute  of  the  neces 
sary  covering  to  protect  them  from  the  weather,  and  seemed  to 
be  in  ignorance  of  any  other  propriety  or  advantage  in  the  use 
of  clothing.  One  old  dame,  he  says,  had  absolutely  nothing 
on  her  person  but  a  thread  around  her  neck,  from  which  was 
pendant  a  single  bead. 

Those  Shoshonees  who  were  distinct  from  the  Koot-Diggers, 
were  a  free,  bold  race  of  hunters.  Indeed,  in  this  respect,  they 
were  not  inferior  to  the  Sioux,  Blackfeet  or  Crows.  It  is  a 
very  difficult  matter  to  give  any  satisfactory  classification  of 
the  several  tribes  belonging  to  this  great  nation.  "  The  Sho 
shonees  or  Snakes,"  says  Mr.  Schoolcraft,  "  embrace  all  the  ter 
ritory  of  the  Great  South  Pass,  between  the  Mississippi  valley 
and  the  waters  of  the  Columbia,  by  which  the  land  or  caravan 
communication  with  Oregon  and  California  is  now,  or  is  des 
tined  hereafter,  to  be  maintained.  *  *  Under  the  name  of 
Yampatick-ara,  or  Root-Eaters,  and  Bonacks,  they  occupy,  with 
the  Utahs,  the  vast  elevated  basin  of  the  Great  Salt  Lake, 
extending  south  and  west  to  the  borders  of  New  Mexico  and 
California.  Information  recently  received  denotes  that  the 
language  is  spoken  by  bands  in  the  gold  mine  region  of  the 
Sacramento."  The  most  noted  branch  of  the  whole  family 
was  that  of  the  Camanches,  "  who  descended  eastwardly  into 

*  Brownell's  Indian  Races. 


352  THE    INDIAN    TRIBES    WEST    OF    THE    MISSISSIPPI  I 

the  Texan  plains  at  unknown  periods  of  their  history." 
Analogy  in  language  was  all  that  attested  the  former  unity  of 
this  nation  with  the  Shoshonees.  The  Camanches  inhabited  a 
country  where  bisons  and  wild  horses  abounded,  and  their  gen 
eral  habits  and  mode  of  life  were  consequently  very  similar  to 
those  of  the  Western  Sionx  and  other  races  of  the  prairies. 
As  bold  and  skillful  riders,  they  were  said  to  have  no  equals,  at 
least  in  North  America;  some  of  their  feats  of  horsemanship 
appeared  almost  supernatural  to  a  stranger.  One  of  the  most 
singular  of  these  is  that  of  throwing  the  whole  body  upon  one 
side  of  the  horse,  so  as  to  be  entirely  shielded  from  the  missile 
.of  an  enemy,  with  the  exception  of  the  heel,  by  which  they 
still  maintained  their  hold,  and  were  enabled  to  regain  their 
seat  "in  an  instant.'*  The  Camanches,  when  walking  about, 
were  an  awkward  set  of  people,  probably  the  result  of  constant 
riding.  The  Camanches  are  essentially  a  warlike  race,  and  the 
whole  history  of  the  settlement  and  occupation  of  Texas  is 
replete  with  tales  of  their  courage  and  prowess. 

The  wigwams  of  the  Camanches  consisted  of  tents  of  buffalo 
skins,  and  were  transported  from  place  to  place  as  necessity  or 
convenience  demanded.  The  tribe  adjoining  these,  the  Pawnee 
Picts,  lived  near  the  extreme  head  waters  of  the  Red  river,  on 
the  borders  of  the  Rocky  Mountains;  but  these  people  were 
entirely  distinct  from  the  Pawnees  of  the  Platte  river,  and 
were,  in  general  characteristics,  much  like  their  friends,  the 
Camanches.  They  were,  however,  an  agricultural  race,  and 
raised  large  quantities  of  maize,  beans,  pumpkins  and  other 
vegetables. 

The  Utahs  and  the  Apaches  inhabited  the  wilds  of  New 
Mexico,  but  were  not  essentially  different  from  the  tribes 
already  mentioned.  In  the  same  country  dwelt  two  very  dis 
tinguished  tribes,  the  Nabajos  and  Moques.  In  speaking  of 
the  latter  tribes  in  1846,  Mr.  Charles  Bent  says  they  are  "  an 
industrious,  intelligent  and  warlike  tribe  of  Indians,  who  cul 
tivate  the  soil,  and  raise  sufficient  grain  and  fruits  of  various 
kinds  for  their  own  consumption.  They  are  the  owners  of  large 
flocks  and  herds  of  cattle,  sheep,  horses,  mules  and  asses.  It  is 

*  Brownell's  Indian  Races. 


OR,    THE    BOEDER    WARS    OF    TWO    CENTURIES.  353 

estimated  that  the  tribe  possesses  thirty  thousand  head  of 
horned  cattle,  five  hundred  thousand  head  of  sheep,  and  ten 
thousand  head  oi  horses,  mules  and  asses.  *  *  They  man 
ufacture  excellent  coarse  blankets,  and  coarse  woolen  goods  for 
wearing  apparel.  *  '*  *  They  have  in  their  possession  many 
men,  women  and  children,  taken  from  the  settlements  of  this 
territory,  whom  they  hold  and  treat  as  slaves.  *  *  The 
Moques  are  neighbors  of  the  Nabajos,  and  live  in  permanent 
villages,  cultivate  grain  and  fruits,  and  raise  all  the  varieties 
of  stock." 

The  Nabajos  numbered  from  seven  to  twelve  thousand  souls, 
the  Moques  between  two  and  three  thousand.  The  two  tribes 
were  for  many  years  at  war  with  each  other,  which,  more  than 
-any  other  agency  reduced  their  numbers.  It  is  said  of  these 
tribes  that  the  men  were  of  the  common  stature,  with  light, 
flaxen  hair,  light  blue  eyes,  and  that  their  skin  was  of  the  most 
delicate  whiteness. 

It  should  be  stated,  in  concluding  this  chapter,  that  it  is 
impossible  to  give  any  satisfactory  classification  of  the  Indian 
tribes  of  the  Par  West.  I  have  already  mentioned  all  the 
great  nations  that  inhabited  that  extensive  region,  and  attempted 
to  present  some  of  the  more  prominent  tribal  divisions,  but  as 
we  proceed  to  the  narrative  of  the  wars  between  them  and  the 
whites,  the  reader  will  meet  with  many  new  names,  and  will 
no  doubt  wonder  to  what  tribe  they  belong,  or  why  they  were 
not  mentioned  in  this  brief  review  of  the  Western  Indians. 
As  this  occurs,  I  shall  remember  to  mention  to  which  of  the 
nations  these  new  names  belong. 


GHAPTEK    XLVI. 

COLONEL  FREMONT  AND  KIT  CARSON — KIT  GOES  AS  GUIDE  WITH  FRE 
MONT'S  EXPEDITION  —  THE  BUFFAFO  HUNT  —  ADVENTURES  IN  A 
PRAIRIE  DOG -VILLAGE  —  CROSSING  THE  SOUTH  FORK  —  IMMENSE 
BUFFALO  HERDS. 

THE  FIEST  train  of  adventure  and  border  warfare  of  the  Far 
West,  which  I  have  selected  as  proper  to  constitute  the  open 
ing  chapters  of  the  second  part  of  this  volume,  is  that  which 
surrounds  the  remarkable  lives  of  Col.  Fremont  and  Christo 
pher  (Kit)  Carson.  In  following  the  current  of  these  adven 
turous  lives  I  shall  be  obliged  to  pass  over,  fcr  the  present, 
many  important  events,  but  in  the  course  of  the  narrative  we 
shall  return  to  bring  these  forward. 

The  reader  will  require  no  introduction  to  these  men.  The 
name  of  the  latter  is  already  familiar  throughout  America, 
while  that  of  the  former,  who  has  rendered  his  country  valua 
ble  services,  is  not  less  treasured  by  the  American  people. 

Kit  Carson  had  spent  sixteen  years  of  his  life  in  the  wilds 
of  the  West,  among  the  fiercest  Indian  tribes,  as  hunter, 
trapper,  guide,  or  scout,  or  each  in  turn,  and  had  returned  to 
feast  his  eyes  once  more  upon  the  scenes  of  civilization.  This 
was  in  1842.  He  visited  his  relatives  in  the  frontier  settle 
ments  of  Missouri,  where  he  found  the  scenes  of  his  boyhood 
days  vastly  changed.  On  all  sides  the  famous  mountaineer 
was  greeted  with  new  faces.  The  only  relic  of  his  childhood 
was  the  old  log-cabin  where  his  father  and  mother  had  resided, 
and  its  rude  walls  were  already  crumbling  into  decay.  The 
family  had  been  scattered  by  death  and  ill-fortune,  and  the 
brave  hunter  felt  that  he  had  no  longer  any  endearments 
among  civilized  people.  Having  satisfied  his  curiosity,  he 
turned  his  face  once  more  towards  his  mountain  home.  He 

(354) 


OE,    THE    BOEDER    WAES    OF    TWO    CENTURIES.  355 

took  passage  upon  a  steamboat  bound  up  the  Missouri.  On 
this  boat  he  fell  in  with  Col.  J.  C.  Fremont,  who  had  left 
Washington  in  May,  agreeably  to  the  order  of  Col.  J.  J.  Abert, 
chief  of  the  corps  of  topographical  engineers,  to  explore  the 
country  between  the  frontiers  of  Missouri  and  the  South  Pass 
in  the  Rocky  Mountains.  While  on  the  steamer  Kit  Carson 
was  engaged  as  guide  to  Col.  Fremont's  company.  The  party 
consisted  of  about  twenty-one  Creole  and  Canadian  voyageurs; 
Charles  Preuss,  Fremont's  assistant;  L.  Maxwell,  of  Kaskas- 
kia,  as  hunter,  and,  as  I  have  already  observed,  Kit  Carson,  as 
guide.  In  addition  to  these,  Fremont  was  accompanied  by 
Henry  Brant  and  Eandolph  Benton,  two  respectable  young 
men  who  attached  themselves  to  the  expedition  for  the  de 
velopment  of  mind  and  body. 

Upon  their  arrival  in  Kansas,  preparations  were  made  for  a 
long  and  dangerous  journey,  which  was  commenced  on  the 
tenth  of  June,  1842.  They  pursued  the  trail  of  a  party  of 
emigrants  bound  for  the  Columbia  river.  This  train  was  only 
about  three  weeks  in  their  advance.  The  latter  consisted  of 
men,  women  and  children.  There  were  sixty-four  men  and 
sixteen  or  seventeen  families.  They  had  a  considerable  num 
ber  of  cattle.  They  were  transporting  their  household  furni 
ture  in  large,  heavy  wagons.  There  had  been  much  sickness 
among  them,  and  they  had  lost  several  children.  One  of  the 
party,  who  had  lost  his  child,  and  whose  wife  was  very  ill,  had 
left  them  about  one  hundred  miles  hence  on  the  prairies,  and 
as  a  hunter,  who  had  accompanied  them,  visited  Fremont's 
camp  on  the  twenty-seventh  of  June.  As  this  man  was  return 
ing  to  the  States,  Fremont  availed  himself  of  the  opportunity 
of  writing  letters  to  his  friends. 

The  order  observed  in  the  march  of  Fremont's  party  was 
about  the  same  as  that  adopted  by  expeditions  to  the  great 
West  in  early  times :  The  animals  were  turned  out  to  graze  at 
daybreak  every  morning;  six  o'clock  was  the  hour  for  break 
fast,  and  as  soon  as  it  was  over  the  march  was  resumed.  At 
noon  the  party  generally  came  to  a  halt  for  about  two  hours. 
At  sunset  the  order  was  given  to  encamp.  The  tents  were 
erected,  the  horses  turned  out  to  graze,  and  supper  prepared. 


356  ADVENTURES   OF   FREMONT    AND   KIT    CARSON: 

When  darkness  closed  in  the  horses  were  picketed  and  a 
mounted  guard  stationed  around  the  carts,  which  were  gen 
erally  set  up  for  a  defense  in  case  of  an  attack. 

On  the  twenty-third  of  June  the  party  had  a  specimen  of 
false  alarms  to  which  all  such  expeditions  in  these  wild  regions 
were  subject.  As  they  proceeded  along  the  valley,  objects  were 
seen  on  the  opposite  hills,  which  disappeared  before  a  glass 
could  be  brought  to  bear  upon  them.  A  man  who  had  been  a 
short  distance  in  front  came  spurring  back  in  great  haste, 
shouting,  "Indians!  Indians!"  He  had  been  near  enough  to 
count  them,  according  to  his  report,  and  had  made  out  just 
twenty-seven.  Fremont  at  once  halted  ;  the  arms  were  ex 
amined  and  put  in  order,  and  the  usual  preparations  made.  At 
this  juncture  the  brave  Kit  Carson  mounted  one  of  the  best 
horses,  crossed  the  river  and  galloped  off  over  the  prairie  for 
the  purpose  of  gaining  some  intelligence  respecting  the  enemy. 
Of  Kit's  appearance  in  this  brave  adventure  we  have  Colonel 
Fremont's  own  words:  "Mounted  on  a  fine  horse,  without  a 
saddle,  and  scouring  bareheaded  over  the  prairies,  Kit  was  one 
of  the  finest  pictures  of  a  horseman  I  have  ever  seen.  A  short 
time  enabled  him  to  discover  that  the  Indian  war  party  of 
twenty-seven  consisted  of  six  elks,  who  had  been  gazing 
curiously  at  our  caravan  as  it  passed  by,  and  were  now  scam 
pering  off  at  full  speed.  This  was  our  first  alarm,  and  its 
excitement  broke  agreeably  on  the  monotony  of  the  day." 

Proceeding  along  in  this  way  the  party  was  soon  in  the  land 
of  the  buffalo,  as  will  be  seen  by  the  following  from  Fremont's 
own  pen: 

"  A  few  miles  brought  us  into  the  midst  of  the  buffalo,  swarm 
ing  in  immense  numbers  over  the  plains,  where  they  had  left 
scarcely  a  blade  of  grass  standing.  Mr.  Preuss,  who  was 
sketching  at  a  little  distance  in  the  rear,  had  at  first  noted  them 
as  large  groves  of  timber.  In  the  sight  of  such  a  mass  of  life, 
the  traveler  feels  a  strange  emotion  of  grandeur.  We  had 
heard  from  a  distance  a  dull  and  confused  murmuring,  and, 
when  we  came  in  view  of  their  dark  masses,  there  was  not  one 
among  us  who  did  not  feel  his  heart  beat  quicker.  It  was  the 
early  part  of  the  day,  when  the  herds  are  feeding;  and  every- 


OK,    THE    BORDER    WARS    OF    TWO    CENTURIES.  357 

where  they  were  in  motion.  Here  and  there  a  huge  old  bull 
was  rolling  in  the  grass,  and  clouds  of  dust  rose  in  the  air  from 
various  parts  of  the  bands,  each  the  scene  of  some  obstinate 
jight.  Indians  and  buffaloes  make  the  poetry  and  life  of  the 
prairie,  and  our  camp  was  full  of  their  exhilaration.  In  place 
of  the  quiet  monotony  of  the  march,  relieved  only  by  the 
cracking  of  the  whip,  and  an  "  avance  done!  enfant  de  garcef" 
shouts  and  songs  resounded  from  every  part  of  the  line,  and 
our  evening  camp  was  always  the  commencement  of  a  feast, 
which  terminated  only  with  our  departure  on  the  following 
morning.  At  any  time  of  the  night  might  be  seen  pieces  of 
the  most  delicate  and  choicest  meat,  roasting  en  appolas,  on 
sticks  around  the  fire,  and  the  guard  were  never  without  com 
pany.  With  pleasant  weather  and  no  enemy  to  fear,  an 
abundance  of  the  most  excellent  meat,  and  no  scarcity  of  bread 
or  tobacco,  they  were  enjoying  the  oasis  of  a  voyageur's  life. 
Three  cows  were  killed  to-day.  Kit  Carson  had  shot  one,  and 
was  continuing  the  chase  in  the  midst  of  another  herd,  when 
his  horse  fell  headlong,  but  sprang  up  and  joined  the  flying 
band.  Though  considerably  hurt,  he  had  the  good  fortune  to 
break  no  bones ;  and  Maxwell,  who  was  mounted  on  a  fleet 
hunter,  captured  the  runaway  after  a  hard  chase.  He  was  on 
the  point  of  shooting  him,  to  avoid  the  loss  of  his  bridle  (a 
handsomely  mounted  Spanish  one,)  when  he  found  that  his 
horse  was  able  to  come  up  with  him.  Animals  are  frequently 
lost  in  this  way;  and  it  is  necessary  to  keep  close  watch  over 
them,  in  the  vicinity  of  the  buffaloes,  in  the  midst  of  which 
they  scour  off  to  the  plains,  and  are  rarely  retaken.  One  of 
our  mules  took  a  sudden  freak  into  his  head,  and  joined  a 
neighboring  band  to-day.  As  we  were  not  in  a  condition  to 
lose  horses,  I  sent  several  men  in  pursuit,  and  remained  in 
camp,  in  the  hope  of  recovering  him;  but  lost  the  afternoon  to 
no  purpose,  as  we  did  not  see  him  again.  As  we  were  riding 
quietly  along  the  bank,  a  grand  herd  of  buffaloes,  some  seven 
or  eight  hundred  in  number,  came  crowding  up  from  the  river, 
where  they  had  been  to  drink,  and  commenced  crossing  the 
plain  slowly,  eating  as  they  went.  The  wind  was  favorable; 
the  coolness  of  the  morning  invited  to  exercise;  the  ground 


358  ADVENTURES    OF    FKEMONT    AND    KIT    CARSON  I 

was  apparently  good,  and  the  distance  across  the  prairie  (two 
or  three  miles),  gave  us  a  fine  opportunity  to  charge  them 
before  they  could  get  among  the  river  hills.  It  was  too  fine  a 
prospect  for  a  chase  to  be  lost;  and,  halting  for  a  few  moments, 
the  hunters  were  brought  up  and  saddled,  and  Kit  Carson, 
Maxwell  and  I,  started  together.  They  were  now  somewhat 
less  than  half  a  mile  distant,  and  we  rode  easily  along  until 
within  about  three  hundred  yards,  when  a  sudden  agitation,  a 
wavering  in  the  band,  and'  a  galloping  to  and  fro  of  some 
which  were  scattered  along  the  skirts,  gave  us  the  intimation 
that  we  were  discovered.  We  started  together  at  a  hard  gallop 
riding  steadily  abreast  of  each  other,  arid  here  the  interest  of 
the  chase  became  so  enffrossin^ly  intense,  that  we  were  sen- 

O  o    i/ 

sible  to  nothing  else.  We  were  now  closing  upon  them  rapidly, 
and  the  front  of  the  mass  was  already  in  rapid  motion  for  the 
hills,  and  in  a  few  seconds  the  movement  had  communicated 
itself  to  the  whole  herd.  A  crowd  of  bulls,  as  usual,  brought 
up  the  rear,  and  every  now  and  then  some  of  them  faced  about, 
and  then  dashed  on  after  the  band  a  short  distance,  and  turned 
and  looked  again,  as  if  more  than  half  inclined  to  stand  and 
fight.  In  a  few  moments,  however,  during  which  we  had  been 
quickening  our  pace,  the  rout  was  universal,  and  we  were  going 
over  the  ground  like  a  hurricane.  When  at  about  thirty  yards, 
we  gave  the  usual  shout  (the  hunter's  pas  de  charge,)  and 
broke  into  the  herd.  We  entered  on  the  side,  the  mass  giving 
way  in  every  direction  in  their  heedless  course.  Many  of  the 
bulls,  less  active  and  less  fleet  than  the  cows,  paying  no  atten 
tion  to  the  ground,  and  occupied  solely  with  the  hunter,  were 
precipitated  to  the  earth  with  great  force,  rolling  over  and  over 
with  the  violence  of  the  shock,  and  hardly  distinguishable  in 
the  dust.  We  separated  on  entering,  each  singling  out  his 
game.  My  horse  was  a  trained  hunter,  famous  in  the  West 
under  the  name  of  Proveau,  and,  with  his  eyes  flashing,  and 
the  foam  flying  from  his  mouth,  sprang  on  after  the  cow  like  a 
tiger.  In  a  few  moments  he  brought  me  alongside  of  her, 
and,  rising  in  the  stirrups,  I  flred  at  the  distance  of  a  yard,  the 
ball  entering  at  the  termination  of  the  long  hair,  and  passing 
near  the  heart.  She  fell  headlong  at  the  report  of  the  gun, 


OK,  THE  BORDER  WARS  OF  TWO  CENTURIES.        359 

and,  checking  my  horse,  I  looked  around  for  my  companions. 
At  a  little  distance,  Kit  was  on  the  ground,  engaged  in  tying 
his  horse  to  the  horns  of  a  cow  which  he  was  preparing  to  cut 
up.  Among  the  scattered  bands,  at  some  distance  below,  I 
caught  a  glimpse  of  Maxwell ;  and  while  I  was  looking,  a  light 
wreath  of  white  smoke  curled  away  from  his  gun,  from  which 
I  was  too  far  to  hear  the  report.  Nearer,  and  between  me  and 
the  hills,  towards  which  they  were  directing  their  course,  was 
the  body  of  the  herd,  and,  giving  my  horse  the  rein,  we  dashed 
after  them.  A  thick  cloud  of  dust  hung  upon  their  rear, 
which  filled  my  mouth  and  eyes,  and  nearly  smothered  me. 
In  the  midst  of  this  I  could  see  nothing,  and  the  buffaloes 
were  not  distinguishable  until  within  thirty  feet.  They 
crowded  together  more  densely  still  as  I  came  upon  them,  and 
rushed  along  in  such  a  compact  body,  that  I  could  not  obtain 
an  entrance — the  horse  almost  leaping  upon  them.  In  a  few 
moments  the  mass  divided  to  the  right  and  left,  the  horns 
clattering  with  a  noise  heard  above  everything  else,  and  my 
horse  darted  into  the  opening.  Five  or  six  bulls  charged  on  us 
as  we  dashed  along  the  line,  but  were  left  far  behind;  and,  sing 
ling  out  a  cow,  I  gave  her  my  fire,  but  struck  too  high.  She 
gave  a  tremendous  leap,  and  scoured  on  swifter  than  before.  I 
reined  up  my  horse,  and  the  band  swept  on  like  a  torrent,  and 
left  the  place  quiet  and  clear.  Our  chase  had  led  us  into  dan 
gerous  ground.  A  prairie-dog  village,  so  thickly  settled  that 
there  were  three  or  four  holes  in  every  twenty  yards  square, 
occupied  the  whole  bottom  for  nearly  two  miles  in  length. 
Looking  around,  I  saw  only  one  of  the  hunters,  nearly  out  of 
sight,  and  the  long  dark  line  of  our  caravan  crawling  along, 
three  or  four  miles  distant.  After  a  march  of  twenty-four 
miles,  we  encamped  at  nightfall,  one  mile  and  a  half  above  the 
lower  end  of  Brady's  Island." 

In  following  these  adventurers  across  the  Kocky  Mountains, 
the  general  reader  will,  I  have  no  doubt,  be  interested  in  notic 
ing  some  of  the  principal  features  of  the  wild  country  through 
which  they  were  traveling.  On  the  second  of  July,  the  party 
passed  near  the  spot  where  the  Oregon  emigrants  had  encamped 
only  a  few  days  before.  A  variety  of  household  articles  were 


360  ADVENTURES    OF    FBEMONT    AND    KIT    CARSON. 

scattered  about,  and  they  had  probably  disburdened  themselves- 
here  of  many  things  not  absolutely  necessary.  On  tiie  same 
day  Fremont  left  the  usual  road  in  the  forenoon,  and  having 
pushed  several  men  ahead  to  reconnoitre,  marched  directly  for 
the  mouth  of  the  South  Fork.  On  their  arrival  at  this  place, 
search  was  immediately  made  for  the  best  fording  place.  At 
this  point  the  stream  is  divided  into  channels.  The  southern 
is  four  hundred  and  fifty  feet  wide,  being  eighteen  or  twenty 
inches  deep  in  the  main  channel.  With  the  exception  of  a 
few  dry  bars,  the  bed  of  the  river  is  generally  quick-sands,  in 
which  the  carts  began  to  sink  rapidly  unless  kept  constantly  in 
motion.  The  northern  channel  of  the  river,  two  thousand  two- 
hundred  and  fifty  feet  wide,  is  deeper,  having  three  or  four  feet 
of  water  in  the  various  small  channels,  with  a  bed  of  coarse 
gravel.  The  whole  width  of  the  Nebraska,  immediately  below 
the  junction,  was,  in  184:2,  five  thousand  three  hundred  and 
fifty  feet,  with  an  elevation  above  the  sea  of  two  thousand 
seven  hundred  feet. 

Crossing  the  river  in  safety,  Fremont  encamped.  Here,  as 
this  was  to  be  a  point  in  their  homeward  journey,  he  made  a 
cache  *  of  a  barrel  of  pork.  On  the  following  day  they  pro 
ceeded  about  twenty-five  miles,  and  encamped  at  six  o'clock  in 
the  evening.  Speaking  of  this  night,  Fremont  says :  "  Our 
fires  were  partially  made  of  the  bois  de  vache,  the  dry  excre 
ment  of  the  buffaloes,  which,  like  that  of  the  camel  in  the 
Arabian  deserts,  furnishes  to  the  traveler  a  very  good  substi 
tute  for  wood,  burning  like  turf.  Wolves  in  great  numbers 
surrounded  us  during  the  night,  crossing  and  recrossing  from 
the  opposite  herds  to  our  camp,  and  howling  and  trotting  about 
in  the  river  until  morning." 

As  they  were  riding  along  on  the  afternoon  of  the  following 
day,  clouds  of  dust  in  the  ravines,  among  the  hills  to  the  right, 
suddenly  attracted  their  attention,  and,  in  a  few  moments,  col 
umn  after  column  of  buffaloes  came  galloping  down  across 
their  course,  making  directly  to  the  river.  By  the  time  the 
leading  herds  had  reached  the  water,  the  prairie  was  darkened 

*  Cache — A  term  used  in  the  West  for  anything  that  is  hidden  in  the 
ground. — Ed. 


OB,    THE    BORDER    WARS    OF    TWO    CENTURIES.  361 

with  the  dense  masses.  Immediately  before  them,  when  the 
herds  first  cmie  down  into  the  valley,  stretched  an  unbroken 
line,  the  head  of  which  was  lost  among  the  river  hills  on  the 
.opposite  side,  but  still  they  poured  down  from  the  ridges  on 
Fremont's  right.  The  sight  was  beyond  description.  Over 
eleven  thousand  buffaloes  were  in  view.  "  In  a  short  time," 
says  Col.  Fremont,  "  they  surrounded  us  on  every  side,  extend 
ing  for  several  miles  in  the  rear,  and  forward  as  far  as  the  eye 
could  reach ;  leaving  around  us  as  we  advanced,  an  open  space 
of  only  two  or  three  hundred  yards.  This  movement  of  the 
buffaloes  indicated  to  us  the  presence  of  Indians  on  the  North 
Fork." 


CHAPTEE    XLVII. 

f 

DJ  VISION  OF  FREMONT'S  PARTY — THRILLING  INCIDENTS  OF  THE  JOURNEY 
TO  FORT  LARAMIE  —  DESCRIPTION  OF  FORT  LARAMIE  —  FRIGHTFUL 
RUMORS  OF  INDIAN  HOSTILITY  —  FREMONT  DETERMINES  TO  CON 
TINUE —  KIT  CARSON  RESOLVES  TO  FOLLOW  HIM  —  BRAVERY  AND 
COWARDICE. 

WHEN  tlie  party  arrived  at  the  place  where  the  road  crossed 
the  North  Fork  they  were  divided,  going  in  two  different 
directions.  Fremont,  accompanied  by  Mr.  Preuss  and  four  men, 
Maxwell,  Bernier,  Ayot  and  Lajeunesse,  and  three  Cheyenne 
Indians  started  out  across  the  country  along  the  South  Branch 
of  the  river,  intending  to  ascend  the  river  some  two  hundred 
miles  to  St.  Vrain's  fort,  and  thence  to  reach  the  American 
company's  fort  at  the  mouth  of  the  Laramie.  The  remainder 
of  the  party,  which  was  left  under  the  command  of  Clement 
Lambert,  was  ordered  to  cross  the  North  Fork,  and  at  some 
convenient  place  to  make  a  cache  of  everything  not  absolutely 
necessary  to  the  further  progress  of  the  expedition.  From  this 
point,  using  the  most  guarded  precaution  in  their  march 
through  the  country,  they  were  to  proceed  to  the  same  point. 
This  division  of  the  party  was  effected  to  enable  Fremont  to 
make  some  observations  on  the  South  Branch. 

Let  Sis  first  follow  Fremont's  own  party.  During  the  first 
day's  journey  nothing  of  interest  occurred.  About  sunset 
Maxwell  shot  a  buffalo,  and  the  little  party  encamped  where  a 
little  timber  afforded  them  the  means  of  making  a  fire.  Hav 
ing  placed  the  meat  before  the  fire  on  roasting  sticks,  they 
proceeded  to  unpack  their  bales  in  search  of  coffee  and  sugar, 
and  flour  for  bread.  With  the  exception  of  a  little  parched 
coffee  they  found  nothing,  the  cook  having  neglected  to  put  it 
up.  Tired  and  hungry,  with  only  tough  meat,  without  salt, 

(3G2) 


OR,    THE    BORDER   AVARS    OF   TWO    CENTURIES.  363 

and  a  little  bitter  coffee,  they  sat  down  in  silence  to'  their 
miserable  meal,  a  very  disconsolate  party.  The  previous  day's 
feast  was  still  fresh  in  their  memories,  and  this  was  their  first 
brush  with  misfortune.  Each  man  took  his  blanket  and  laid 
himself  down  silently  to  sleep. 

On  the  following  day  Mr.  Preuss,  owing;  to  the  disability  of 
his  horse,  returned  to  the  main  party.  Fremont  and  his  com 
panions  continued  their  journey  in  a  southwesterly  course  up 
the  valley  of  the  river.  On  the  eighth  of  July,  in  the  course 
of  the  forenoon,  they  came  suddenly  on  a  place  where  the 
ground  was  covered  with  horses'  tracks,  which  had  recently 
been  made,  and  indicated  the  immediate  presence  of  Indians. 
The  buffalo,  too,  which  the  day  before  had  been  so  numerous, 
were  nowhere  in  sight — another  sure  indication  that  there 
were  people  near.  Riding  on,  they  discovered  the  carcass  of  a 
buffalo  recently  killed — perhaps  the  day  before.  They  scanned 
the  horizon  carefully  with  the  glass,  but  no  living  object  was 
to  be  seen.  For  the  next  mile  or  two  the  ground  was  dotted 
with  buffalo  carcasses,  which  showed  that  the  Indians  had 
made  a  surround  there,  and  were  in  considerable  force.  They 
went  on  quickly  and  cautiously,  keeping  the  river  bottom,  and 
carefully  avoiding  the  hills,  but  met  with  no  interruption,  and 
began  to  grow  careless  again.  They  had  already  lost  one  of 
their  horses,  arid  here  Basil's  mule  showed  symptoms  of  giving 
out,  and  finally  refused  to  advance,  being  what  the  Canadians 
call  reste.  He  therefore  dismounted  and  drove  her  along  before 
him,  but  this  was  a  very  slow  way  of  traveling.  They  had 
inadvertently  got  about  half  a  mile  in  advance,  but  the  Chey- 
ennes,  who  were  generally  a  mile  or  two  in  the  rear,  remained 
with  him.  There  were  some  dark-looking  objects  among  the 
hills,  about  two  miles  to  the  left,  here  low  and  undulating, 
which  they  had  seen  for  a  little  time,  and  supposed  to  be 
buffalo  coming  in  to  water;  but,  happening  to  look  behind, 
Maxwell  saw  the  Cheyennes  whipping  up  furiously,  and 
another  glance  at  the  dark  objects  showed  them  at  once  to  be 
Indians  coming  up  at  speed.  Had  they  been  well  mounted 
and  disencumbered  of  instruments,  they  might  have  set  them 
at  defiance;  but  as  it  was,  they  were  fairly  caught.  It  was  too 


364  ADVENTURES    OF    FREMONT    AND    KIT    CARSON. 

late  to  rejoin  their  friends,  and  they  endeavored  to  gain  a  clump 
of  timber  about  half  a  mile  ahead,  but  the  instruments  and 
the  tired  state  of  their  horses  did  not  allow  them  to  go  faster 
than  a  steady  canter,  and  the  Indians  were  gaining  on  them 
fast.  At  first  they  did  not  appear  to  be  more  than  fifteen  or 
twenty  in  number,  but  group  after  group  darted  into  view  at 
the  top  of  the  hills,  until  all  the  little  eminences  seemed  in 
motion,  and,  in  a  few  minutes  from  the  time  they  were  first 
discovered,  two  or  three  hundred,  naked  to  the  breech-cloth, 
were  sweeping  across  the  prairie.  In  a  few  hundred  yards 
Fremont  discovered  that  the  timber  he  was  endeavoring  to 
make  was  on  the  opposite  side  of  the  river,  and  before  he  could 
reach  the  bank  down  came  the  Indians  upon  them. 

Fremont  pulled  off  the  cover  from  his  gun  and  was  about  to 
fire  at  the  foremost  rider,  when  Maxwell  recognized  the  Indian, 
and  called  out,  in  the  Indian  language,  "You're  a  fool!  don't 
you  know  me?"  The  sound  of  his  own  language  seemed  to 
shock  the  savage,  and  swerving  his  horse  a  little,  he  passed  the 
whole  party  like  an  arrow."*  As  Fremont  rode  after  him,  he 
wheeled  and  gave  the  Colonel  his  hand,  striking  his  breast,  and 
exclaiming,  "  Arapaho !"  They  proved  to  be  a  village  of  that 
nation,  among  whom  Maxwell  had  resided  as  a  trader  a  year  or 
two  previously,  and  recognized  him  accordingly.  Fremont 
says:  "We  were  soon  in  the  midst  of  the  band,  answering,  as 
well  as  we  could,  a  multitude  of  questions;  of  which  the  very- 
first  was,  of  what  tribe  were  our  Indian  companions  who  were 
coming  in  the  rear.  They  seemed  disappointed  to  know  that 
they  were  Cheyennes,  for  they  had  fully  anticipated  a  grand 
dance  around  a  Pawnee  scalp  that  night." 

The  chief  pointed  out  his  village  at  a  grove  on  the  river,  six 
miles  ahead,  and  then  started  with  his  band  in  pursuit  of  a 
herd  of  buffalo  on  the  opposite  side  of  the  Platte,  which,  as  he 
informed  the  whites,  he  intended  to  surround.  In  a  few 
moments  more  the  women  galloped  up,  astride  on  their  horses, 
and  half  naked.  They  followed  the  men,  to  assist  in  cutting 
up  and  carrying  off  the  meat. 

As  soon  as  the  Indians  had  crossed  the  river  they  separated 

*  Fremont's  Report. 


OK,    THE    BORDER    WARS    OF    TWO    CENTURIES.  365 

into  two  parties.  One  body  proceeded  directly  across  the 
prairie  toward  the  hills,  while  the  other  went  up  the  river,  and 
as  soon  as  they  had  given  the  wind  to  the  herd,  the  chase  com 
menced.  The  buffalo  started  for  the  hills,  but  were  intercepted 
and  driven  back  toward  the  river,  broken  and  running  in 
every  direction.  Fremont's  party  now  halted  to  see  the  sport, 
but  the  clouds  of  dust  soon  covered  the  whole  scene,  prevent 
ing  them  from  having  any  but  an  occasional  view.  It  had, 
says  Fremont,  a  very  singular  appearance  at  a  distance;  espe 
cially  when  looking  with  a  glass.  The  Indians  were  too  far 
off  for  the  Americans  to  hear  the  report  of  the  guns  or  any 
sound;  and,  at  every  instant  through  the  clouds  of  dust  which 
the  sun  made  luminous,  they  could  see  for  a  moment  two  or 
three  buffalo  dashing  along,  and  close  behind  them  an  Indian 
with  his  spear,  or  other  weapon,  and  instantly  again  they  dis 
appeared.  The  apparent  silence,  and  the  dimly  seen  figures 
flitting  by  with  such  rapidity,  gave  it  a  kind  of  dreamy  effect 
and  seemed  more  like  a  picture  than  a  scene  of  real  life.  It 
had  been  a  large  herd,  probably  three  or  four  hundred  in  num 
bers,  but  although  Fremont  watched  closely,  he  says,  "  I  did 
not  see  one  emerge  from  the  fatal  cloud  w^here  the  work  of 
destruction  was  going  on." 

After  remaining  at  this  place  about  an  hour,  Fremont 
resumed  his  journey  in  the  direction  of  the  Indian  village. 
Gradually,  as  they  rode  along,  Indian  after  Indian  came  drop 
ping  in  laden  with  meat,  and  by  the  time  they  had  approached 
within  view  of  the  lodges  the  backward  road  was  covered  with 
the  returning  horsemen.  This  was,,  indeed,  a  pleasant  contrast 
with  the  desert  road  they  had  been  traveling.  Many  of  the 
Indians  had  joined  company  with  the  whites,  and  one  of  the 
chiefs  invited  the  party  to  his  lodge.  The  village  consisted  of 
about  one  hundred  and  twenty-five  lodges,  of  which  twenty 
were  Cheyennes;  the  latter  located  a  little  way  from  the  Arapa- 
hoes.  Fremont's  experience  in  this  village  was  exceedingly 
pleasant.  The  Indians  treated  him  with  choice  pieces  of  meat 
and  asked  some  questions  concerning  the  object  of  his  expedi 
tion,  which  he  freely  answered. 

On  the  morning  of  the  ninth  of  July  they  caught  the  first 


366  ADVENTURES    OE   FREMONT   AND    KIT   CARSON. 

faint  glimpse  of  the  Kocky  Mountains,  and  pursuing  their  course 
they  came  to  the  camp  of  some  four  or  five  whites,  who  had 
accompanied  Captain  Wyeth  to  the  Columbia  river  and  were 
independent  trappers.  All  had  their  squaws  with  them,  and 
Fremont  says,  "  I  was  really  surprised  at  the  number  of  little 
fat  buffalo-fed  boys  that  were  tumbling  about  the  camp,  all 
apparently  of  the  same  age,  about  three  or  four  years  old. 
They  were  encamped  on  a  rich  bottom,  covered  with  a  profu 
sion  of  fine  grass,  and  had  a  large  number  of  fine-looking 
horses  and  mules.  We  rested  with  them  a  few  minutes,  and  in 
about  two  miles  arrived  at  Ohabonard's  camp,  on  an  island  in 
the  Platte." 

After  several  days  wearisome  journeying  Fremont's  party, 
on  the  fifteenth  of  July  came  within  view  of  Fort  Laramie. 
This  was  a  large  post,  having  the  air  of  military  construction. 
It  was  situated  on  the  left  bank  of  the  Platte  on  a  rising 
ground,  some  twenty  feet  above  the  water;  and  its  lofty  walls, 
whitewashed  and  picketed,  with  the  large  bastions  at  the  angles, 
gave  it  quite  an  imposing  appearance  to  the  approaching  trav 
elers.  "A  cluster  of  lodges,"  says  Fremont,  "  which  the  lan 
guage  told  us  belonged  to  Sioux  Indians,  was  pitched  under 
the  walls,  and,  with  the  fine  background  of  the  Black  hills  and 
the  prominent  peak  of  Laramie  mountain,  strongly  drawn  in 
the  clear  light  of  the  western  sky,  where  the  sun  had  already 
set,  the  whole  formed  at  the  moment  a  strikingly  beautiful  pic 
ture.  From  the  company  at  St.  Louis  I  had  letters  for  Mr. 
Boudeau,  the  gentleman  in  charge  of  the  post,  by  whom  I  was 
received  with  great  hospitality  and  an  efficient  kindness,  which 
was  invaluable  to  me  during  my  stay  in  the  country.  I  found 
our  people  encamped  on  the  bank,  a  short  distance  above  the 
fort.  All  were  well;  and,  in  the  enjoyment  of  a  bountiful  sup 
per,  which  coffee  and  bread  made  luxurious  to  us,  we  soon  for 
got  the  fatigues  of  the  last  ten  days." 

But  it  is  not  sufficient  that  we  find  this  party  whom  we  left 
several  weeks  ago  alive  and  well.  Let  us  return  and  hurriedly 
follow  them  through  the  varying  fortunes  of  their  journey. 

On  the  sixth  of  July  they  crossed  the  plateau  or  highland 
between  the  two  forks,  arriving  at  the  north  branch  about 


OK,  THE  BOEDER  WAKS  OF  TWO  OENTUKIES.        367 

noon.  They  proceeded  on  their  journey  without  interruption 
until  the  eighth  of  July,  when,  about  five  o'clock  in  the  eve 
ning  the  caravan  made  a  sudden  halt.  "There  was,"  says 
Preuss,  "  a  galloping  in  of  scouts  and  horsemen  from  every 
side — a  hurrying  to  and  fro  in  noisy  confusion;  rifles  were  taken 
from  their  covers;  bullet  pouches  were  examined;  in  short, 
there  was  the  cry  of  '  Indians  !  '  heard  again.  I  had  become 
so  much  accustomed  to  these  alarms  that  before  I  had  time  to 
become  excited,  the  new  comers  were  ascertained  to  be  whites." 
It  was  a  large  party  of  traders  and  trappers,  conducted  by 
Mr.  Bridger,  a  man  well  known  to  the  history  of  western 
adventure.  On  the  fourteenth  of  July  the  party  under  Mr. 
Preuss  arrived  at  Fort  Laramie,  where,  on  the  following  day, 
as  we  have  seen,  they  were  joined  by  Colonel  Fremont. 

Fort  Laramie  was  a*  quadrangular  structure,  built  of  clay, 
after  the  fashion  of  the  Mexicans.  The  walls  were  about  fif 
teen  feet  high,  surmounted  with  a  wooden  palisade  and  formed 
a  portion  of  ranges  of  houses,  which  entirely  surrounded  a 
yard  of  about  one  hundred  and  thirty  feet  square.  Every 
apartment  had  its  door  and  window,  all  of  course  opening  on 
the  inside.  There  wrere  two  entrances,  opposite  each  other  and 
midway  of  the  wall,  one  of  which  was  a  large  public  entrance, 
the  other  smaller  and  more  private.  Over  the  larger  was  a 
square  tower,  with  loopholes,  and,  like  the  rest  of  the  work, 
built  of  earth.  At  two  of  the  angles,  and  diagonally  opposite 
each  other,  were  large  bastions,  so  arranged  as  to  sweep  the 
four  faces  of  the  walls. 

This  post  belonged  to  the  American  Fur  Company,  and  at 
this  date,  July  sixteenth,  1842,  was  in  charge  of  Mr.  Boudeau. 
Two  of  the  company's  clerks,  Galpin  and  Kellogg,  were  with 
him,  and  he  had  a  garrison  of  sixteen  men.  As  usual  these 
had  found  wives  among  the  Indian  squaws,  and  with  the  usual 
accompany rnent  of  children  the  place  had  quite  a  populous 
appearance.  It  is  hardly  necessary  to  say  that  the  establish 
ment  of  this  post  was  for  purposes  of  trade  with  the  neigh 
boring  tribes,  who,  in  the  course  of  a  year,  generally  made 
three  or  four  visits  to  the  fort. 

While  at  this  post  Col.  Fremont  learned  the  following  cir- 


ADVENTURES    OF    FREMONT   AND    KIT    CARSON: 

cumstances,  which  explain  the  condition  of  the  country  at  this 
time:  For  several  years  the  Cheyennes  and  Sioux  had  gra 
dually  become  more  and  more  hostile  to  the  whites,  and  in  the 
latter  part  of  August,  1841,  had  had  a  rather  severe  engage 
ment  with  a  party  of  sixty  men,  under  the  command  of  Mr. 
Frapp,  of  St.  Louis.  The  Indians  lost  eight  or  ten  warriors, 
and  the  whites  had  their  leader  and  four  men  killed.  This  fight 

o 

took  place  on  the  waters  of  Snake  river,  and  it  was  this  party, 
on  their  return  under  Mr.  Bridger,  which  had  spread  so  much 
alarm  among  Preuss'  party.  In  the  course  of  the  spring,  two 
other  small  parties  had  been  cut  off  by  the  Sioux — one  on  their 
return  from  the  Crow  nation,  and  the  other  among  the  Black 
hills.  The  emigrants  to  Oregon  and  Mr.  Bridger's  party  met 
here  a  few  days  before  Fremont's  arrival.  Division  and  mis 
understandings  had  grown  up  among  them;  they  were  already 
somewhat  disheartened  by  the  fatigue  of  their  long  and  weari 
some  journey,  and  the  feet  of  their  cattle  had  become  so  much 
worn  as  to  be  scarcely  able  to  travel.  In  this  situation  they 
were  not  likely  to  find  encouragement  in  the  hostile  attitude 
of  the  Indians,  and  the  new  and  unexpected  difficulties  which 
sprang  up  before  them.  They  were  told  that  the  country  was 
entirely  swept  of  grass,  and  that  few  or  no  buffalo  were  to  be 
found  on  their  line  of  route,  and,  with  their  weakened  animals, 
it  would  be  impossible  for  them  to  transport  their  heavy 
wagons  over  the  mountains.  Under  these  circumstances,  they 
disposed  of  their  wagons  and  cattle  at  the  forts,  selling  them 
at  the  prices  they  had  paid  in  the  States,  and  taking  in  exchange 
coffee  and  sugar  at  one  dollar  a  pound,  and  miserable  worn-out 
horses,  which  died  before  they  reached  the  mountains.  From 
these  and  other  reports  it  appeared  that  the  country  was  swarm 
ing  with  scattered  war  parties.  Great  alarm  prevailed  among 
Fremont's  men  in  consequence.  Kit  Carson  was,  however, 
true  to  his  employer,  yet  he  fully  supported  the  opinion  given 
by  Bridger  of  the  dangerous  state  of  the  country,  and  openly 
expressed  his  conviction  that  they  could  not  escape  without 
some  sharp  encounters  with  the  Indians.  In  addition  to  this, 
he  made  his  will,  and  among  the  circumstances  which  were 
constantly  occurring  to  increase  their  alarm,  this  was  the  most 


OR,    THE    BOEDER    WARS    OF    TWO    CENTURIES.  369 

unfortunate.  Col.  Fremont  found  that  a  number  of  his  party 
had  become  so  much  intimidated  that  they  had  requested  to  be 
discharged. 

Concerning  the  manner  in  which  Fremont's  party  occupied 
themselves  while  at  this  post,  we  have  the  following  from  the 
Colonel's  pen  :  "  So  far  as  frequent  interruption  from  the 
Indians  would  allow,  we  occupied  ourselves  in  making  some 
astronomical  calculations,  and  bringing  up  the  general  map  to 
this  stage  of  our  journey;  but  the  tent  was  generally  occupied 
by  a  succession  of  our  ceremonious  visitors.  Some  came  for 
presents,  and  others  for  information  of  our  object  in  coming  to 
the  country;  now  and  then,  one  would  dart  up  to  the  tent  on 
horseback,  jerk  off  his  trappings,  and  stand  silently  at  the 
door,  holding  his  horse  by  the  halter,  signifying  his  desire  to 
trade.  Occasionally  a  savage  would  stalk  in  with  an  invitation 
to  a  feast  of  honor,  a  dog  feast,  and  deliberately  sit  down  and 
wait  quietly  until  I  was  ready  to  accompany  him.  I  went  to 
one;  the  women  and  children  were  sitting  outside  the  lodge, 
and  we  took  our  seats  on  buffalo  robes  spread  around.  The 
•dog  was  in  a  large  pot  over  the  fire,  in  the  middle  of  the  lodge, 
and  immediately  on  our  arrival  was  dished  up  in  large  wooden 
bowls,  one  of  which  wTas  handed  to  each.  The  flesh  appeared 
very  glutinous,  with  something  of  the  flavor  and  appearance 
of  mutton.  Feeling  something  move  behind  me,  I  looked 
round,  and  found  that  I  had  taken  my  seat  among  a  litter  of 
fat  young  puppies.  Had  I  been  nice  in  such  matters,  the  pre 
judices  of  civilization  might  have  interfered  with  my  tranquil- 
ity;  but,  fortunately,  I  am  not  of  delicate  nerves,  and  con 
tinued  quietly  to  em^y  my  platter." 

On  the  evening  of  the  eighteenth  of  July,  Col.  Fremont 
gathered  his  men  around  him  and  told  them  that  he  had  de 
termined  to  proceed  the  following  day  on  his  journey.  He 
mentioned  the  reports  that  had  been  made,  but  said  that  in 
view  of  their  equipments  he  could  not  see  sufficient  reason  for 
returning;  yet  he  was  unwilling  to  take  with  him  on  a  service 
of  certain  danger  men  on  whom  he  con  Id  not  rely,  and  know 
ing  that  there  were  some  in  his  party  who  were  disposed  to 
cowardice  and  anxious  to  return,  he  asked  all  such  to  come 
24 


370  ADVENTURES    OF   FREMONT    AND    KIT    CARSON! 

forward  at  once  and  state  their  desire,  and  they  would  be  dis 
charged  with  the  amount  due  them  for  the  time  they  had 
served.  To  their  honor,  be  it  said,  only  one  of  their  number 
had  the  face  to  go  forward  and  avail  himself  of  the  permission. 


GHAPTEE     XLYIII. 

JOURNEY  OF  FREMONT'S  EXPEDITION  FROM  FORT  LARAMIE  TO  FREMONT'S 
PEAK  IN  THE  ROCKY  MOUNTAINS  —  HARDSHIPS  OF  COLONEL  FRE 
MONT —  His  DESCRIPTION  OF  THE  WILD  SCENERY  IN  THE  ROCKY 
MOUNTAINS  —  FREMONT  THIRTEEN  THOUSAND  FEET  ABOVE  THE 
LEVEL  OF  THE  SEA  —  THE  RETURN. 

WHEN  FREMONT  was  ready  to  depart  on  the  twenty-first  of 
July,  he  received  a  letter  from  Joseph  Bessonette,  at  Fort 
Platte,  informing  him  that  the  chiefs  in  the  neighborhood  of  the 
fort  had  advised  him  to  warn  Colonel  Fremont  and  his  party 
not  to  set  out  until  the  party  of  young  men  then  out  should 
return.  The  latter  party  was  represented  as  hostile  to  the 
whites,  and  that  they  would  be  sure  to  fire  upon  them  if  they 
were  discovered. 

After  reading  this  note  Colonel  Fremont  mentioned  its  pur 
port  to  his  companions,  after  which  one  of  the  chiefs,  the  one 
who  bore  the  letter,  rose  and  said: 

"You  have  come  among  us  at  a  bad  time.  Some  of  our 
people  have  been  killed,  and  our  young  men,  who  are  gone  to 
the  mountains,  are  eager  to  avenge  the  blood  of  their  rela 
tions,  which  has  been  shed  by  the  whites.  Our  young  men  are 
bad,  and,  if  they  meet  you,  they  will  believe  that  you  are  car 
rying  goods  and  ammunition  to  their  enemies,  and  will  fire 
upon  you.  You  have  told  us  that  this  will  make  war.  We 
know  that  our  great  father  has  many  soldiers  and  big  guns, 
and  we  are  anxious  to  have  our  lives.  We  love  the  whites,  and 
are  desirous  of  peace.  Thinking  of  all  these  things,  we  have 
determined  to  keep  you  here  until  our  warriors  return.  We 
are  glad  to  see  you  among  us.  Our  father  is  rich,  and  we 
expected  that  you  would  have  brought  presents  to  us — horses, 
and  guns,  and  blankets.  But  we  are  glad  to  see  yon.  We 

(871) 


ADVENTURES    OF    FREMONT    AND    KIT    CARSON: 

look  upon  your  coming  as  the  light  which  goes  before  the  sun; 
for  you  will  tell  our  great  father  that  you  have  seen  us,  and 
that  we  are  naked  and  poor,  and  have  nothing  to  eat;  and  he 
will  send  us  all  these  things." 

The  remarks  of  the  savage  appeared  reasonable;  but  Fre 
mont  believed  that  they  had  in  view  only  the  object  of  detain 
ing  him,  and  he  resolved  to  give  no  heed  to  their  warning.  He 
requested  some  of  the  Indians  to  accompany  him,  and  after 
much  reluctance  one  consented.  The  party  then  mounted 
their  horses,  and  in  a  few  hours  they  were  far  away  among  the 
hills,  the  route  leading  over  an  interesting  plateau  between  the 
north  fork  of  the  Platte  on  the  right  and  Laramie  on  the  left. 
The  party  consisted  of  those  who  had  originally  started  out 
with  Fremont,  except  the  man  who  was  discharged  at  Fort 
Laramie,  with  three  others,  Mr.  Bissonetto,  his  wife,  and  the 
Indian  who  had  volunteered  to  accompany  them.  Continuing 
their  journey,  they  fortunately  reached  the  South  Pass  of  the 
.Rocky  Mountains,  without  encountering  a  single  hostile 
Indian. 

Fremont  had  now  reached  the  field  where  it  was  expected 
his  labors  would  develop  something  of  value  to  the  country. 
After  making  some  observations,  he  prepared  to  ascend  the 
highest  peak  of  the  mountain.  In  speaking  of  the  condition 
of  his  party  at  this  time,  August  twelfth,  Fremont  says :  "  The 
spirits  of  the  men  had  been  much  exhausted  by  the  hardships 
and  privations  to  which  the'y  had  been  subjected.  Our  provis 
ions  had  well  nigh  all  disappeared.  Bread  had  been  long  out 
of  the  question;  and  of  all  our  stock,  we  had  remaining  two  or 
three  pounds  of  coffee,  and  a  small  quantity  of  maccaroni, 
which  had  been  husbanded  with  great  care  for  the  mountain 
expedition  we  were  about  to  undertake.  Our  daily  meal  con 
sisted  of  dry  buffalo  meat,  cooked  in  tallow;  and,  as  we  had 
not  dried  this  with  Indian  skill,  part  of  it  was  spoiled;  and 
what  remained  of  good,  was  as  hard  as  wood,  having  much  the 
taste  and  appearance  of  so  many  pieces  of  bark.  Even  of  this, 
our  stock  was  rapidly  diminishing  in  a  camp  which  was  capa 
ble  of  consuming  two  buffaloes  in  every  twenty-four  hours. 
These  animals  had  entirely  disappeared;  and  it  was  not  proba- 


OB,    THE    BOEDER    WARS    OF    TWO    CENTURIES.  #7  b 

ble  that  we  should  fall  in  with  them  again  until  we  returned 
to  the  Sweet  Water.  Our  arrangements  for  the  ascent  were 
rapidly  completed.  We  were  in  a  hostile  country,  which  ren 
dered  the  greatest  vigilance  and  circumspection  necessary.  The 
pass  at  the  north  end  of  the  mountain  was  generally  infested 
by  Blackfeet;  and  immediately  opposite  was  one  of  their  forts, 
on  the  edge  of  a  little  thicket,  two  or  three  hundred  feet  from 
our  encampment.  We  were  posted  in  a  grove  of  beech,  on  the 
margin  of  the  lake,  and  a  few  hundred  feet  long,  with  a  narrow 
prairillon  on  the  inner  side,  bordered  by  the  rocky  ridge.  In 
the  upper  end  of  this  grove  we  cleared  a  circular  space  about 
forty  feet  in  diameter,  and,  with  the  felled  timber  and  inter 
woven  branches,  surrounded  it  with  a  breastwork  five  feet  in 
height.  A  gap  was  left  for  a  gate  on  the  inner  side,  by  which 
the  animals  were  to.be  driven  in  and  secured,  while  the  men 
slept  around  the  little  work.  It  was  half  hidden  by  the  foliage; 
and,  garrisoned  by  twelve  resolute  men,  would  have  set  at  defi 
ance  any  band  of  savages  which  might  chance  to  discover 
them  in  the  interval  of  our  absence.  Fifteen  of  the  best 
mules,  with  fourteen  men,  were  selected  for  the  mountain 
party.  Our  provisions  consisted  of  dried  meat  for  two  days, 
with  our  little  stock  of  coffee  and  some  maccaroni.  In  addi 
tion  to  the  barometer  and  a  thermometer,  I  took  with  me  a 
sextant  and  spyglass,  and  we  had  of  course  our  compasses.  In 
charge  of  the  camp  I  left  Bernier,  one  of  my  most  trustworthy 
men,  who  possessed  the  most  determined  courage.  Early  in 
the  morning,  August  twelfth,  we  left  the  camp,  fifteen  in  num 
ber,  well  armed,  of  course,  and  mounted  on  our  best  mules.  A 
pack  animal  carried  our  provisions,  with  a  coffee  pot  and  kettle, 
and  three  or  four  tin  cups.  Every  man  had  a  blanket  strapped 
over  his  saddle,  to  serve  for  his  bed,  and  the  instruments  were 
carried  by  turns  on  their  backs.  We  entered  directly  on  rough 
and  rocky  ground;  and,  just  after  crossing  the  ridge,  had  the 
good  fortune  to  shoot  an  antelope.  We  heard  the  roar,  and 
had  a  glimpse  of  a  waterfall  as  we  rode  along;  and,  crossing  in 
our  way  two  fine  streams,  tributary  to  the  Colorado,  in  about 
two  hours'  ride  we  reached  the  top  of  the  first  row  or  range  of 
the  mountains.  Here,  again,  a  view  of  the  most  romantic 


374  ADVENTURES    OF    FREMONT    AND    KIT    CARSON : 

beauty  met  our  eyes.  It  seemed  as  if,  from  the'  vast  expanse 
of  uninteresting  prairie  we  had  passed  over,  Nature  had  col 
lected  all  her  beauties  together  in  one  chosen  place.  We  were 
overlooking  a  deep  valley,  which  was  entirely  occupied  by 
three  lakes,  and  from  the  brink  the  surrounding  ridges  rose 
precipitously  five  hundred  and  a  thousand  feet,  covered  with 
the  dark  green  of  the  balsam  pine,  relieved  on  the  border  of 
the  lake  with  the  light  foliage  of  the  aspen.  They  all  commu 
nicated  with  each  other;  and  the  green  of  the  waters,  common 
to  mountain  lakes  of  great  depth,  showed  that  it  would  be  im 
possible  to  cross  them.  The  surprise  manifested  by  our  guides 
when  these  impassible  obstacles  suddenly  barred  our  progress 
proved  that  they  were  among  the  hidden  treasures  of  the  place, 
unknown  even  to  the  wandering  trappers  of  the  region. 
Descending  the  hill,  we  proceeded  to  make  our  way  along  the 
margin  to  the  southern  extremity.  A  narrow  strip  of  angular 
fragments  of  rock  sometimes  afforded  a  rough  pathway  for  our 
mules,  but  generally  we  rode  along  the  shelving  side,  occa 
sionally  scrambling  up,  at  a  considerable  risk  of  tumbling  back 
into  the  lake.  The  pines  grew  densely  together,  and  the  ground 
was  covered  with  the  branches  and  trunks  of  trees.  The  air 
was  fragrant  with  the  odor  of  the  pines;  and  I  realized  this 
delightful  morning  the  pleasure  of  breathing  that  mountain 
air  which  makes  a  constant  theme  of  the  hunter's  praise,  and 
which  now  made  us  feel  as  if  we  had  all  been  drinking  some 
exhilarating  gas.  The  depth  of  this  unexplored  forest  was  a 
place  to  delight  the  heart  of  a  botanist.  There  was  a  rich 
undergrowth  of  plants,  and  numerous  gay-colored  flowers  in 
brilliant  bloom." 

The  region  which  the  mountain  expedition  was  now  in,  pre 
sented  many  wild  and  romantic  features.  The  position  was 
very  elevated,  and  in  the  valley  below,  and  among  the  hills, 
were  a  number  of  lakes  at  different  levels,  some  two  or  three 
hundred  feet  above  others  with  which  they  communicated  by 
foaming  torrents.  Even  to  this  great  height,  the  roar  of  the 
cataracts  came  up,  and  the  bold  explorer  could  see  them  leaping 
down  in  lines  of  snowy  foam.  On  the  thirteenth  of  August, 
Fremont  determined  to  ascend  the  most  elevated  peak.  For 


OR,    THE    BOEDER    WARS    OF    TWO    CENTURIES.  375 

this  purpose  lie  left  the  animals,  and  continued  on  foot.  The 
peak  appeared  so  near,  that  there  was  no  doubt  of  their  return 
ing  before  night;  and  a  few  men  were  left  in  charge  of  the 
mules,  with  the  provisions  and  blankets.  They  took  with 
them  nothing  but  their  arms  and  instruments,  and,  as  the  day 
had  become  warm,  the  greater  part  left  their  coats.  They  were 
soon  involved  in  the  most  ragged  precipices,  nearing  the  cen 
tral  chain  very  slowly,  and  rising  but  little.  The  first  ridge 
hid  a  succession  of  others;  and  when,  with  great  fatigue,  and 
difficulty,  they  had  climbed  up  five  hundred  feet,  it  was  but  to 
make  an  equal  descent  on  the  other  side;  all  these  intervening 
places  were  filled  with  small  deep  lakes,  which  met  the  eye  in 
every  direction,  descending  from  one  level  to  another,  some 
times  under  bridges  formed  by  huge  fragments  of  granite, 
beneath  which  was  heard  the  roar  of  the  water.  These  con 
stantly  obstructed  their  path,  forcing  them  to  make  long 
detours;  frequently  obliged  to  retrace  their  steps,  and  fre 
quently  falling  among  the  rocks.  Maxwell  was  precipitated 
toward  the  face  of  a  precipice,  and  saved  himself  from  going 
over  by  throwing  himself  flat  on  the  ground.  They  clambered 
on,  always  expecting,  with  every  ridge  that  they  crossed,  to 
reach  the  foot  of  the  peaks,  and  always  disappointed,  until 
about  four  o'clock,  when,  pretty  well  worn  out,  they  reached 
the  shore  of  a  little  lake,  in  which  there  was  a  rocky  island. 
They  remained  here  a  short  time  to  rest,  and  continued  on 
around  the  lake,  which  had  in  some  places  a  beach  of  white 
sand,  and  in  others  was  bound  with  rocks,  over  which  the  way 
was  difficult  and  dangerous,  as  the  water  from  innumerable 
springs  made  them  yery  slippery. 

By  the  time  they  had  reached  the  further  side  of  the  lake, 
they  found  themselves  all  exceedingly  fatigued,  and,  much  to 
the  satisfaction  of  the  whole  party,  they  encamped.  The  spot 
they  had  chosen  was  a  broad  flat  rock,  in  some  measure  pro 
tected  from  the  winds  by  the  surrounding  crags,  and  the  trunks 
of  fallen  pines  afforded  them  good  fires. 

On  the  following  day,  Fremont  informs  us  in  his  report, 
that  as  they  advanced,  they  heard  "  the  roar  of  waters  and  of 


ADVENTURES    OF    FREMONT    AND    KIT    CARSON! 

a  torrent,   which    we   followed   up  a  short  distance,  until  it 
expanded  into  a  lake  about  one  mile  in  length. 

"  On  the  northern  side  of  the  lake  was  a  bank  of  ice,  or  rather 
of  snow  covered  with  a  crust  of  ice.  Carson  had  been  our 
guide  into  the  mountains,  and,  agreeably  to  his  advice,  we  left 
this  little  valley,  and  took  to  the  ridges  again;  which  we  found 
extremely  broken,  and  wiiere  we  were  again  involved  among 
precipices.  Here  were  ice  fields;  among  which  we  were  all 
dispersed,  seeking  each  the  best  path  to  ascend  the  peak.  Mr. 
Preuss  attempted  to  walk  along  the  upper  edge  of  one  of  these 
fields,  which  sloped  away  at  an  angle  of  about  twenty  degrees ; 
but  his  feet  slipped  from  under  him,  and  he  went  plunging 
down  the  plani.  A  few  hundred  feet  below,  at  the  bottom, 
were  some  fragments  of  sharp  rock,  on  which  he  landed ;  and 
though  he  turned  a  couple  of  somersaults,  fortunately  received 
no  injury  beyond  a  few  bruises.  Two  of  the  men  Clement 
Lambert  and  Descoteaux,  had  been  taken  ill,  and  lay  down  on 
the  rocks  a  short  distance  below;  and  at  this  point  I  was 
attacked  with  headache  and  giddiness,  accompanied  by  vomit 
ing,  as  on  the  day  before.  Finding  myself  unable  to  proceed, 
I  sent  the  barometer  over  to  Mr.  Preuss,  who  was  in  a  gap  two 
or  three  hundred  yards  distant,  desiring  him  to  reach  the  peak,, 
if  possible,  and  take  an  observation  there.  He  found  himself 
unable  to  proceed  further  in  that  direction,  and  took  an  obser 
vation,  where  the  barometer  stood  at  19.401;  attached  ther 
mometer  50°,  in  the  gap.  Carson,  who  had  gone  over  to  him,, 
succeeded  in  reaching  one  of  the  snowy  summits  of  the  main 
ridge,  whence  he  saw  the  peak  towards  which  all  our  efforts  had 
been  directed,  towering  eight  or  ten  hundred  feet  into  the  air 
above  him.  In  the  meantime,  finding  myself  growing  rather 
worse  than  better,  and  doubtful  how  far  my  strength  would 
3arry  me,  I  sent  Basil  Lajeunesse,  with  four  men,  back  to  the 
place  where  the  mules  had  been  left.  We  were  now  better 
acquainted  with  the  topography  of  the  country,  and  I  directed 
him  to  bring  back  with  him,  if  it  were  in  any  way  possible, 
four  or  five  mules,  with  provisions  and  blankets.  With  me 
were  Maxwell  and  Ayer;  and  after  we  had  remained  nearly  an 
hour  on  the  rock,  it  became  so  unpleasantly  cold,  though  the 


OK,    THE    BORDER    WARS    OF    TWO    CENTURIES.  377 

day  was  bright,  that  we  set  out  on  our  return  to  the  camp,  at 
which  we  all  arrived  safely,  straggling  in  one  after  the  other. 
I  continued  ill  during  the  afternoon,  but  became  better  towards 
sundown,  when  my  recovery  was  completed  by  the  appearance 
of  Basil  and  four  men,  all  mounted.  The  men  who  had  gone 
with  him  had  been  too  much  fatigued  to  return,  and  were 
relieved  by  those  in  charge  of  the  horses;  but  in  his  powers  of 
endurance  Basil  resembled  more  a  mountain  goat  than  a  man. 
They  brought  blankets  and  provisions,  and  we  enjoyed  well  our 
dried  meat  and  a  cup  of  good  coffee.  We  rolled  ourselves  up 
in  our  blankets,  and  with  our  feet  turned  to  a  blazing  fire,  slept 
soundly  until  morning." 

On  the  morning  of  the  fifteenth  of  August,  after  having 
abandoned  the  idea  of  reaching  the  highest  peak,  and  after  Kit 
Carson,  with  his  party,  had  set  out  for  the  camp,  the  brave 
leader  made  another  attempt  to  gain  the  summit,  and  was  this 
'time  successful.  The  peak  was  found  to  be  thirteen  thousand 
five  hundred  feet  above  the  waters  of  the  Gulf  of  Mexico. 
This  lofty  pinnacle  has  been  appropriately  called  Fremont's 
Peak. 

As  the  brave  Colonel  stood  upon  this  lofty  mountain  peak, 
his  view  was  full  of  the  deepest  interest.  He  says :  "  On  one 
side  was  Wind  river  valley,  where  were  the  heads  of  the  Yellow 
stone  branch  of  the  Missouri;  far  to  the  north,  we  just  could 
discover  the  snowy  heads  of  the  Trois  Tetons,  where  were  the 
sources  of  the  Missouri  and  Columbia  rivers;  and  at  the 
southern  extremity  of  the  ridge,  the  peaks  were  plainly  visible, 
among  which  were  some  of  the  springs  of  the  Nebraska  and 
Platte  rivers.  Around  us,  the  whole  scene  had  one  main 
striking  feature,  which  was  that  of  terrible  convulsion.  Par 
allel  to  its  length,  the  ridge  was  split  into  chasms  and  fissures; 
between  which  rose  the  thin  lofty  walls,  terminated  with 
slender  minarets  and  columns.  According  to  the  barometer, 
the  little  crest  of  the  wall  on  which  we  stood  was  three  thou 
sand  five  hundred  and  seventy  feet  above  that  place,  and  two 
thousand  seven  hundred  and  eighty  above  the  little  lakes  at 
the  bottom,  immediately  at  our  feet." 

Having  made  all  the  observations  necessary,  the   Colonel 


378  ADVENTURES    OF   FREMONT    AND    KIT    CARSON : 

began  the  descent,  having  accomplished  an  object  of  laudable 
ambition,  and,  indeed,  beyond  the  strict  order  of  his  instruc 
tion.  He  had  climbed  to  the  loftiest  peak  of  the  Rocky 
Mountains,  and  looked  down  upon  the  snow  a  thousand  feet 
below,  and,  standing  where  never  human  foot  had  stood  before, 
justly  felt  the  exultation  of  first  explorers."* 

Of  the  descent  he  says:  "We  reached  our  deposite  of  pro 
visions  at  nightfall.  Here  was  not  the  inn  which  awaits  the 
tired  traveler  on  his  return  from  Mont  Blanc,  or  the  orange 
groves  of  South  America,  with  their  refreshing  juices  and  soft 
fragrant  air;  but  we  found  our  little  cache  of  dried  meat  and 
coffee  undisturbed.  Though  the  moon  was  bright,  the  road 
was  full  of  precipices,  and  the  fatigue  of  the  day  had  been 
great.  We  therefore  abandoned  the  idea  of  joining  our  friends, 
and  lay  down  on  the  rock,  and,  in  spite  of  the  cold,  slept 
soundly." 

Fremont  and  his  party  reached  the  main  camp  on  the  even 
ing  of  the  sixteenth,  where  they  found  all  enjoying  peace  and 
quiet,  and,  on  the  following  morning,  he  gave  the  order  for  the 
homeward  march,  which  was  received  with  joy.  They  trav 
eled  on,  hungry  and  foot  sore,  until  the  nineteenth,  when 
buffaloes  again  made  their  appearance,  and  in  the  evening, 
when  they  halted,  at  the  Sweet  Water,  roasted  ribs  made  their 
appearance  around  their  fires,  and,  with  them,  good  humor  and 
laughter  and  song  were  restored  to  the  camp.  After  a  long,  and, 
in  some  respects,  pleasant  journey,  the  expedition  arrived  at 
Fort  Laramie  and  thence  to  the  settlements  on  the  frontiers  of 
Missouri  on  the  first  of  October,  after  an  absence  of  six  months. 

*  Fremont's  Report. 


CHAPTEK    XLIX. 

SKETCH  OF  KIT  CARSON  —  His  EARLY  ADVENTURES  —  His  FIRST  VISIT 
TO  THE  FAR  WEST  —  HE  DISTINGUISHES  HIMSELF  AS  A  HUNTER, 
GUIDE,  AND  SCOUT — His  ADVENTURES  ON  THE  SACRAMENTO  —  MR. 
YOUNG'S  TRAPPING  PARTY. 

LEAVING  Col.  Fremont  among  his  friends  in  the  settlements 
of  civilization,  let  us  return  to  Fort  Laramie,  where  Kit  Carson 
had  been  left,  and  follow  the  latter  through  some  of  the  vary 
ing  fortunes  which  characterized  his  life,  from  September,  1842, 
until  he  joined  Fremont's  second  expedition,  in  1843. 

Carson  had  evidently  won  the  highest  esteem  of  Fremont, 
and  in  the  performance  of  the  double  duty  of  guide  and  hunter 
for  the  expedition,  he  had  rendered  valuable  service,  which 
may  be  considered  as  fruitful  to  his  employer's  success.  At  this 
point  I  will  carry  the  reader  back  a  few  years  for  the  purpose 
of  glancing  at  some  of  the  more  important  events  in  the  early 
life  of  this  bold  and  sagacious  mountaineer.  Christopher 
Carson  was  born  in  Kentucky,  in  1809.  When  an  infant,  his 
parents  migrated  to  the  frontier  settlements  of  Missouri,  where 
they  lived  in  a  little  log  house  which  has  been  already  men 
tioned  in  a  previous  chapter.  At  an  early  age  he  was  appren 
ticed  to  a  harness-maker,  with  whom  he  remained  two  years, 
when,  becoming  enticed  by  the  thrilling  accounts  of  the  wild 
life  in  the  West,  he  resolved  to  throw  off  the  restraint  of  civil 
ization  and  share  in  the  sports  of  the  buffalo  hunt,  with  the 
Indians,  trappers,  and  mountaineers  of  "  the  unexplored 
regions  toward  the  setting  sun."  Joining  an  expedition  in 
1826,  he  was  soon  in  the  country  of  the  prairies,  where  the 
Indian  chief  held  dominion.  The  route  lay  across  the  western 
country  to  Santa  Fe.  Game  was  abundant,  and  the  youthful 
Kit  had  a  good  opportunity  for  testing  his  ability  as  a  hunter. 

(379) 


380  ADVENTURES    OF    FKKMONT    AND    KIT    CARSON  I 

In  the  course  of  the  journey  one  of  the  men  was  accidentally 
shot  through  the  arm,  and  amputation  being  necessary,  Kit 
Carson  was  called  upon  to  perform  the  surgical  operation, 
which  he  executed  with  good  success.  In  November  the  party 
arrived  at  Santa  Fe,  having  experienced  nothing  very  remarka 
ble  during  the  journey.  Soon  after  their  arrival,  Carson  left 
his  companions  and  visited  Taos,  a  Mexican  town  in  the  terri 
tory  of  New  Mexico.  At  this  place  he  commenced  the  study 
of  the  Spanish  language  under  the  instruction  of  Kin  Cade. 
In  this  undertaking  he  was  quite  successful. 

At  length  poverty  compelled  him  to  attempt  the  return  to 
Missouri,  which  he  had  half  accomplished  when  he  fell  in  with 
a  westward  bound  expedition  in  which  he  was  offered  employ 
ment.  This  he  gladly  accepted,  and  at  once  began  to  retrace 
his  steps  to  Santa  Fe.  He  had  not  been  long  at  the  latter  place 
before  he  again  found  himself  out  of  employment  and  in  great 
want.  At  this  critical  moment  he  joined  a  party  that  was 
going  to  El  Paso.  He  completed  the  journey  to  this  place,  and 
then  returned  to  Taos,  where  he  entered  into  the  service  of  Mr. 
Ewing  Young,  a  trader  and  trapper,  performing  the  duties  of 
master  cook  for  the  consideration  of  his  board  only.  In  this 
way  the  persevering  Kit  supported  himself  until  the  spring 
of  1828,  when,  saddened  with  ill-success,  he  again  joined  a 
returning  party,  and  set  out  for  Missouri;  but,  as  on  the  trip 
of  the  previous  year,  he  met  a  party  bound  for  Santa  Fe,  and 
again  engaged  to  turn  his  face  westward,  hoping,  it  is  said,  to 
meet  with  an  opportunity  of  going  to  the  Kocky  Mountains. 
Arriving  at  Santa  Fe,  Kit  obtained  employment  from  Col. 
Tromell,  a  well  known  trader,  in  the  capacity  of  Spanish  inter 
preter.  With  his  new  master  he  set  out  for  Chihuahua,  one 
of  the  Mexican  states.  But,  as  we  have  seen,  his  hard  fortunes 
were  continually  changing.  At  the  latter  place  he  engaged  as 
teamster  with  Mr.  Kobert  McKnight,  in  company  with  whom 
he  visited  the  copper  mines  near  theRioGila.  ISTot  with  stand 
ing  these  vicissitudes,  Carson  had  long  since  determined  to 
become  a  hunter  and  trapper,  and  was  only  awaiting  an  oppor 
tunity  to  join  a  party  in  this  pursuit. 

He  remained  at  the  copper  mines  but  a  short  time,  when  he 


OK,    THE   BOEDER    WARS    OF    TWO    CENTURIES.  381 

returned  to  Taos,  where  he  met  a  small  party  of  trappers  who 
had  been  defeated  by  a  band  of  hostile  Indians  and  driven  to 
this  point.  "The  party  had  been  in  the  employ  of  Mr.  Young, 
with  whom  Kit  had  formerly  worked,  and  that  gentleman  now 
set  about  raising  a  party  of  forty  men,  consisting  of  Canadians, 
Frenchmen  and  Americans.  Among  the  latter,  of  course,  we 
find  our  hero.  Mr.  Young  placed  himself  at  the  head  of  this 
party,  and  started  out  with  the  intention  of  chastising  the 
Indians,  and  making  all  he  could  out  of  the  expedition  by 
employing  the  men  as  trappers.  It  was  on  the  twenty-ninth 
of  April  that  the  party  left  Taos.  They  journeyed  northward 
about  fifty  miles  for  the  purpose  of  leading  the  Mexicans  to 
believe  that  they  were  bound  for  the  United  States,  but  after 
proceeding  thus  far  they  changed  their  course  to  the  southwest 
and  passed  through  the  wilds  of  the  Navajoes,  a  ferocious 
tribe  of  Indians,  over  whom,  as  we  shall  see  in  the  course  of  our 
narrative,  Kit  Carson  at  a  later  day  achieved  a  decisive  victory. 
The  reasons  which  led  this  party  to  deceive  the  Mexicans  as  to 
their  destination  were  that  all  such  expeditions,  before  being 
permitted  to  hunt  on  Mexican  soil  must  procure  the  necessary 
license,  and  as  the  latter  could  not  be  granted  to  American 
citizens,  the  course  pursued  by  Mr.  Young  is  obvious. 

As  they  journeyed  along  the  unexplored  regions  of  this 
country,  they  passed  through  Zuni,  a  Pueblo  village,  and  thence 
to  the  Salt  river,  one  of  the  tributaries  of  the  Bio  Gila.  On 
the  banks  of  this  stream  they  discovered  the  band  of  Indians 
who  had  routed  the  party  already  mentioned.  The  parties  had 
no  sooner  discovered  each  other  than  preparations  for  the 
battle  began  on  both  sides.  Mr.  Young  ordered  most  of  his 
men  to  lie  in  ambush,  believing  that  the  enemy  were  ignorant 
of  his  strength.  His  plan  was  successful.  JSTo  sooner  had  the 
whites  halted  to  prepare  their  ambuscade  than  the  savages, 
under  the  impression  that  the  invaders  were  about  to  retreat, 
made  a  rush  upon  them.  When  they  had  approached  fully 
within  the  trap  which  had  been  set  for  them,  they  were  greeted 
with  a  heavy  cross-fire  from  Young's  party.  Fifteen  warriors 
fell  dead  upon  the  spot,  and  the  rest  fled  in  utter  confusion. 
This  was  the  first  Indian  light  in  which  Kit  Carson  partici- 


382  ADVENTURES    OF   FREMONT   AND    KIT    CARSON: 

pated,  and  it  was  well  calculated  to  arouse  his  love  for  the 
hunter's  life. 

The  party  proceeded  in  comparative  peace  to  trap  on  Salt 
river,  until  they  reached  the  head  waters  of  the  San  Francisco 
river,  when  the  expedition  was  divided.  One  party,  in  which 
Kit  Carson  enlisted,  set  out  for  the  valley  of  the  Sacramento, 
in  California;  the  other  started  on  the  return  trip.  The  former, 
which  was  commanded  by  Mr.  Young,  consisted  of  twenty 
persons.  Before  starting  for  this  unexplored  country  they 
spent  several  days  in  hunting,  in  order  to  lay  in  a  store  of 
meat  for  the  journey.  They  also  provided  themselves  with  two 
large  tanks  of  water,  as,  according  to  reports,  there  was  none  to 
be  found  on  their  route.  During  the  first  four  days  of  their 
journey  they  found  this  to  be  true;  but  on  the  fifth  day  they 
came  to  a  delightful  stream,  where  they  rested.  Leaving 
this  place  they  traveled  on  over  a  desert  country  for  several 
days,  when  at  length  they  came  in  sight  of  the  great  canon  of 
the  Colorado.  While  on  the  banks  of  this  river  they  met  a 
band  of  Indians  who  inhabited  that  country,  and  from  them 
they  purchased  a  horse,  which  they  killed  and  served  up  to  the 
tired  men.  The  half  famished  travelers  regarded  this  feast  as 
a  great  blessing. 

After  a  journey  of  many  days,  in  which  they  met  several 
small  bands  of  Indians,  who  gave  them  the  most  exciting 
accounts  of  the  wonders  of  the  Sacramento  valley,  they  reached 
the  mission  of  San  Gabriel,  where  they  found  a  priest,  fifteen 
or  twenty  Mexican  soldiers  and  more  than  a  thousand  Indians. 
We  are  informed  that  this  little  settlement  owned  eighty  thou 
sand  head  of  cattle,  fine  fields  and  extensive  vineyards.  At 
this  place  Mr.  Young  exchanged  four  butcher  knives  for  a  fat 
ox.  Another  day's  march  brought  our  adventurers  to  a  Cath 
olic  mission  named  San  Fernando.  After  resting  the  party 
several  days  at  this  mission,  they  started  for  the  San  Joaquim 
river,  where  they  hoped  to  meet  the  beaver;  and  in  this  hope 
they  were  not  disappointed.  They  succeeded  in  procuring  a 
fine  lot  of  skins  which  Mr.  Young  sold  at  a  neighboring  post, 
and  with  the  proceeds  he  purchased  a  number  of  horses.  These 
had  been  in  the  camp  but  a  short  time  when  sixty  of  them 


OB,    THE    BORDER    WARS    OF   TWO    CENTURIES.  383 

were  stolen  by  the  Indians.  As  soon  as  the  robbery  was  dis 
covered  Kit  Carson  was  ordered  to  pursue  the  thieves  with  the 
twelve  remaining  horses  and  as  many  men.  He  at  once  started 
for  the  Sierra  Nevada  mountains,  to  which  the  trail  of  the 
Indians  led  him.  When  he  overtook  the  guilty  party  he  found 
them  feasting  upon  horse  flesh,  several  of  the  stolen  animals 
having  been  killed  for  that  purpose.  Not  being  observed  he 
approached  as  near  as  possible  without  being  discovered,  and 
arranging  his  men  in  order,  the  party  of  twelve  charged  upon 
the  Indians.  Eight  of  the  warriors  were  killed  in  their  tracks, 
the  rest  escaping  in  many  directions.  But  the  best  part  of 
Carson's  success  was,  he  succeeded  in  recovering  all  the  horses 
except  those  which  had  been  killed  for  the  feast. 

The  party  continued  their  hunting  with  good  success  until 
September,  when  they  commenced  their  homeward  march. 
After  a  long  and  tedious  journey  they  reached  the  banks  of  the 
Colorado,  where  they  encamped  for  a  little  rest  preparatory  to 
completing  the  journey.  Here  they  wrere  visited  by  five  hun 
dred  Indians,  who,  although  professing  friendship,  were  dis 
covered  to  be  armed  with  weapons  which  they  had  concealed 
under  their  robes.  The  whites  were  now,  indeed,  in  a  serious 
situation ;  but  at  length  Carson  found  a  man  who  could  speak 
the  Spanish  language,  and  through  him  he  ordered  the  Indians 
"  to  leave  the  camp.  In  the  event  of  their  not  doing  so  imme 
diately,  he  and  his  friends  would,  without  further  parley,  com 
mence  hostilities,  and  would  be  sure  each  in  killing  his  man, 
although  they  might  all,  in  the  end,  lose  their  own  lives." 
The  Indians  being  now  certain  that  in  case  they  attacked  the 
party  some  of  their  own  number  would  lose  their  lives,  departed 
at  once,  leaving  the  little  band  once  more  at  peace.  It  is  hardly 
necessary  to  say  that  for  this  bold  expedient  Carson  received 
the  thanks  of  his  comrades. 

After  encountering  several  bands  of  hostile  Indians  and 
taking  from  them  many  horses  which  they  had  stolen,  Mr. 
Young's  party  arrived  at  the  copper  mines,  on  the  Gila,  where 
they  concealed  the  large  quantity  of  furs  they  had  taken. 
From  this  place  the  party  went  to  Santa  Fe,  where  they  pur 
chased  licenses  to  trade  with  the  Indians  who  lived  about  the 


384  ADVENTURES    OF    FREMONT    AND    KIT    CARSON! 

copper  mines.  By  the  use  of  these  papers  they  secured  their 
furs,  carried  them  to  Santa  Fe,  and,  under  pretence  of  having 
purchased  them  from  the  Indians,  sold  them  without  creating 
the  slightest  suspicion. 


CHAPTEE    L. 

SKETCH  OF  KIT  CARSON  CONTINUED  —  DESCRIPTION  OF  THE  MOUNTAIN 
PARKS  —  PURSUING  HORSE  THIEVES  —  NINE  HUNTERS  DEFEAT  FIFTY 
INDIAN  WARRIORS  — KIT  CARSON  WOUNDED— THE  DUEL. 

IN  THE  fall  of  1830  we  find  Kit  Carson  connected  with  a 
trapping  party,  which  began  its  operations  on  the  Salmon 
river.  They  remained  at  this  place  throughout  the  winter, 
losing  four  of  their  men,  who  were  killed  by  the  Blackfeet  Indi 
ans.  In  the  spring  they  went  to  Snake  River,  where  they 
continued  trapping.  This  is  one  of  the  most  delightful  places 
in  the  wilds  of  the  Great  West.  Among  the  many  attractions 
are  the  Shoshonee  Falls,  which  are  said  to  excel  the  great  cat 
aract  of  Niagara  in  many  respects.  From  this  place  the  party 
journeyed  to  the  South  Park. 

There  are  many  of  these  parks  in  the  Rocky  Mountains, 
being  more  particularly  found  in  the  great  mountain  centre  of 
Colorado.  They  are  in  many  respects  not  unlike  the  great 
parks  of  civilization;  but  in  other  particulars  nature  has 
excelled  art.  They  are  beautiful  beyond  description.  Many 
of  them  are  small,  suitable  for  small  excursion  parties,  but 
three  or  four  of  them  are  very  large— equal  in  territory  and 
extent  to  the  State  of  Massachusetts.  These  are  the  North 
Park,  Middle  Park,  South  Park,  and  San  Luis  Park.  Here, 
upon  the  green,  well-watered  bosom  of  these  delightful  gar 
dens,  the  traveler  will  find  a  great  abundance  of  deer,  antelope, 
and  elk,  and  along  the  grassy  borders  of  the  running  brooks 
one  may  see  plenty  of  otter  and  beaver.  It  was  in  these 
delightful  spots  where  Kit  Carson  spent  a  short  season  as  a 
hunter. 

But  Kit  was  a  roving  mortal,  and  as  we  have  many  import- 
25  (385) 


386        ADVENTURES  OF  FREMONT  AND  KIT  CARSON  I 

ant  scenes  in  border  warfare  yet  to  record,  it  will  be  impossible 
to  follow  him  in  detail. 

!N"ot  many  months  after  his  visit  to  the  beauties  of  the  parks 
we  hear  the  report  of  his  unerring  rifle  on  the  banks  of 
the  Arkansas  river.  At  this  place  he  spent  a  comfort 
able  winter  with  his  companion  hunters.  In  the  month  of 
January,  however,  there  was  trouble  in  the  camp.  A  party 
of  fifty  Crow  Indians  "  made  an  unfriendly  visit  to  their  camp 
on  one  very  dark  night,"  and  succeeded  in  stealing  nine  of 
their  horses.  The  sun  had  not  fully  risen  on  the  following 
morning  when  the  adventurous  Kit  was  flying  through  the 
forest,  mounted  on  his  favorite  steed,  followed  by  twelve  of  his 
companions.  They  rode  on  hour  after  hour,  and  night  set  in 
with  no  signs  of  the  enemy.  At  length  they  held  a  council, 
and  resolved  to  encamp  for  the  night,  intending  to  pursue  the 
trail  on  the  following  morning.  Selecting  a  tempting  grove 
not  far  in  advance,  they  rode  forward  to  rest  for  the  night;  but 
they  had  not  proceeded  a  hundred  paces  when  wreaths  of  curl 
ing  smoke  broke  upon  their  view.  They  were  upon  the  enemy! 
Halting,  and  scanning  the  distance,  they  observed  that  the 
numbers  of  the  Indians  greatly  exceeded  their  own.  Being 
still  unobserved,  they  concluded  to  settle  quietly  down  until 
the  darkness  closed  in.  "  Then,"  says  Kit,  "  we  will  surprise 
them."  All  agreed.  But  it  was  also  decided  to  change  their 
situation.  They  desired  to  rush  upon  the  enemy  from  the 
direction  in  which  the  savages  were  traveling,  and  for  this  pur 
pose  they  took  a  circuitous  route  around  the  enemy's  camp. 
Approaching  from  the  opposite  direction,  the  bold  frontiersmen 
gained  a  little  eminence,  from  which  they  had  a  full  view  of 
the  Indian  camp.  And  now  let  us  look  in  upon  the  savages 
with  them.  The  stolen  horses  were  secured  to  some  trees  at  a 
little  distance  to  one  side,  while  in  the  camp,  the  savages, 
decorated  in  the  gaudy  finery  of  their  peculiar  dress,  were 
dancing  merrily  in  honor  of  their  successful  robbery.  Every 
one  who  is  acquainted  with  the  history  of  the  Crow  Indians 
knows  that  they  loved  to  steal  horses  second  only  to  taking  the 
scalp  of  an  enemy.  The  night  was  cold,  and  the  mountaineers 
stood  a  little  way  off,  shivering  from  the  weather,  and  half 


OK,    THE    BORDER    WARS    OF   TWO    CENTURIES.  387 

trembling  with  rage ;  but  in  the  Indian  camp  large  fires  were 
burning  brightly,  and  around  them  the  fifty  horse  thieves  were 
celebrating  their  crime.  See  them  as  they  assume  a  hundred 
different  shapes,  any  one  of  which  baffles  all  description;  and 
now  listen  to  the  peals  of  merriment  as  they  break  forth  on 
the  howling  winds,  mingling  their  strange  sounds  with  the 
voice  of  the  tempest.  The  picture  is  one  of  wild  extravagance, 
but  it  is  the  glory  of  the  true  Indian. 

Kit  Carson  probably  looked  first  at  the  horses,  and  then  at 
the  enemy.  The  former  he  must  secure ;  the  latter  he  must 
punish.  But  he  was  as  cautious  as  he  was  brave,  but  he  was 
brave/  Although  at  the  head  of  only  twelve  men,  he  was 
aching  to  attack  fifty  Indian  warriors,  who  had  already  erected 
two  temporary  forts  for  their  defense.  The  angry  mountain 
eers  drew  back  a  little  and  counselled  together.  Each  had 
something  to  propose,  to  all  of  which  our  hero  listened  calmly. 
When  they  had  finished,  he  said,  "  Let  them  have  their  fun 
out.  We  must  surprise  them  after  they  have  fallen  asleep." 
This  was  readily  agreed  to,  and,  after  hours  of  patient  waiting, 
the  festivities  ended,  and  the  Indians  rolled  up  in  their  blan 
kets,  laid  down,  and  were  soon  fast  asleep.  The  first  movement 
was  to  secure  the  horses,  which  they  effected  without  disturb 
ing  the  sleeping  Indians.  These  were  sent  back  in  charge  of 
three  men  to  where  the  other  horses  had  been  secured.  The 
other  nine  remained  to  punish  fifty  warriors,  and  they  per 
formed  their  task  well. 

Before  advancing  toward  the  enemy  a  consultation  was  held, 
in  which  all  but  three  of  the  nine  advocated  a  peaceful  retreat. 
They  pleaded  inequality  of  numbers,  and  other  apparent 
obstacles,  but  Kit  was  not  to  be  persuaded,  and  the  brave  men 
at  last  agreed  to  punish  the  thieves.  As  they  advanced  cau 
tiously  to  where  the  Indians  were  sleeping,  ten  or  twelve  of 
them  were  aroused,  and  springing  to  their  feet,  they  were 
singled  out,  and  in  quick  succession  nine  of  them  fell  back 
upon  their  blankets,  each  mountaineer  having  killed  his  man. 
The  Indians  at  once  retreated  within  the  strongest  fort,  and 
opened  a  hot  fire  upon  the  invaders,  but  as  the  latter  were 
securely  crouched  behind  trees,  the  savages  accomplished  noth- 


388        ADVENTUKES  OF  FREMONT  AND  KIT  CAKSONI 

ing.  At  length  they  became  bold,  and  rushing  out  of  the  fort 
they  made  a  charge  upon  their  enemies,  but  in  this  attempt 
five  more  of  their  number  fell.  They  again  retreated,  but  in  a 
short  time  made  another  sortie,  in  which  they  lost  as  many 
more,  and  succeeded  in  slightly  wounding  three  whites.  But 
the  savages  pushed  forward  to  the  attack,  and  in  a  few  moments 
the  mountaineers  were  compelled  to  retreat,  from  tree  to  tree. 
They,  however,  availed  themselves  of  every  opportunity  to 
shoot  down  the  enemy,  and  in  a  short  time  the  number  of  the 
Indians  was  reduced  to  about  twice  that  of  their  own.  By 
this  time  the  three  men  who  had  been  sent  back  with  the 
horses  came  forward  and  assisted  in  the  contest.  Seeing  this 
reinforcement,  which  proved  fatal  to  three  of  the  savages  (for 
the  new  participants  were  not  satisfied  until  each  had  shot 
down  a  savage),  the  Indians  retreated,  leaving  the  brave  hunters 
in  possession  of  the  field.  Being  now  satisfied  with  the  pun 
ishment  which  they  had  administered  to  the  savages,  they 
returned,  reaching  the  main  camp  in  safety. 

We  shall  next  see  Kit  Carson  in  council  with  the  Indians. 
In  the  winter  of  1832-3  a  party  of  trappers,  among  whom  he 
was  chief,  was  encamped  on  the  banks  of  the  Big  Snake  river, 
where  they  established  winter  quarters.  On  one  dark  night  a 
party  of  Blackfeet  Indians  succeeded  in  stealing  eighteen  of 
the  horses.  On  the  following  morning  Carson  pursued  them 
at  the  head  of  eleven  men.  After  riding  fifty  miles  he  came 
up  with  the  thieves,  when  a  few-  shots  were  exchanged,  the  sav 
ages  sent  out  a  man  who  said  that  the  party  desired  to  hold  a 
council  with  the  whites;  that  they  were  not  aware  of  having 
stolen  horses  from  them,  believing  that  those  which  they  had 
in  their  possession  had  belonged  to  the  Snake  Indians.  Car 
son  consented,  and  both  parties  laid  down  their  arms  and 
advanced,  Speeches  were  now  in  order.  The  Blackfeet  pre 
ceded  the  whites,  but  their  speeches  were  meaningless.  But  it 
was  now  Carson's  turn  to  be  heard,  and  he  spoke  to  the  point. 
He  said  that  they  would  not  listen  to  propositions  of  peace 
until  their  property  was  returned.  The  Indians  did  not  intend 
to  return  the  property,  and  hearing  the  demand  several  times 
repeated,  they  gave  the  hunters  to  understand  that  they  would 


OK,    THE    BOEDER   WARS    OF    TWO    CENTURIES.  389 

not  yield.  They  began  to  boast  of  their  numbers  and  strength, 
and  seemed  to  be  ready  for  the  fight.  Carson  now  shouted  "  to 
your  arms! "  and  in  a  moment  the  hunters  were  leaping  over 
the  uneven  ground  towards  their  rifles.  The  Indians  were 
doing  the  same  with  equal  earnestness.  The  fight  was  renewed. 
The  bullets  flew  thick  around  the  heads  of  the  trappers,  and  in 
a  moment  more  Kit  Carson  fell  upon  the  ground  apparently 
lifeless.  His  companions  beheld  this  lamentable  event,  but 
they  dare  not  turn  to  his  relief.  The  fight  was  too  hot,  and  all 
their  attention  was  required  in  the  direction  of  the  enemy.  At 
length  the  firing  ceased,  and  the  hunters  drew  back  retiring  with 
their  fallen  comrade  to  the  carnp,  leaving  the  Indians  in  pos 
session  of  the  horses.  All  were  now  anxious  as  to  the  fate  of 
the  wounded  leader.  His  wound  bled  profusely,  and  as  the 
blood  gushed  out  it  froze  upon  the  wound.  His  sufferings 
were  great,  but  after  patient  endurance  he  recovered.  A  ball 
from  an  Indian  musket  had  pierced  his  left  shoulder. 

But  let  us  return  to  the  event  in  which  Carson  was  wounded. 
It  was  not  enough  that  the  trappers  had  killed  several  Indian 
warriors  and  escaped  with  only  one  wounded,  but  on  the  fol 
lowing  day  it  was  resolved  to  send  another  expedition  upon 
their  trail.  This  party  consisted  of  thirty,  but,  after  scouring 
the  woods  for  nearly  a  hundred  miles  they  were  compelled  to 
return  without  discovering  the  enemy. 

We  next  find  Carson  in  a  duel.  The  trappers  had  congre 
gated  at  the  summer  quarters  and  were  indulging  in  all  kinds 
of  sport.  Among  their  number  was  one  Capt.  Shunan,  a 
boasting  fellow,  who  was  continually  picking  a  quarrel  with  all 
who  came  in  his  way.  He  continued  this  to  the  disgust  of  the 
whole,  and  was  at  length  despised  by  nearly  two- thirds  of  the 
hunters.  One  day  after  having  whipped  two  of  his  comrades 
in  a  fist-fight,  he  happened  in  Carson's  way,  and,  as  with  all,  he 
treated  him  in  a  manner  of  great  discourtesy.  He  was  proba 
bly  not  fully  aware  of  the  man's  courage  and  ability,  for  in 
general  appearance  Carson  was  not  calculated  to  inspire  one 
with  a  high  estimation  of  his  physical  powers.  Shunan  was  a 
very  powerful  man,  and  one  of  the  roughest  of  the  Kocky  Moun 
tain  trappers. 


390  ADVENTURES    OF   FREMONT   AND    KIT    CARSON : 

As  soon  as  the  insulting  words  had  been  uttered,  Kit  Carson 
stepped  up  to  Shunan  and  said:  "Shunan,  before  you  stands 
the  humblest  specimen  of  an  American  citizen  in  this  brave 
band  of  trappers,  among  whom  there  are,  to  my  certain  knowl 
edge,  men  who  could  easily  chastise  you,  but  being  peaceably 
disposed,  they  keep  vaway  from  you.  At  any  rate.  I  assume 
the  responsibility  of  ordering  you  to  discontinue  your  threats, 
or  I  shall  kill  you." 

Shunan  made  no  reply,  but  wheeling  around  he  strode  off 
towards  his  tent  filled  with  rage,  and  fully  resolved  on  revenge. 
He  spoke  to  no  one,  but  his  purpose  was  plain  to  the  expe 
rienced  mountaineers.  Carson  also  turned  away  and  walked 
rapidly  to  his  own  tent.  "A  duel!  "  now  broke  out  upon  the 
air  from  more  than  fifty  voices,  and  all  gathered  round  to  see 
the  contest.  In  a  moment  all  eyes  were  turned  toward  Carson 
who  was  approaching  on  his  matchless  steed  in  full  gallop,  with 
a  single-barrel  dragoon  pistol  in  his  right  hand.  Plunging 
along  on  this  broad  prairie  he  was  a  most  thrilling  picture. 
But  he  had  not  more  than  fully  appeared  before  the  attention 
of  the  crowd  was  divided.  Shunan  was  approaching  on  his 
horse  from  the  opposite  direction  with  his  rifle  in  his  hand. 
The  brave  mountaineers  now  rode  rapidly  towards  each  other, 
and  in  a  moment  they  were  face  to  face.  The  report  of  Shu- 
nan's  rifle,  closely  followed  that  of  Carson's  pistol.  Instantly 
Shunan's  rifle  fell  to  the  ground,  his  fore  arm  having  been 
shattered  by  a  ball.  The  contents  of  his  own  weapon  inflicted 
a  slight  scalp  wound  upon  Carson.  Thus  ended  the  duel. 


CHAPTER    LI. 

SKETCH  OF  KIT  CARSON  CONTINUED  —  His  ADVENTURES  —  HE  AGAIN 
JOINS  FREMONT'S  EXPEDITION  —  DESCRIPTION  OF  FREMONT'S  SECOND 
EXPEDITION  —  ITS  ADVENTURES. 

WE  WILL  not  attempt  to  follow  Carson  through  all  the  details 
of  his  life.  It  would  be  only  repeating  over  and  over  what  we 
have  already  said ;  for,  in  the  life  of  the  mountaineer  we  have 
only  a  series  of  hardships,  interwoven  with  adventures,  escape, 
battle,  victory  and  defeat.  After  Carson  had  endured  sixteen 
years  of  this  life,  he  returned  to  Missouri,  and,  as  we  have  seen, 
joined  Colonel  Fremont  in  1842,  as  guide  to  the  expedition. 
Of  his  adventures  with  Fremont,  we  have  already  had  a  full 
account.  Let  us  now  notice  the  principal  characteristics  of 
his  life  in  the  interim  between  Fremont's  expeditions. 

In  February,  1843,  his  Indian  wife  having  long  since  died, 
Carson  married  a  Mexican  woman  named  Senora  Jarimilla. 
She  was  quite  beautiful,  and  was  admired  by  a  large  circle  of 
friends  for  her  many  virtues.  By  this  wife  Carson  had  three 
children. 

In  the  following  spring  he  was  engaged  as  guide  and  hunter 
for  a  train  of  wagons,  belonging  to  Bent's  Fort.  This  train 
was  bound  for  the  United  States.  When  they  had  reached 
Walnut  Creek,  Carson  came  upon  the  encampment  of  Captain 
Cook,  of  the  United  States  army.  Cook  was  in  command  of 
four  companies  of  dragoons,  and  was  acting  as  a  guard  to  a 
large  train  of  wagons  belonging  to  the  governor  of  New  Mex 
ico,  and  bound  for  that  territory.  The  Mexicans  had  anticipated 
an  attack  from  a  strong  band  of  Texans,  who  were  known  to 
be  hostile  to  tjie  former  on  account  of  difficulties  which  had 
previously  taken  place.  However,  Capt.  Cook's  orders  were  to 
accompany  the  train  only  to  the  boundary  line  between  the 

(391) 


392  ADVENTURES    OF    FREMONT    AND    KIT    CARSON! 

United  States  and  New  Mexico,  which,  at  this  time,  was  at 
the  fording  place  of  the  Arkansas  river.  The  Mexicans  being 
fearful  lest  they  should  be  attacked  by  the  Texans,  on  their 
own  territory,  engaged  Kit  Carson  to  return  to  E"ew  Mexico 
with  all  dispatch,  with  a  message  to  the  governor,  asking  him 
to  send  out  an  expedition  to  guard  his  train.  Carson,  in  the 
execution  of  this  task,  was  compelled  to  encounter  many  hos 
tile  Indians,  but  he  managed  to  evade  them  and  reached  his 
destination  in  safety.  When  Carson  reached  Taos,  he  learned 
that  a  small  detachment  had  already  been  sent  in  search  of  his 
caravan,  and  that  the  governor  himself,  with  a  large  force,  was 
about  to  follow.  The  first  band  encountered  the  Texans  before 
they  came  up  with  the  train,  and  were  all  massacred  but  one. 
It  is  said  that  ninety-nine  Mexicans  fell  in  this  contest.  The 
survivor  returned  with  all  speed  towards  Taos,  but  came  upon 
the  governor's  expedition,  after  a  few  day's  travel,  to  which  he 
reported  the  disaster.  This  news  so  alarmed  the  governor  and 
his  men,  that  they  at  once  returned,  leaving  the  caravan,  as 
they  thought,  to  the  mercy  of  the  furious  Texans. 

Carson  having  performed  his  duty  well,  returned  to  Bent's 
Fort,  where  he  learned  that  Capt.  Cook  had  come  upon  the 
hostile  Texans  in  the  United  States  Territory,  and  had  dis 
armed  them.  While  at  this  place  Carson  learned  that  Colonel 
Fremont  had  passed  that  post  a  few  days  before  his  arrival,  on 
a  second  expedition.  The  mountaineer  wasted  no  time  in  pur 
suing  his  old  companion. 

Let  us  now  go  back  to  the  commencement  of  Fremont's 
journey.  In  pursuance  of  instructions  from  Col.  J.  J.  Abert, 
chief  of  the  corps  of  Topographical  Engineers,  to  connect  his 
former  surveys  of  1842  with  those  of  Wilkes,  on  the  coast  of 
the  Pacific  ocean,  so  as  to  give  a  connected  survey  of  the 
middle  of  the  continent,  Fremont  proceeded  to  the  Western 
frontier  early  in  the  spring  of  1843,  arriving  at  the  town  of 
Kansas,  in  Missouri,  on  the  seventeenth  of  May,  where  he 
remained  about  two  weeks  in  making  the  necessary  prepara 
tions.  The  party  which  he  collected  for  the  expedition 
consisted  of  Creoles,  Canadian  French  and  Americans,  amount 
ing  in  all  to  thirty-nine  men,  among  whom  were  several  who 


OK,    THE    BOEDER    WARS    OF    TWO    CENTURIES.  393 

accompanied  him  on  the  former  expedition.  Mr.  Thomas 
Fitzpatrick,  a  famous  mountaineer,  was  engaged  as  guide. 
Among  the  members  of  the  party  were  two  Delaware  Indians, 
who  had  been  employed  to  accompany  the  expedition  as 
hunters.  The  famous  Maxwell,  who  had  been  Fremont's 
favorite  hunter  on  the  previous  journey,  was  also  engaged  in 
the  same  capacity  for  the  present  expedition. 

The  party  was  armed  with  Hall's  carbines,  which,  witv 
a  brass  twelve  pound  howitzer,  had  been  furnished  by  the 
United  States  government.  Three  men  were  detailed  for  the 
management  of  this  piece,  under  the  charge  of  Louis  Zindel,  a 
native  of  Germany,  who  had  been  nineteen  years  a  non-commis 
sioned  officer  of  artillery  in  the  Prussian  army,  and  regularly 
instructed  in  the  duties  of  his  profession.  The  camp  equipage 
and  provisions  were  transported  in  twelve  carts,  drawn  each  by 
two  mules;  and  a  light  covered  wagon,  mounted  on  good 
springs,  had  been  provided  for  the, gafer  carriage  of  the  instru 
ments. 

To  make  the  exploration  as  useful  as  possible,  Fremont 
determined,  in  conformity  to  general  instructions,  to  vary  the 
route  to  the  Eocky  Mountains  from  that  followed  in  the  year 
1842.  The  route  then  was  up  the  valley  of  the  Great  Platte 
river  to  the  South  Pass,  in  north  latitude  42° ;  the  route  now 
determined  on  was  up  the  valley  of  the  Kansas  river,,  and  to 
the  head  of  the  Arkansas,  and  to  some  pass  in  the  mountains, 
if  any  could  be  found,  at  the  sources  of  that  river.  By  making 
this  deviation  from  the  former  route,  the  problem  of  a  new 
road  to  Oregon  and  California,  in  a  climate  more  genial,  might 
be  solved;  and  a  better  knowledge  obtained  of  an  important 
river,  and  the  country  it  drained,  while  the  great  object  of  the 
expedition  would  find  its  point  of  commencement  at  the  terr 
mination  of  the  former,  which  was  at  that  great  gate  in  the 
ridge  of  the  Rocky  Mountains  called  the  South  Pass,  and  on 
the  lofty  peak  of  the  mountain  which  overlooks  it,  deemed  the 
highest  peak  in  the  ridge,  and  from  the  opposite  side£  of  which 
four  great  rivers  take  their  rise,  and  flow  to  the  Pacific  or  the 
Mississippi.  Various  obstacles  delayed  their  departure  until 
the  morning  of  the  twenty-ninth  of  April,  when  they  commenced 


394:  ADVENTURES   OF    FREMONT   AND   KIT    CARSON: 

their  long  voyage;  and  at  the  close  of  a  day,  rendered  disagree 
ably  cold  by  incessant  rain,  encamped  about  four  miles  beyond 
the  frontier,  on  the  verge  of  the  great  prairies. 

Resuming  their  journey  on  the  thirty-first,  after  the  delay  of 
a  day  to  complete  their  equipment  and  furnish  themselves  with 
some  of  the  comforts  of  civilized  life,  they  encamped  in  the  even 
ing  at  Elm  Grove,  in  company  with  several  emigrant  wagons, 
constituting  a  party  which  was  proceeding  to  Upper  California, 
under  the  direction  of  Mr.  J.  B.  Childs,  of  Missouri.  The  wagons 
were  variously  freighted  with  goods,  furniture  and  farming 
utensils,  containing,  among  other  things,  an  entire  set  of 
machinery  for  a  mill,  which  Mr.  Childs  designed  erecting  on 
the  Sacramento  river.  The  expedition  was  joined  at  this 
point  by  Mr.  William  Gilpin,  of  Missouri,  who,  intending  this 
year  to  visit  the  settlements  in  Oregon,  was  invited  to  accom 
pany  Fremont. 

Leaving  the  fording  of  the  Kansas  river,  they  pursued  the 
usual  emigrant  route  to  the  mountains,  along  the  southern  side 
of  the  Kansas.  On  the  afternoon  of  the  sixth  of  June,  while 
busily  engaged  in  crossing  a  stream,  the  expedition  was  thrown 
into  confusion  by  the  sudden  arrival  of  Maxwellr  who  entered 
the  camp  at  full  speed,  at  the  head  of  a  war  party  of  Osages, 
with  gay  red  blankets,  and  heads  shaved  to  the  scalp-lock. 
They  had  run  him  a  distance  of  about  nine  miles,  from  a  creek 
on  which  Fremont  had  encamped  the  day  previous,  and  to 
which  Maxwell  had  returned  in  search  of  a  run-away  horse. 
The  Osages  were,  no  doubt,  ignorant  of  the  strength  of  the 
party,  for  they  charged  into  the  camp,  and  drove  off  a  number 
of  the  best  horses.  They  were  soon  overtaken,  and  the  animals 
recovered.  In  speaking  of  the  progress  of  the  journey  from 
this  point,  Fremont  says:  "  We  had  been  gradually  and  regu 
larly  ascending  in  our  progress  westward,  and  on  the  evening 
of  the  fourteenth,  when  we  encamped  on  a  little  creek  in  the 
valley  of  the  Republican,  two  hundred  and  sixty-five  miles  by 
-our  traveling  road  from  the  mouth  of  the  Kansas,  we  were  at 
an  elevation  of  one  thousand  five  hundred  and  twenty  feet. 
That  part  of  the  river  where  we  were  now  encamped  is  called 
by  the  Indians  the  Big  Timber.  Hitherto  our  route  had  been 


OE,    THE    BORDER    WARS    OF    TWO    CENTURIPS.  395 

laborious  and  extremely  slow,  the  unusually  wet  spring  and 
constant  rain  having  so  saturated  the  whole  country  that  it 
was  necessary  to  bridge  every  water  course,  and  for  days  together 
our  usual  march  averaged  only  five  or  six  miles.  Finding  that 
at  such  a  rate  of  travel  it  would  be  impossible  to  comply  with 
your  instructions,  I  determined  at  this  place  to  divide  the  party, 
and,  leaving  Mr.  Fitzpatrick  with  twenty-five  men  in  charge 
of  the  provisions  and  heavier  baggage  of  the  camp,  to  proceed 
myself  in  advance,  with  a  light  party  of  fifteen  men,  taking 
with  me  the  howitzer  and  the  light  wagon  which  carried  the 
instruments." 

Accordingly,  on  the  morning  of  the  sixteenth  of  June,  the 
parties  separated.  On  the  nineteenth  the  advanced  party 
crossed  the  Pawnee  road  to  the  Arkansas,  and  after  a  little 
travel  came  into  the  buffalo  herds.  Here,  also,  prairie  dogs 
were  seen  in  great  abundance.  Their  elevation  was  now 
nineteen  hundred  feet  above  the  level  of  the  sea.  On  the 
twenty-third  of  June  this  party  explored  one  of  the  main 
branches  of  the  Republican  river,  to  which  they  gave  the  name 
of  Prairie  Dog  River.  Their  route  on  the  twenty-fifth  lay  over 
high,  smooth  ridges,  three  thousand  one  hundred  feet  above  the 
sea,  buffalo  in  great  numbers  absolutely  covering  the  face  of 
the  country. 

They  journeyed  on  until  the  first  of  July,  when,  traveling 
along  the  valley  of  the  south  fork  of  the  Platte,  four  thousand 
feet  above  the  level  of  the  sea,  they  caught  a  glimpse  of  Long's 
Peak  and  the  neighboring  mountains,  which  stood  out  into 
the  sky,  grand,  and  luminously  white,  covered  to  their  bases 
with  glittering  snow. 

On  the  evening  of  the  third  of  July  the  expedition  was 
journeying  along  the  partially  overflowed  bottoms  of  the  Platte, 
where  their  passage  stirred  up  swarms  of  mosquitoes,  and 
where  they  came  unexpectedly  upon  an  Indian,  who  was 
perched  on  a  bluff,  curiously  watching  the  movements  of  Fre 
mont's  caravan.  He  belonged  to  a  village  of  the  Sioux,  who 
had  lost  all  their  animals  in  the  severity  of  the  preceding 
winter,  and  were  now  on  their  way  up  the  Bijou  fork  to  beg 
horses  from  the  Arapahoes,  who  were  hunting  buffalo  at  the 


396        ADVENTURES  OF  FREMONT  AND  KIT  CARSON*. 

head  of  that  river.  Several  came  into  Fremont's  camp  at 
noon,  and,  as  they  were  hungry,  as  usual,  they  were  provided 
with  buffalo  meat,  of  which  the  hunters  had  brought  an 
abundant  supply. 

On  the  Fourth  of  July  the  party  arrived  at  Bent's  Fort, 
where  the  proprietors  had  prepared  a  sumptuous  feast  in  honor 
of  the  day.  At  this  place  Fremont  dispatched  Maxwell  to 
Taos  for  the  purpose  of  procuring  mules  and  provisions,  while 
the  expedition  continued  its  course.  On  the  seventh  of  July 
Fremont  reached  the  Arapaho  villages,  which  he  found 
encamped  in  a  beautiful  bottom,  and  consisting  of  over  one 
hundred  and  sixty  lodges.  The  village  appeared  extremely 
populous,  with  a  great  number  of  children.  The  chiefs  were 
congregated  together  for  the  purpose  of  paying  respect  to  the 
strangers,  which  they  did  by  throwing  their  arms  around  their 
necks  and  embracing  them.  Fremont  was  able  to  make  them 
only  a  slight  present,  accounting  for  the  poverty  of  the  gift  by 
explaining  that  his  goods  had  been  left  with  the  heavy  wagons 
in  charge  of  Mr.  Fitzpatrick,  whom  they  knew  by  the  name 
of  the  Broken  Hand.  Though  disappointed  in  obtaining  the 
presents  which  had  been  evidently  expected,  they  behaved  very 
courteously,  and,  after  a  little  conversation,  Fremont  left  them, 
and  continued  on  up  the  river.  They  surprised  a  grizzly  bear 
sauntering  along  the  river;  which,  raising  himself  upon  his 
hind  legs,  took  a  deliberate  survey  of  the  party,  that  did  not 
appear  very  satisfactory  to  him,  and  he  scrambled  into  the  river 
and  swam  to  the  opposite  side. 

During  the  eighth  of  July,  continuing  up  the  Platte,  they 
could  see,  on  their  right,  and  apparently  very  near-— but  really 
eight  miles  from  them — and  two  or  three  thousand  feet  np  the 
valley  in  which  they  were  traveling,  the  snow  clad  peaks  of  the 
Rocky  Mountains. 

After  spending  many  days  in  exploring  that  country,  Fremont 
returned  to  St.  Vrain's  Fort,  reaching  it  on  the  twenty- third 
of  July.  Here  they  met  with  Mr.  Fitzpatrick's  party,  which 
had  been  left  in  charge  of  the  heavy  wagons.  He  also  met 
Kit  Carson  at  this  place,  who  had  brought  with  him  ten  good 
mules  and  the  necessary  pack  saddles.  Mr.  Fitzpatrick  had 
been  at  this  place  over  a  week,  during  which  time  his  men  had 


OR,    THE    BORDER    WARS    OF   TWO    CENTURIES.  397 

been  occupied  in  refitting  the  camp,  and  the  repose  had  been 
very  beneficial  to  his  animals,  which  were  now  in  a  tolerably 
good  condition. 

Fremont,  however,  had  been  unable  to  obtain  any  certain 
information  in  regard  to  the  character  of  the  passes  in  this 
portion  of  the  Rocky  Mountain  range.  They  had  always  been 
represented  as  impracticable  for  carriages,  and  as  extremely 
dangerous.  Of  their  course  of  operations  in  this  emergency, 
Fremont  says:  "  Having  determined  to  try  the  passage  by  a 
pass  through  a  spur  of  the  mountains  made  by  the  Cdche-a- 
la-Poudre  river,  which  rises  in  the  high  bed  of  the  mountains 
around  Long's  Peak,  I  thought  it  advisable  to  avoid  any  encum 
brance  which  would  occasion  detention,  and  accordingly  again 
separated  the  party  into  two  divisions — one  of  which,  under 
the  command  of  Mr.  Fitzpatrick,  was  directed  to  cross  the 
plains  to  the  mouth  of  Laramie  river,  and,  continuing  thence 
its  route  along  the  usual  emigrant  road,  meet  me  at  Fort  Hall, 
a  post  belonging  to  the  Hudson  Bay  Company,  and  situated 
on  Snake  river,  as  it  is  commonly  called  in  the  Oregon  Terri 
tory,  although  better  known  to  us  as  Lewis'  fork  of  the 
Columbia." 

Carson  was  included  in  the  party  which  Fremont  commanded 
in  person.  On  the  afternoon  of  the  twenty-sixth  of  July,  all 
the  arrangements  had  been  completed,  and  the  parties  resumed 
their  respective  routes. 

Fremont's  party  proceeded  westward,  and  finding  the  Cache- 
a-la-Poudre  on  the  morning  of  the  twenty-eighth,  entered  the 
Black  Hills.  Passing  over  a  beautiful  bottom  in  the  afternoon, 
they  reached  a  place  where  the  river  was  shut  up  in  the  hills; 
and,  ascending  a  ravine,  made  a  laborious  and  very  difficult 
passage  around  a  gap,  striking  the  river  again  in  the  evening. 
On  the  following  day  they  were  compelled,  by  the  nature  of 
the  ground,  to  cross  the  river  eight  or  nine  times,  at  difficult, 
deep  and  rocky  fords,  the  stream  running  with  great  force, 
swollen  by  the  rains — a  true  mountain  torrent,  only  forty  or 
fifty  feet  wide.  It  was  a  mountain  valley  of  the  narrowest 
kind — almost  a  chasm ;  and  the  scenery  very  wild  and  beauti 
ful.  Towering  mountains  rose  round  about;  their  sides 


398  ADVENTURES    OF    FREMONT    AND    KIT    CARSON: 

sometimes  dark  with  forests  of  pine,  and  sometimes  with 
lofty  precipices,  washed  by  the  river;  while  below,  as  if  they 
indemnified  themselves  in  luxuriance  for  the  scanty  space,  the 
green  river  bottom  was  covered  with  a  wilderness  of  flowers, 
their  tall  spikes  sometimes  rising  above  the  traveler's  heads  as 
they  rode  among  them.  A  profusion  of  blossoms,  on  a  white 
flowering  vine,  which  was  abundant  along  the  river,  contrasted 
handsomely  with  the  green  foliage  of  the  trees.  The  mountain 
appeared  to  be  composed  of  a  greenish  gray  and  red  graiiiter 
which  in  some  places  appeared  to  be  in  a  state  of  decomposi 
tion,  making  a  red  soil.  The  stream  was  wooded  with  cotton- 
wood,  box  elder  and  cherry,  with  current  and  serviceberry 
bushes.  After  a  somewhat  laborious  day,  during  which  it  had 
rained  incessantly,  they  encamped  near  the  end  of  the  pass  at 
the  mouth  of  a  small  creek,  in  sight  of  the  great  Laramie 
plains.  It  continued  to  rain  heavily,  and  at  evening  the  moun 
tains  were  hid  in  mists;  but  there  was  no  lack  of  wood,  and 
the  large  fires  which  they  made  to  dry  their  clothes  were  very 
comfortable;  and  at  night  the  hunters  came  in  with  a  fine  deer. 

On  the  morning  of  the  thirtieth,  they  crossed  the  Oache-a- 
la-Poudre  river  for  the  last  time,  and  entering  a  smooth 
country,  they  traveled  along  a  kind  of  vallon,  bounded  on  the 
right  by  red  buttes  and  precipices,  while  to  the  left  a  high 
rolling  country  extended  to  a  range  of  the  Black  Hills,  beyond 
which  rose  the  great  mountains  around  Long's  Peak.  By  the 
great  quantity  of  snow  visible  among  them,  it  had  probably 
snowed  heavily  there  the  previous  day,  while  it  had  rained  on 
them  in  the  valley. 

After  long  and  tedious  travel,  the  party  reached  the  east 
side  of  the  Great  Salt  Lake,  when  Fremont  proceeded  to  explore 
its  borders,  and  many  of  its  islands.  From  this  point  the 
party  journeyed  to  Fort  Hall,  where  they  met  with  the  party 
under  Fitzpatrick.  After  resting  for  a  few  days,  the  expedi 
tion  was  again  divided,  Fremont  preceding  Fitzpatrick  with  a 
small  detachment,  and  journeying  in  the  direction  of  the 
Columbia  river.  On  reaching  the  river  Dallas,  the  party  halted, 
and  Fremont  proceeded  to  Vancouver's  Island,  where  he  pur 
chased  provisions  necessary  for  the  immediate  future.  On  his 


OR,    THE   BOEDER    WARS    OF    TWO    CENTURIES.  399 

return  to  the  party,  he  found  Fitzpatrick  had  arrived,  and  now 
the  whole  expedition  moved  toward  Klamath  Lake,  in  Oregon. 
After  explorirtg  this  lake,  and  the  country  for  several  miles 
around,  the  expedition  started  for  California,  by  the  route  of 
the  mountains.  On  reaching  this  range,  it  was  found  to  be 
covered  with  deep  snow,  and  the  brave  adventurers  suffered 
indescribable  hardships  in  crossing  the  range.  Col.  Fremont, 
in  speaking  of  their  progress  on  the  sixth  of  January,  184:4, 


"  Accompanied  by  Mr.  Fitzpatrick,  I  sat  out  to-day  with  a 
reconnoitering  party,  on  snow  shoes.  We  marched  all  in  single 
file,  tramping  the  snow  as  heavily  as  we  could.  Crossing  the 
open  basin,  in  a  march  of  about  ten  miles  we  reached  the  top 
of  one  of  the  peaks,  to  the  left  of  the  pass  indicated  by  our 
guide.  Far  below  us,  dimmed  by  the  distance,  was  a  large, 
snowless  valley,  bounded  on  the  western  side,  at  the  distance 
of  about  a  hundred  miles,  by  a  low  range  of  mountains,  which 
Carson  recognized  with  delight  as  the  mountains  bordering  the 
coast.  '  There,'  said  he,  i  is  the  little  mountain — it  is  fifteen 
years  ago  since  I  saw  it ;  but  I  am  just  as  sure  as  if  I  had  seen 
it  yesterday.'  Between  us,  then,  and  this  low  coast  range,  was 
the  valley  of  the  Sacramento;  and  no  one  who  had  not  accom 
panied  us  through  the  incidents  of  our  life  for  the  last  few 
months  could  realize  the  delight  with  which  at  last  we  looked 
down  upon  it.  At  the  distance  of  apparently  thirty  miles 
beyond  us  were  distinguished  spots  of  prairie;  and  a  dark  line, 
which  could  be  traced  with  the  glass,  was  imagined  to  be  the 
course  of  the  river;  but  we  were  evidently  at  a  great  height 
above  the  valley,  and  between  us  and  the  plains  extended  miles 
of  snowy  fields  and  broken  ridges  of  pine-covered  mountains. 
It  was  late  in  the  day  when  we  turned  towards  the  camp;  and 
it  grew  rapidly  cold  as  it  drew  towards  night.  One  of  the  men 
became  fatigued,  and  his  feet  began  to  freeze,  and,  building  a 
fire  in  the  trunk  of  a  dry  old  cedar,  Mr.  Fitzpatrick  remained 
with  him  until  his  clothes  could  be  dried,  and  he  was  in  a  con 
dition  to  come  on.  After  a  day's  march  of  twenty  miles,  we 
straggled  into  camp,  one  after  another,  at  nightfall;  the  greater 
number  excessively  fatigued,  only  two  of  the  party  having 


400  ADVENTURES    OF    FREMONT   AND    KIT    CARSON! 

ever  traveled  on  snow  shoes  before.  All  our  energies  were  now 
directed  to  getting  our  animals  across  the  snow;  and  it  was 
supposed  that,  after  all  the  baggage  had  been  drawn  with  the 
sleighs  over  the  trail  we  had  made,  it  would  be  sufficiently 
hard  to  bear  our  animals.  At  several  places,  between  this 
point  and  the  ridge,  we  had  discovered  some  grassy  spots, 
where  the  wind  and  sun  had  dispersed  the  snow  from  the  sides 
of  the  hills,  and  these  were  to  form  resting  places  to  support 
the  animals  for  a  night  in  their  passage  across.  On  our  way 
across,  we  had  set  on  fire  several  broken  stumps,  and  dried 
trees,  to  melt  holes  in  the  snow  for  the  camps.  Its  general 
depth  was  five  feet;  but  we  passed  over  places  where  it  was 
twenty  feet  deep,  as  shown  by  the  trees.  With  one  party 
drawing  sleighs  loaded  with  baggage,  I  advanced  to-day  about 
four  miles  along  the  trail,  and  encamped  at  the  first  grassy 
spot,  where  we  expected  to  bring  our  horses.  Mr.  Fitzpatrick, 
with  another  party,  remained  behind,  to  form  an  intermediate 
station  between  us  and  the  animals." 

After  great  struggling,  the  party  were,  on  the  twentieth  of 
February,  at  the  foot  of  the  last  range,  having  the  valley  of 
the  Sacramento  before  them.  After  a  short  rest,  they  took  up 
their  line  of  march,  and  on  the  eighth  of  March  arrived  at 
Slitter's  Fort,  the  famous  spot  where  the  first  California  gold 
was  afterwards  discovered.  This  fort  bore  the  name  of  its 
proprietor,  who  received  Fremont  and  his  party  with  due  hos 
pitality. 

Capt.  Sutter,  who  was  a  native  of  Missouri,  reached  California 
in  1838,  and  formed  the  first  settlement  in  the  valley  of  the 
Sacramento,  on  a  large  grant  of  land  which  he  obtained  from 
the  Mexican  government.  He  had,  at  first,  some  trouble  with 
the  Indians;  but,  by  the  occasional  exercise  of  well-timed 
authority,  he  succeeded  in  converting  them  into  a  peaceable 
and  industrious  people.  The  ditches  around  his  extensive 
wheat  fields;  the  making  of  the  sun-dried  bricks,  of  which  his 
fort  was  constructed;  the  plowing,  harrowing  and  other  agri 
cultural  operations,  were  entirely  the  work  of  these  Indians,  for 
which  they  received  a  very  moderate  compensation — principally 
in  shirts,  blankets  and  other  articles  of  clothing.  In  the  same 


OK,    THE    BORDER    WARS    OF    TWO    CENTURIES.  401 

manner,  on  application  to  the  chief  of  a  village,  he  readily 
obtained  as  many  boys  and  girls  as  he  had  any  use  for.  There 
were  at  this  time  a  number  of  girls  at  the  fort,  in  training  for  a 
woolen  factory;  but  they  were  now  all  busily  engaged  in  con 
stantly  watering  the  gardens,  which  the  unfavorable  dryness  of 
the  season  rendered  necessary.  A  few  years  before  Fremont's 
visit  in  1844,  the  neighboring  Russian  establishment  of  Ross, 
being  about  to  withdraw  from  the  country,  sold  to  Capt.  Sutter 
&  large  number  of  stock,  with  agricultural  and  other  stores, 
with  a  number  of  pieces  of  artillery  and  other  munitions  of 
war;  for  these,  a  regular  yearly  payment  was  made  in  grain. 
The  fort  was  a  quadrangular  adobe  structure,  mounting  twelve 
pieces  of  artillery  (two  of  them  brass,)  and  capable  of  admit 
ting  a  garrison  of  a  thousand  men;  this,  in  1844,  consisted  of 
for.ty  Indians,  in  uniform — one  of  whom  was  always  found  on 
duty  at  the  gate.  The  whites  in  the  employment  of  Capt. 
Sutter,  American,  French  and  German,  amounted,  in  this  year, 
perhaps,  to  thirty  men.  The  inner  wall  was  formed  into 
buildings  comprising  the  common  quarters,  with  blacksmith 
and  other  workshops;  the  dwelling  house,  with  a  large  distil 
lery  house,  and  other  buildings,  occupied  more  the  centre  of 
the  area. 

The  fort  was  built  upon  a  pond-like  stream,  at  times  a  run 
ning  creek,  communicating  with  the  Rio  de  los  Americanos, 
which  enters  the  Sacramento  about  two  miles  below.  The 
latter  is  here  a  noble  river,  about  three  hundred  yards  broad, 
deep  and  tranquil,  with  several  fathoms  of  water  in  the  channel, 
and  its  banks  continuously  timbered.  There  were  two  vessels 
belonging  to  Capt.  Sutter  at  anchor  near  the  landing — one  a 
large  two-masted  lighter,  and  the  other  a  schooner,  which  was 
shortly  to  proceed  on  a  voyage  to  Fort  Vancouver  for  a  cargo 
of  goods. 

Before  leaving  Slitter's  Fort,  two  of  Fremont's  party  became 
deranged,  in  consequence  of  their  long  fasting  before  reaching 
this  post.  They  had  indulged  their  appetites  too  freely  when 
plentifully  supplied,  and  thus  brought  on  serious  brain  convul 
sions.  From  this,  however,  they  afterwards  recovered. 

On  the  homeward  route  Fremont  journeyed  up  the  valley  of 
26 


402  ADVENTURES    OF    FREMONT    AND    KIT  CARSON! 

the  San  Joaquin,  crossing  over  the  Sierra  Nevada  and  coast- 
range  of  mountains  at  a  place  where  they  meet,  forming  by 
their  connection  a  good  pass. 

Four  compaiieros  joined  their  guide  at  this  pass.  Descend 
ing  from  the  hills,  the  party  reached  a  country  of  line  grass, 
where  the  erodvum  cicutarium  finally  disappeared,  giving 
place  to  an  excellent  quality  of  bunch  grass.  Passing  bj 
some -springs  wrhere  there  was  a  rich  sward  of  grass  among 
groves  of  large  black  oak,  they  rode  over  a  plain  on  which  the 
guide  pointed  out  a  spot  where  a  refugee  ( Christian  Indian  had 
been  killed  by  a  party  of  soldiers  which  had  unexpectedly 
penetrated  into  the  mountains.  Crossing  a  low  sierra,  and 
descending  a  hollow  where  a  spring  gushed  out,  they  were 
struck  by  the  sudden  appearance  of  yucca  trees,  which  gave  a 
strange  and  southern  character  to  the  country,  and  suited  w^ell 
with  the  dry  and  desert  region  they  were  approaching.  Asso 
ciated  with  the  idea  of  barren  sands,  their  stiff  and  ungraceful 
form  makes  them  to  the  traveller  the  most  repulsive  tree  in 
the  vegetable  kingdom.  Following  the  hollow,  the  party 
shortly  came  upon  a  creek  timbered  with  large  black  oak, 
which  yet  had  not  put  forth  a  leaf.  There  was  a  small  rivulet 
of  running  water,  with  good  grass. 

They  continued  a  short  distance  down  the  creek,  where  the 
guide  informed  them  that  the  water  would  very  soon  disap 
pear,  and  turned  directly  to  the  southward  along  the  foot  of 
the  mountain;  the  trail  on  which  they  rode  appearing  to  mark 
the  eastern  limit  of  travel,  where  water  and  grass  terminated. 
Crossing  a  low  spur,  which  bordered  the  creek,  they  descended 
to  a  kind  of  plain  among  the  lower  spurs ;  the  desert  being  in 
full  view  on  their  left,  apparently  illimitable.  A  hot  mist  lay 
over  it  through  which  it  had  a  white  and  glistening  appear 
ance;  here  and  there  a  few  dry  looking  buttes  and  isolated 
black  ridges  rose  suddenly  upon  it.  "  There,"  said  the  guide, 
stretching  out  his  hand  towards  it,  "  there  are  the  great  llanos, 
(plains;)  there  is  neither  water  nor  grass  —  nothing;  every 
animal  that  goes  out  upon  them,  dies."  It  was  indeed  dismal 
to  look  upon,  and  hard  to  conceive  so  great  a  change  in  so 
short  a  distance.  One  might  travel  the  world  over,  without 


OR,    THE    BORDER    WARS    OF    TWO    CENTURIES.  403 

finding  a  valley  more  fresh  and  verdant  —  more  floral  and 
sylvan  —  more  alive  with  birds  and  animals — more  bounteously 
watered  —  than  that  which  they  had  left  in  the  San  Joaquin: 
here,  within  a  few  miles  ride,  a  vast  desert  plain  spread  before 
them,  from  which  the  boldest  traveler  turned  away  in  despair. 
On  the  twenty-fourth  of  April  the  party  was  surprised  by  the 
appearance  in  the  camp  of  two  Mexicans  —  a  man  and  a  boy. 
The  name  of  the  man  was  Fuentes,  and  that  of  the  boy, 
Hernandez.  They  belonged  to  a  party  of  six  persons,  the 
remaining  four  being  the  wife  of  Fuentes,  the  father  and 
mother  of  Pablo,  and  Santiago  Giacome,  a  resident  of  New 
Mexico.  With  a  cavalcade  of  about  thirty  horses,  they  had 
come  out  from  Puebla  de  los  Angeles,  near  the  coast,  under 
the  guidance  of  Giacome,  in.  advance  of  the  great  caravan,  in 
order  to  travel  more  at  leisure,  and  obtain  better  grass.  Having 
advanced  as  far  into  the  desert  as  was  considered  consistent 
with  their  safety,  they  halted  at  the  Archilette,  one  of  the 
customary  camping  grounds,  about  eighty  miles  from  Fre 
mont's  encampment,  where  there  was  a  spring  of  good  water, 
with  sufficient  grass ;  and  concluded  to  await  there  the  arrival  of 
the  great  caravan.  Several  Indians  were  soon  discovered  lurking 
about  the  camp,  who,  in  a  day  or  two  after,  came  in,  and,  after 
behaving  in  a  very  friendly  manner,  took  their  leave,  without 
awakening  any  suspicions.  In  a  few  days  afterwards,  suddenly 
a  party  of  about  one  hundred  Indians  appeared  in  sight, 
advancing  towards  the  camp.  It  was  too  late,  or  they  seemed 
not  to  have  presence  of  mind  to  take  proper  measures  of  safety; 
and  the  Indians  charged  down  into  their  camp,  shouting  as 
they  advanced,  and  discharging  flights  of  arrows.  Pablo  and 
Fuentes  were  on  horse  guard  at  the  time,  and  mounted,  accord 
ing  to  the  custom  of  the  country.  One  of  the  principal  objects 
of  the  Indians  was  to  get  possession  of  the  horses,  and  part  of 
them  immediately  surrounded  the  band;  but,  in  obedience  to 
the  shouts  of  Giacome,  Fuentes  drove  the  animals  over  and 
through  the  assailants,  in  spite  of  their  arrows;  and,  abandon 
ing  the  rest  to  their  fate,  carried  them  off  at  speed  across  the 
plain.  Knowing  that  they  would  be  pursued  by  the  Indians, 
without  making  any  halt  except  to  shift  their  saddles  to  other 


4:04  ADVENTURES    OF    FREMONT    AND    KIT    CAKSON. 

horses,  they  drove  them  on  for  about  sixty  miles,  and  on  the 
twenty -four  th  of  April  left  them  at  a  watering  place  on  the 
trail,  called  Agua  de  Tomaso.  "Without  giving  themselves 
any  time  for  rest,  they  hurried  on,  hoping  to  meet  the  Spanish 
caravan,  when  they  discovered  Fremont's  camp.  The  Colonel 
received  them  kindly,  taking  them  into  his  own  mess,  and 
promised  them  such  aid  as  circumstances  might  put  it  in  his 
power  to  give. 

On  the  following  day  they  left  the  river  abruptly,  and,  turn 
ing  to  the  north,  regained  in  a  few  miles  the  main  trail,  and 
continued  their  way  across  a  lower  ridge  of  the  mountain, 
through  a  miserable  tract  of  sand  and  gravel,  They  crossed  at 
intervals  the  broad  beds  of  dry  gullies,  where  in  the  season  of 
rains  and  melting  snows  there  would  be  brooks  or  rivulets; 
and  at  one  of  these,  where  there  was  no  indication  of  water, 
were  several  freshly  dug  holes,  in  which  there  was  water  at  the 
depth  of  two  feet.  These  holes  had  been  dug  by  the  wolves, 
whose  keen  sense  of  smell  had  scented  the  water  under  the  dry 
sand.  They  were  nice  little  wells,  narrow,  and  dug  straight 
down,  and  the  travelers  got  pleasant  water  out  of  them. 

The  country  had  now  assumed  the  character  of  an  elevated 
and  mountainous  desert;  its  general  features  being  black,  rocky 
ridges,  bald,  and  destitute  of  timber,  with  sandy  basins  be 
tween.  Where  the  sides  of  these  ridges  were  washed  by  gullies, 
the  plains  below  were  scattered  with  beds  of  large  pebbles  or 
rolled  stones,  destructive  to  soft-footed  animals.  Through 

o 

these  sandy  basins  sometimes  struggled  a  scanty  stream,  or 
occurred  a  hole  of  water,  which  furnished  camping  grounds 
for  travelers.  Frequently  in  their  journey  across,  snow  was 
visible  on  the  surrounding  mountains;  but  their  waters  rarely 
reached  the  sandy  plain  below,  where  the  party  toiled  along, 
oppressed  with  thirst  and  the  burning  sun.  But,  throughout 
this  nakedness  of  sand  and  gravel,  were  many  beautiful  plants 
and  flowering  shrubs,  which  occured  in  many  new  species. 
This  was  a  peculiarity  of  this  desert.  Even  where  no  grass 
would  take  root,  the  naked  sand  would  bloom  with  some  rich 
and  rare  flower,  which  found  its  appropriate  home  in  the  arid 
and  barren  spot.  After  traveling  about  twenty-five  miles, 


OR,    THE    BORDER    WARS    OF    TWO    CENTURIES.  405 

they  arrived  at  the  Agua  de  Tomaso  —  the  spring  where  the 
horses  had  been  left;  but,  as  they  had  expected,  they  were 
gone.  A  brief  examination  of  the  ground  convinced  them  that 
they  had  been  driven  off  by  the  Indians.  Carson  and  Godey 
volunteered  with  the  Mexican  to  pursue  them;  and,  wrell 
mounted,  the  three  set  off  on  the  trail.  At  this  stopping  place 
there  were  a  few  bushes  and  very  little  grass.  Its  water  was 
a  pool;  but  near  by  was  a  spring,  which  had  been  dug  out  by 
Indians  or  travelers.  Its  water  was  cool  —  a  great  refresh 
ment  to  Fremont  under  the  burning  sun. 

In  the  evening  Fuentes  returned,  his  horse  having  failed; 
but  Carson  and  Godey  had  continued  the  pursuit.  In  the 
afternoon  of  the  next  day,  a  war-whoop  was  heard,  such  as 
Indians  make  when  returning  from  a  victorious  enterprise; 
and  soon  Carson  and  Godey  appeared  driving  before  them  a 
band  of  horses,  recognized  by  Fuentes  to  be  part  of  those  they 
had  lost.  Two  bloody  scalps,  dangling  from  the  end  of  Godey 's 
gun,  announced  that  they  had  overtaken  the  Indians  as  well  as 
the  horses.  They  informed  Fremont,  that  after  Fuentes  left 
them,  from  the  failure  of  his  horse,  they  continued  the  pursuit 
alone,  and  towards  nightfall  entered  the  mountains,  into 
which  the  trail  led.  After  sunset  the  moon  gave  light,  and  they 
followed  the  trail  by  moonshine  until  late  in  the  night,  when 
it  entered  a  narrow  defile,  and  was  difficult  to  follow.  Afraid 
of  losing  it  in  the  darkness  of  the  defile,  they  tied  up  their 
horses,  struck  no  fire,  a^id  lay  down  to  sleep  in  silence  and  in 
darkness.  Here  they  lay  from  midnight  till  morning.  At 
daylight  they  resumed  the  pursuit  and  about  sunrise  discovered 
the  horses;  and,  immediately  dismounting  and  tying  up  their 
own,  they  crept  cautiously  to  a  rising  ground  which  intervened, 
from  the  crest  of  which  they  perceived  the  encampment  of 
four  lodges  close  by.  They  proceeded  quietly,  and  had  got 
within  thirty  or  forty  yards  of  their  object,  when  a  movement 
among  the  horses  discovered  them  to  the  Indians ;  giving  the 
war  shout,  they  instantly  charged  into  the  camp,  regardless  of 
the  number  which  the  four  lodges  would  imply.  The  Indians 
received  them  with  a  flight  of  arrows  shot  from  their  long 
bows,  one  of  which  passed  through  Godey's  shirt  collar,  barely 


406  ADVENTUKES    OF    FREMONT    AND    KIT    CARSON  I 

missing  the  neck;  the  two  men  fired  their  rifles  upon  a  steady 
aim,  and  rushed  in.  Two  Indians  were  stretched  on  the 
ground,  fatally  pierced  with  bullets;  the  rest  fled,  except  a  lad 
that  was  captured.  The  scalps  of  the  fallen  were  instantly 
stripped  off;  but  in  the  process,  one  of  them,  who  had  two 
balls  through  his  body,  sprung  to  his  feet,  the  blood  streaming 
from  his  skinned  head,  and  uttered  a  hideous  howl.  An  old 
squaw,  possibly  his  mother,  stopped  and  looked  back  from  the 
mountain  side  she  was  climbing,  threatening  and  lamenting. 
The  frightful  spectacle  appalled  the  stout  hearts  of  Carson  and 
Godey;  but  they  did  what  humanity  required,  and  quickly 
terminated  the  agonies  of  the  gory  savage.  They  were  now 
masters  of  the  camp,  which  was  a  pretty  little  recess  in  the 
mountain,  with  a  fine  spring,  and  apparently  safe  from  all  in 
vasion.  Great  preparations  had  been  made  to  feast  a  large 
party,  for  it  was  a  very  proper  place  for  a  rendezvous,  and  for 
the  celebration  of  such  orgies  as  robbers  of  the  desert  would 
delight  in.  Several  of  the  best  horses  had  been  killed,  skinned,' 
and  cut  up;  for  the  Indians  living  in  mountains,  and  only 
coming  into  the  plains  to  rob  and  murder,  make  no  other  use 
of  horses  than  to  eat  them.  Large  earthen  vessels  were  on  the 
fire,  boiling  and  stewing  the  horse  beef;  and  several  baskets, 
containing  fifty  or  sixty  pairs  of  moccasins,  indicated  the 
presence,  or  expectation,  of  a  considerable  party.  They  released 
the  boy,  who  had  given  strong  evidence  of  the  stoicism, 
or  something  else,  of  a  savage  character,  in  commencing  his 
breakfast  upon  a  horse's  head  as  soon  as  he  found  he  was  not 
to  be  killed,  but  only  tied  as  a  prisoner.  Their  object  accom 
plished,  they  gathered  up  all  the  surviving  horses,  fifteen  in 
number,  returned  upon  their  trail,  and  rejoined  the  camp  in 
the  afternoon  of  the  same  day.  They  had  rode  about  one 
hundred  miles  in  the  pursuit  and  return,  and  all  in  thirty 
hours.  The  time,  place,  object,  and  numbers,  considered,  this 
expedition  of  Carson  and  Godey  may  be  considered  among  the 
boldest  and  most  disinterested  which  the  annals  of  western 
adventure,  so  full  of  daring  deeds,  can  present.  Two  men,  in 
a  savage  desert,  pursue  day  and  night  an  unknown  body  of 
Indians  into  the  defiles  of  an  unknown  mountain  —  attack 


OK,  THE  BOEDER  WARS  OF  TWO  CENTURIES.        407 

them  on  sight,  without  counting  numbers  —  and  defeat  them 
in  an  instant  —  and  for  what?  To  punish  the  robbers  of  the 
desert,  and  to  avenge  the  wrrongs  of  Mexicans  whom  they  did 
not  know.* 

*  Fremont's  Journal. 


CHAPTER    LII. 

ADVENTURES  OF  FREMONT'S  SECOND  EXPEDITION,  CONCLUDED  —  KIT 
CARSON  IN  NEW  MEXICO  —  DESCRIPTION  OP  TAGS  AND  THE  SETTLE 
MENTS  OP  NEW  MEXICO  —  INTERESTING  INCIDENTS  OF  SMUGGLING — 
THE  FANDANGO. 

ON  THE  fifth  of  May,  the  expedition  reached  the  Rio  de  los 
Angeles,  a  branch  of  the  Rio  Yirgen.  The  animals  had  become 
so  completely  exhausted  that  it  was  necessary  to  remain  at  this 
place  a  day  for  rest.  Many  days  previous  the  route  had  led 
through  a  desert  country,  where  no  water  and  but  very  little 
grass  could  be  procured.  The  camps  had  not  been  fairly  pitched, 
when  Indians  crowded  numerously  around,  assuming  a  threat 
ening  attitude,  to  such  a  degree  as  to  compel  the  men  to  keep 
their  arms  in  hand  constantly,  to  prevent  the  intruders  from 
taking  possession  of  the  camp.  A  strong  band  of  these  Indians 
surrounded  the  horses,  which,  for  the  convenience  of  grass,, 
were  guarded  a  little  above  the  camp,  on  the  river.  These 
were  at  once  driven  in  for  protection. 

Several  times  during  the  day  the  camp  was  insulted  by 
Indians,  but  peace  being  Fremont's  object,  he  kept  simply  on 
the  defensive.  Some  of  the  Indians  were  on  the  bottoms,  and 
others  haranguing  him  from  the  bluffs;  and  they  were  scat 
tered  in  every  direction  over  the  hills.  Their  language  being 
a  dialect  of  the  Utahs,  with  the  aid  of  signs  some  of  the 
hunters  could  comprehend  them  very  well.  They  were  bare 
footed,  and  nearly  naked;  their  hair  gathered  up  into  a  knot 
behind;  and  with  his  bow,  each  man  carried  a  quiver  with 
thirty  or  forty  arrows  partially  drawn  out.  Besides  these,  each 
held  in  his  hand  two  or  three  arrows  for  instant  service.  Their 
arrows  were  barbed  with  a  very  clear  translucent  stone,  a  species- 
of  opal,  nearly  as  hard  as  the  diamond;  and,  when  shot  from 

(408) 


OE,    THE    BORDER    WARS    OF    TWO    CENTURIES.  409 

their  long  bows,  were  almost  as  effective  as  a  gunshot.  In 
these  Indians,  Fremont  was  forcibly  struck  by  an  expression 
of  countenance  resembling  that  in  a  beast  of  prey;  and  all 
their  actions  were  those  of  wild  animals.  Joined  to  the  rest 
less  motion  of  the  eye,  there  was  a  want  of  mind — an  absence 
of  thought  —  and  an  action  wholly  by  impulse,  strongly 
expressed. 

A  man  who  appeared  to  be  a  chief,  with  two  or  three  others, 
forced  himself  into  camp,  carrying  with  him  his  arms,  in  spite 
of  Fremont's  orders  to  the  contrary.  When  shown  the  latter'& 
weapons,  he  bored  his  ear  with  his  fingers,  and  said  he  could 
not  hear.  "  "Why,"  said  he.  "  there  are  none  of  you." 
Counting  the  people  around  the  camp,  and  including  in  the 
number  a  mule  which  was  being  shod,  he  made  out  twenty- 
two.  "  So  many,"  said  he  showing  the  number,  "  and  we — 
we  are  a  great  many ; "  and  he  pointed  to  the  hills  and  moun 
tains  round  about.  "  If  you  have  your  arms,"  said  he,  twanging 
his  bow,  "  we  have  these."  Fremont  had  some  difficulty  in 
restraining  the  people,  particularly  Carson,  who  felt  an  insult 
of  this  kind  as  much  as  if  it  had  been  given  by  a  more  respon 
sible  being.  "Don't  say  that,  old  man,"  said  he;  "don't  you 
say  that — your  life's  in  danger" — speaking  in  good  English; 
"  and  probably  the  old  man  was  nearer  to  his  end  than  he  will 
be  before  he  meets  it."* 

Several  animals  had  been  necessarily  left  behind  near  the 
camp  of  the  previous  night;  and  early  in  the  morning,  before 
the  Indians  made  their  appearance,  several  men  were  sent  to 
bring  them  in.  When  Fremont  was  beginning  to  be  uneasy 
at  their  absence,  they  returned  with  information  that  they  had 
been  driven  off  from  the  trail  by  Indians;  and,  having  followed 
the  tracks  in  a  short  distance,  they  found  the  animals  cut  up  and 
spread  out  upon  bushes.  In  the  evening  the  Colonel  gave  a 
fatigued  horse  to  some  of  the  Indians  for  a  feast;  and  the  vil 
lage  which  carried  him  off  refused  to  share  with  the  others, 
who  made  loud  complaints  from  the  rocks  of  the  partial  dis 
tribution.  Many  of  these  Indians  had  long  sticks,  hooked  at 
the  end,  which  they  used  in  hauling  out  lizards,  and  other  small 

*  Fremont's  Report. 


410        ADVENTURES  OF  FREMONT  AND  KIT  CARSON  I 

animals,  from  their  holes.  During  the  day  they  occasionally 
roasted  and  ate  lizards  at  the  fires  of  the  expedition.  These 
belong  to  the  people  who  are  generally  known  under  the  name 
of  Diggers. 

On  the  following  morning,  they  left  the  Rio  de  los  Angeles, 
and  continued  their  way  through  the  same  desolate  and  revolt 
ing  country,  where  lizards  were  the  only  animal,  and  the  tracks 
of  the  lizard-eaters  the  principal  sign  of  human  beings.  After 
twenty  miles'  march  through  a  road  of  hills  and  heavy  sands, 
they  reached  the  most  dreary  river  ever  seen — a  deep,  rapid 
stream,  almost  a  torrent,  passing  swiftly  by,  and  roaring  against 
obstructions.  The  stream  was  running  towards  the  southwest, 
and  appeared  to  come  from  a  snowy  mountain  in  the  north. 
It  proved  to  be  the  Rio  Yirgen — a  tributary  to  the  Colorado. 
For  several  days  they  continued  their  journey  up  the  river,  the 
bottoms  of  which  were  thickly  overgrown  with  various  kinds 
of  brush;  and  the  sandy  soil  was  absolutely  covered  with  tracks 
of  Diggers,  who  followed  them  stealthily,  like  a  band  of  wolves. 

On  the  following  day  as  they  journeyed  on,  one  of  the  men 
named  Tabeau,  left  his  post  and  rode  back  to  the  site  of  the 
previous  night's  encampment,  in  search  of  a  lame  mule.  The 
man  remained  until  suspicion  of  his  fate  was  aroused,  when  Car 
son,  with  several  men,  well  mounted,  were  sent  back  to  ascertain 
Tabeau's  whereabouts.  They  went  to  the  camping  ground  of 
the  previous  night,  but  neither  he  nor  the  mule  was  there. 
Searching  down  the  river,  they  found  the  tracks  of  the  mule, 
evidently  driven  along  by  Indians,  whose  tracks  were  on  each 
side  of  those  made  by  the  animal.  After  going  several  miles, 
they  came  to  the  mule  itself,  standing  in  some  bushes,  mortally 
wounded  in  the  side  by  an  arrow,  and  left  to  die,  that  it  might 
be  afterwards  butchered  for  food.  They  also  found,  in  another 
place,  as  they  were  hunting  about  on  the  ground  for  Tabeau's 
tracks,  something  that  looked  like  a  little  puddle  of  blood,  but 
which  the  darkness  prevented  them  from  verifying.  With  these 
details  they  returned  to  the  camp. 

The  next  morning',  as  soon  as  there  was  light  enough  to  fol 
low  tracks,  Col.  Fremont  set  out,  with  Mr.  Fitzpatrick  and 
several  men,  in  search  of  Tabeau.  They  went  to  the  spot 


OK,    THE   BOEDER    WARS   OF    TWO    CENTURIES.  413 

where  the  appearance  of  puddled  blood  had  been  seen;  and  this 
they  saw  at  once,  had  been  the  place  where  he  fell  and  died. 
Blood  upon  the  leaves,  and  beaten  down  bushes,  showed  that 
he  had  got  his  wound  about  twenty  paces  from  where  he  fell 
and  that  he  had  struggled  for  his  life.  He  had  probably  been 
shot  through  the  lungs  by  an  arrow.  From  the  place  where 
he  lay  and  bled,  it  could  be  seen  that  he  had  been  dragged  to 
the  river  bank,  and  thrown  into  it.  No  vestige  of  what  had 
belonged  to  him  could  be  found,  except  a  fragment  of  his 
horse  equipment. 

From  tliis  point  nothing  of  interest  occurred,  and  they 
reached  the  frontier  settlements  of  Missouri  on  the  sixth  of 
August,  1844.  Fremont  proceeded  to  Washington,  while  his 
brave  followers,  for  the  most  part,  turned  back  into  the  wilds 
of  the  great  West,  apparently  unwilling  to  advance  into  civil 
ization.  Among  these  was  Carson,  who  proceeded  to  Taos, 
where  his  wife  and  family  anxiously  awaited  his  arrival. 

Let  us  now  leave  Fremont  at  Washington,  enjoying  the  best 
honors  which  an  enlightened  people  can  bestow  upon  a  faithful 
public  servant,  while  we  follow  Carson  and  his  adventures. 
This,  as  will  be  seen,  will  soon  lead  us  into  Fremont's  third 
expedition. 

It  will  not  surprise  the  reader  who  has  become  acquainted 
with  Carson's  changeable  habits,  to  learn  that  early  in  the 
spring  of  1845,  he  decided  to  become  a  farmer.  In  this  spec 
ulation  he  is  said  to  have  been  joined  by  a  Mr.  Owens.  For 
the  furtherance  of  this  purpose,  they  purchased  an  extensive 
tract  of  land  on  the  Little  Cameron  river,  and  at  once  made 
the  necessary  arrangements  to  improve  it.  The  farm  was 
located  about  forty  miles  from  Taos.  They  commenced  opera 
tions  by  building  some  small  huts,  which  served  as  dwellings 
for  themselves  and  their  laborers.  They  succeeded  in  sowing 
a  considerable  quantity  of  grain,  and  made  other  advance 
ments,  which  promised  success  for  their  efforts. 

As  we  are  soon  to  enter  upon  an  account  of  the  wars  waged 
in  the  conquest  of  New  Mexico,  it  will  be  proper,  at  this  place, 
to  glance  at  the  general  features  of  that  territory.  Perhaps 
the  town  of  Taos  affords  a  fair  sample  of  the  markets  or  trad- 


412  ADVENTURES    OF    FREMONT    AND    KIT    CARSON! 

ing  posts  of  the  country.  It  was  located  in  the  valley  of  Taosr 
and  consisted  of  several  villages  scattered  along  the  valley. 
The  principal  of  these  was  called  Fernandez  de  Taos,  and  is 
situated  in  the  centre  of  the  valley,  on  an  elevated  plat  of 
ground.  The  buildings  in  all  the  villages  of  New  Mexico  are 
constructed  of  adobes,  being  one  story  high,  with  flat  roofs. 
The  Mexicans  have  but  very  little  regard  for  streets,  building 
their  houses  for  the  most  part  with  great  irregularity.  In  a 
business  point  of  view,  there  is  only  one  centre  to  each  village, 
called  the  plaza.  It  is  in  this  knot  that  all  the  stores  are  loca 
ted,  and  when  business  is  pursuing  its  regular  channels,  this 
part  of  the  town  is  always  densely  thronged  with  Mexicans, 
Americans  and  Indians. 

The  houses  are  all  whitewashed  with  lime,  and  present  a  very 
white  appearance,  the  village  church  being  the  largest  and  most 
attractive.  This,  however,  is  a  poor  specimen  of  a  church 
building,  wanting  in  beauty  without  and  comfort  within. 
These  are  generally  provided  with  poor  bells,  from  which  toll 
ing  is  produced  by  round  hard  stones  in  the  hands  of  the 
ringers.  Their  success  in  chiming  does  not  flatter  their  skill 
in  music.  The  parde,  or  priest,  is  the  person  most  respected 
in  a  Mexican  village;  indeed,  he  is  looked  upon  as  sacred. 
These  are,  for  the  most  part,  poorly  educated,  but,  under  the 
present  management,  this  objection  is  being  rapidly  removed. 

There  are  nearly  ten  thousand  people  in  the  villages  of  the 
Taos,  many  of  whom  are  idlers.  On  the  other  hand,  there  are 
many  industrious  farmers.  Raising  horses,  cattle  and  sheep  is 
also  carried  on  with  very  good  success.  Their  commerce  has 
been  largely  increased  under  the  United  States  -government, 
and  the  scenes  of  poverty  and  destitution  which,  unhappily, 
characterized  life  in  New  Mexico  under  the  old  Mexican  gov 
ernment,  have  been  almost  entirely  removed.  At  the  period 
of  which  I  am  writing,  previous  to  the  war  with  Mexico,  the 
inhabitants  of  New  Mexico  wore  only  the  scanty  dress  peculiar 
to  their  own  country,  but  in  later  years,  when  the  goods  of 
American  factories  found  their  way  to  these  towns  without 
being  smuggled,  these  people  readily  threw  away  several  styles 
of  their  dress,  and  adopted  that  of  the  Americans  in  their 


OR,    THE    BORDER    WARS    OF    TWO    CENTURIES.  413 

places.  Among  these  changes  I  might  mention  more  particu 
larly  the  dress  of  the  female.  From  a  state  of  absolute  nudity, 
they  have  been  elevated,  in  some  instances,  to  silks  and  satins. 

Before  New  Mexico  became  a  Territory  of  the  United  States, 
the  villages  of  the  Taos,  and  other  settlements  in  this  Territory, 
were  the  scenes  of  constant  smuggling  from  the  United  States. 
The  Mexican  custom  officers  were  either  bribed  or  deceived 
constantly;  every  possible  measure  was  adopted  to  cheat  them, 
and  when  this  did  not  succeed,  bribery  was  resorted  to  with 
very  good  results  for  the  traders.  The  duty  on  American 
manufactures  was  enormous,  and  smuggling  was  carried  on  to 
such  an  extent  that  it  was  quite  impossible  to  conduct  a  legit 
imate  trade.  Commerce  having  reached  this  condition,  very 
few  persons  attempted  to  trade  in  the  village  of  New  Mexico, 
who  did  not  resolve  on  smuggling  as  the  only  source  of  large 
profit. 

It  would  be  an  easy  matter  to  till  a  large  volumrie  with 
incidents  of  this  kind  of  trade,  many  of  which  are  exceedingly 
interesting.  A  favorite  plan  of  the  smugglers  was  that  of 
carrying  a  large  supply  of  goods  to  the  boundary  line  and  then 
making  a  cache  of  them  in  the  forest,  advancing  with  a  very 
small  portion  on  which  they  paid  the  regular  duty  with  a 
tolerably  good  grace.  Advancing  into  the  settlements  they 
then  began  to  trade  with  the  inhabitants  without  arousing  the 
suspicion  of  the  authorities.  Whenever  a  favorable  oppor 
tunity  presented  itself  these  merchants  would  replenish  their 
stores  from  the  cache  which  they  had  made,  and  thus  continue 
to  sell  goods  to  the  value  of  thousands  of  dollars,  having  paid 
duty  on  perhaps  the  first  five  hundred  dollar's  worth.  But 
even  this  plan  was  attended  with  many  difficulties.  Oftimes 
when  the  weary  merchant  was  making  the  cache  of  his  goods, 
a  keen  eyed  Indian,  who  had  been  following  him  for  days  for 
the  purpose,  lay  concealed  not  fifty  paces  off  in  full  view  of 
the  operation.  Then  stealing  quietly  away  he  soon  becomes 
fhe  leader  of  a  select  band.  The  cache  is  robbed,  and  when 
our  smuggler  returns  for  a  second  supply  he  discovers  that 
while  he  has  been  cheating,  the  Indians  have  been  stealing 


4:14:  ADVENTURES    OF    FREMONT    AND    KIT    CARSON  I 

his  goods.  In  the  midst  of  his  rage  and  disappointment  he 
could  not  fail  to  recognize  the  equity  of  the  transaction. 

But  as  with  the  Indian  when  wronged  or  robbed,  it  soon 
became  the  policy  of  these  trades  to  seek  revenge.  They 
were  seldom  caught  twice  in  the  same  trap.  A  fatal  snare 
was  set  for  the  lurking  thieves,  and,  in  consequence,  the  caches 
of  the  smugglers  soon  became  a  terror  to  them.  By  some 
arrangement  a  large  quantity  of  powder  was  embedded  in  the 
earth  just  over  the  goods,  so  that  when  it  was  disturbed  by  one 
unacquainted  with  this  circumstance,  it  would  explode.  In 
this  way  many  an  Indian  had  been  sent  up  suddenly  into  the 
air  far  above  the  surrounding  trees,  or  blown  into  atoms  by 
the  fatal  magazine. 

Some  of  the  Indian  Pueblos  in  New  Mexico  were  also  very 
interesting  to  the  traveler.  Their  houses  were  generally  built 
on  top  of  each  other,  each  a  little  smaller  than  the  one  below 
it,  until  a  sort  of  pyramid  was  formed.  The  inhabitants 
entered  their  respective  dwellings  through  the  roofs  by  the  aid 
of  ladders. 

The  farming  utensils  of  the  Mexicans  were  of  the  rudest 
kind,  many  of  them  being  curiosities  of  pioneer  life,  but  these 
are  gradually  giving  away  to  the  modern  implements  of 
American  manufacture.  The  pioneer  plough  of  JSTew  Mexico 
consisted  of  one  piece  of  timber  with  a  certain  bend.  One  end 
was  sharpened  and  on  it  was  fastened  a  piece  of  iron  rudely 
imitating  the  plough  shear.  In  ploughing,  oxen  were  used, 
yoked  in  the  Egyptain  style,  to  the  horns. 

The  crops  of  corn  and  wheat  in  New  Mexico  were  generally 
large,"  and  it  was  principally  upon  these  that  the  inhabitants 
depended  for  support.  In  converting  this  grain  into  flour, 
they  generally  used  two  large  stones  which  were  operated  by 
hand.  Their  diet  was,  for  the  most  part,  a  kind  of  corn  meal 
gruel,  wheat  bread,  and  the  usual  vegetables.  Apples,  peachesr 
plums  and  grapes  were  raised  in  New  Mexico  in  great  abund 
ance.  The  celebrated  El  Paso  wine  w&s  manufactured  from 
the  latter. 

The  brief  description  of  Toas,  may  be  applied  to  Santa  Fer 
and  most  of  the  other  towns  of  New  Mexico.  The  settle- 


OR,    THE    BORDER    WARS    OF    TWO    CENTURIES.  415 

ments  were  all  similar,  and  the  manners  and  customs  of  the 
people  about  the  same.  The  Mexicans  were  not  a  very  chaste 
or  virtuous  set  of  people,  and  it  may  well  be  regretted  that  the 
Americans  who  have  gone  among  them,  have  afforded  them  a 
very  poor  example  in  this  respect,  but  their  condition  is  now 
being  rapidly  improved.  Their  greatest  recreation  and  most 
exquisite  enjoyment  consisted  in  dancing.  These  took  the 
place  of  the  ball  room  in  the  more  civilized  states,  only  that  the 
Mexican  dance  was  looked  to  as  something  more  of  a  peculiarity 
of  their  nation.  During  the  winter  season,  the  traveler  will  h'nd 
a  dance  in  progress  on  every  evening  in  a  town  or  village  in 
New  Mexico,  to  which  he  is  invariably  invited.  The  music,  in 
which  these  people  do  not  excel,  consists  in  the  violin  and  a 
guitar,  the  players  accompanying  the  music  with  their  voices, 
making  up  words  to  suit  the  uncertain  measure  of  the  air  as 
they  proceed.  The  Mexican  ladies  always  display  great  care 
and  little  good  taste  in  preparing  for  the  fandango.  They  put 
on  the  most  guady  colored  paint,  but  still  appear  untidy. 
The  men  are  always  dressed  plain  and,  seldom  make  any 
attempt  to  appear  in  full  dress. 

Such  was  the  country  and  such  the  people  among  whom 
Kit  Carson  lived  during  the  short  interval  between  Colonel 
Fremont's  second  and  third  expeditions. 


CHAPTEK    LIII. 

COLONEL  FREMONT'S  THIRD  EXPEDITION  —  PECULIAR  QUALITIES  OF  KIT 
CARSON  —  FREMONT  ATTACKED  BY  THE  MEXICANS  —  FREMONT  VISITS 
KLAMATH  LAKE  AND  THE  LAVA  BEDS — THREE  OP  HIS  PARTY  KILLED 
—  THE  REVENGE. 

IT  WAS  in  184:5,  that  Col.  John  C.  Fremont  set  out  on  his 
third  expedition  to  the  West,  an  account  of  which  will  be 
found  full  of  interest  to  the  reader,  since  it  leads  us  into  the 
Mexican  war,  and  the  conquest  of  California.  At  Bent's 
Fort  the  party  was  joined  by  a  very  important  person — one  in 
whom  every  man  had  the  greatest  confidence,  and  whose  face 
was  like  sunshine  to  every  mountaineer — Kit  Carson.  He  had 
sold  his  farm,  and,  with  his  partner,  Owens,  had  joined  Fre 
mont  once  more.  The  Colonel  was  glad  to  see  him,  for  there 
was  always  certain  service,  in  connection  with  the  expedition, 
which  Kit  could  execute  a  little  better  than  any  one  else.  That 
service  may  be  summed  up  in  this  way:  Carson  was  a  good 
guide,  being  acquainted  with  nearly  all  the  mountain  passes. 
He  was  not  a  bad  interpreter,  as  he  could  speak  Spanish  fluently, 
and  by  the  aid  of  signs,  make  himself  understood  to  any  tribe 
from  the  lava  beds  of  the  Modocs,  to  the  worm-eaters  of  Lower 
California.  In  the  hour  of  peril,  when  assaulted  by  hostile 
Indians,  the  foremost  foe  always  fell  by  a  ball  from  his  uner 
ring  rifle;  when  privations  and  hardships  were  to  be  endured, 
he  was  full  of  cheer,  and  his  brave  words  and  courageous  deeds 
were  food  to  his  weary,  disconsolate  companions;  for  bravery, 
honesty  and  all  the  virtues  that  adorn  the  life  of  the  true 
adventurer,  his  was  an  example  so  brilliant  as  to  attract  all 
towards  it.  Kit  Carson  was,  then,  in  the  eyes  of  Fremont,  a 
valuable  companion. 

But  it  must  not  happen  in  this  narrative,  as  it  too  often  does, 
that  the  great  virtues  of  one  overshadow  those  of  others  around 

(416) 


OR,    THE    BOEDER    WARS    OF   TWO    CENTURIES.  417 

him.  There  were  many  good,  true,  brave  mountaineers  in 
Fremont's  party  whom  the  great  explorer  loved  with  equal 
ardor.  Among  these  were  Maxwell,  Fitzpatrick,  Lajeunesse 
and  others — all  mountaineers  of  high  standing,  compeers  with 
Carson,  and  worthy  to  be  led  by  so  brave  a  man  as  Colonel 
Fremont. 

Fremont's  third  expedition  set  out  from  Bent's  Fort,  pro 
ceeding  up  the  Arkansas,  thence  to  Ballo  Salado,  or  Soda 
Springs,  thence  to  Piney  river,  thence  to  "White  river.  From 
this  point,  crossing  the  mountains,  they  proceeded  to  Prevost's 
Fork,  which  has  become  famous  in  history  on  account  of  the 
massacre  of  Prevost's  party  upon  its  banks.  The  expedition 
traveled  from  this  point  to  Salt  Lake,  where  Fremont  spent 
some  time  in  exploring  its  islands.  Leaving  this  place,  they 
crossed  the  great  desert,  touched  at  Sutter's  Fort,  and  encamped 
at  San  Jose.  This  long  journey  was  attended  with  many 
obstacles,  several  encounters  with  hostile  Indians,  loss  of  ani 
inals,  and  many  hardships  which  rendered  the  party  nearij 
unfit  for  a  continuance  of  the  journey. 

It  was  now  determined  to  proceed  to  Monterey,  in  Califor 
nia,  for  supplies.  Accordingly  they  set  out,  and  when  withii* 
a  few  miles  of  the  town,  they  were  surprised  by  meeting  a 
messenger  with  orders  from  General  Castro,  the  Mexican  com 
mander,  to  leave  the  territory  at  once  or  he  would  march  his 
army  against  them.  Fremont  gave  the  messenger  to  understand 
that  he  would  leave  the  territory  when  he  had  completed  the 
task  assigned  him  by  his  government,  but  not  sooner,  and  fell 
back  into  a  strong  position,  where  he  took  some  pains  to  for 
tify  his  camp.  He  was  scarcely  settled  down  in  this  position, 
when  he  observed,  in  full  view,  the  Mexican  general  advancing 
at  the  head  of  several  hundred  troops-.  The  mountaineers, 
although  seeing  themselves  many  times  outnumbered  by  the 
advancing  forces,  were  unshaken  and  remained  firm.  Gen. 
Castro,  having  approached  the  party  as  near  as  his  courage 
would  support  him,  halted  and  began  his  demonstrations,  with 
a  view  to  frightening  the  intruders  away.  His  cannon  roared, 
his  cavalry  galloped  to  and  fro,  his  infantry  maneuvered,  but 
to  all  this  the  Americans  sent  forth  a  haughty  defiance,  invit- 
27 


418  ADVENTURES    OF   FJREMONT   AND   KIT    OAESONt 

ing,  by  their  attitude,  the  advance  of  the  cowardly  Mexicans, 
but  to  no  purpose. 

Remaining  in  this  position  three  days,  and  being  unable  to 
induce  their  enemies  to  fight,  the  Americans  withdrew  to 
Lawson's  Trading  Post,  by  way  of  the  Sacramento,  where  they 
hoped  to  obtain  the  supplies  which  they  had  been  disappointed 
in  receiving  at  Monterey.  On  reaching  this  post,  they  were 
informed  by  the  Americans  in  that  place,  that  one  thousand 
Indians  in  the  neighborhood  had,  at  the  request  of  the  Mexi 
cans,  banded  together  for  the  purpose  of  killing  all  the 
American  settlers  in  the  place.  A  consultation  was  held,  at 
which  it  was  resolved  that  Fremont's  party  and  five  men  belong 
ing  to  the  post,  should  immediately  proceed  to  disperse  the 
savages.  Accordingly,  they  set  out,  and  in  a  few  days  discovered 
the  enemy.  Without  delay  the  party  began  the  attack,  and 
for  some  time  the  Indians  disputed  the  ground  ably.  At 
length  they  began  to  waver,  and  with  this  the  mountaineers 
rushed  upon  them,  strewing  the  ground  for  nearly  a  mile  with 
the  dead  bodies  of  the  Indians.  Having  executed  this  import 
ant  task,  they  returned  to  Lawson's  Post. 

Receiving  the  necessary  supplies  at  this  place,  they  started 
for  the  Columbia  river,  passing  in  their  route  Mount  Shatta, 
the  snow-clad  monument  to  the  wonders  of  the  Sacramento 
valley,  which  lifts  its  towering  summit  fourteen  thousand  five 
hundred  feet  above  the  sea.  Passing  this  giant  wonder,  they 
proceeded  to  Klamath  Lake,  and  the  lava  beds,  among  the 
homes  of  the  fierce  Modocs,  whose  treachery  knows  no  bounds. 
While  encamped  in  this  dangerous  seclusion,  Fremont  was 
visited  by  a  messenger  from  Lieut.  Gillespie,  of  the  United 
States  army,  informing  him  that  war  was  contemplated  between 
the  United  States  and  -Mexico.  On  hearing  this,  Fremont  and 
his  party  at  once  set  out  to  meet  the  Lieutenant,  who  was  then 
advancing  through  the  country  of  the  Klamath  Indians.  After 
a  journey  of  some  sixty  miles,  the  parties  met,  to  the  great 
joy  of  all  concerned.  The  tents  were  pitched,  and  a  social 
time  followed.  Fremont  sat  down  by  the  fire  and  busied  him 
self  reading  the  many  letters  which  the  Lieutenant  had  brought 
him,  and  asking  questions  concerning  the  news  from  civiliza- 


OR,    THE   BOEDER   WARS    OF   TWO   CENTURIES.  419 

tion.  All  hands  sat  up  until  about  one  o'clock  that  night, 
when,  weary  and  toil-worn,  they  fell  asleep  with  less  caution 
than  had  characterized  their  previous  encampments.  About 
three  o'clock  in  the  morning,  when  all  was  quiet,  Carson  was 
aroused  by  a  noise  which  told  him  of  the  presence  of  Indians. 
By  the  time  he  had  secured  his  rifle  and  made  the  alarm,  three 
of  the  party  had  been  slain,  one,  Mr.  Lajeunesse,  before  referred 
to,  the  other  two,  Delaware  Indians.  The  savages  were  soon 
routed,  but  the  loss  was  irreparable.  The  dead  were  buried  in 
the  forest  where  they  fell,  then  far  away  from  the  haunts  of 
civilization. 

It  was  now  certain  that  a  body  of  Indians  was  following 
their  trail  with  hostile  intentions,  and  the  next  move  was  to 
chastise  them.  Accordingly,  on  the  following  morning,  when 
the  expedition  moved  forward,  a  party  of  fifteen  remained  in 
ambush.  It  was  not  long  before  two  Indian  scouts  came  along 
the  fatal  way.  They  both  fell  from  the  bullets  of  the  moun 
taineers,  and  were  scalped.  Satisfied  with  this  revenge,  the 
rear  party  soon  overtook  Fremont,  when  the  whole  expedition 
marched  forward  towards  California 


OHAPTEE    LIY. 

FREMONT  AS  A  CONQUEROR — THE  WAR  IN  NORTHERN  CALIFORNIA — 
HEROISM  OF  THE  MOUNTAINEERS  —  INDIAN  HOSTILITIES  —  FREMONT 
AND  HIS  FOLLOWERS  CONQUER  NORTHERN  CALIFORNIA — His  TRI 
UMPHAL  ENTRY  INTO  MONTERY  —  CALIFORNIA  SAVED  FROM  THE 
ENGLISH. 

IN  addition  to  the  intelligence  that  war  was  contemplated 
between  the  United  States  and  Mexico,*  Lieut.  Gillespie 
informed  Fremont  that  it  was  the  wish  of  the  Government 
that  he  should  take  a  favorable  position  and  watch  affairs  in 
California  (then  a  Mexican  State).  He  was  to  use  every 
means  to  conciliate  the  feelings  of  the  people  in  that  territory, 
"  encourage  a  friendship  with  the  United  States  and  do  all  in 
his  power  to  prevent  that  country  from  passing  into  the  hands 
of  the  English."  This  information  more  than  any  other  led 
him  to  return  to  California. 

Soon  after  the  expendition  set  out  on  this  march,  Carson, 
who  had  been  sent  ahead  with  ten  men,  came  up  with  a 
thousand  Klamath  warriors,  among  whom  were  the  Indians 
wrho  had  invaded  their  camp  two  days  before,  when  their 
beloved  companion  and  the  two  Delaware  Indians  met  their 
death.  Fremont  had  ordered  Carson,  on  the  first  sight  of  the 
Indians,  to  return  to  the  main  camp  with  the  information,  so 
that  the  whole  force  might  march  against  them,  but  Carson 
was  too  eager  for  a  fight  to  obey  this  instruction.  With  his 
little  band  he  at  once  fell  upon  the  Indians,  and  after  a  fierce 
conflict  put  the  whole  to  flight.  In  this  bold  charge  Carson's 

*  I  find  much  conflicting  testimony  on  the  question  of  Fremont's  infor 
mation,  some  writers  have  it  that  Lieut.  Gillespie  informed  him  that  war 
had  been  declared,  while  others, —  those  who  are  probably  correct — hold 
that  the  intelligence  comprehended  only  that  hostilities  were  anticipated. 

(420) 


OR,    THE   BOEDER   WARS   OF   TWO    CENTURIES.  421 

party  killed  several  warriors  and  destroyed  a  very  important 
village. 

Not  long  after,  when  Carson's  detachment  returned  to  the 
main  party  and  all  were  moving  forward  together,  a  band  of 
hostile  Indians  was  encountered,  and  in  the  conflict,  the  bold 
mountaineer  came  very  nearly  losing  his  life,  being  saved  from 
the  fatal  arrow  by  the  prompt  and  courageous  interposition  of 
his  leader,  Colonel  Fremont. 

On  arriving  in  Northern  California,  Fremont  found  the 
country  in  a  state  of  extreme  alarm.  As  we  have  already  seen, 
General  Castro  was  civil  and  military  commander,  and  was 
using  his  best  efforts  to  provoke  the  native  Californians  to 
enmity  towards  the  Americans.  At  this  period  the  entire 
population  of  the  territory,  excluding  the  Indians,  was  not  more 
than  ten  thousand.  About  one-fifth  of  these  were  Americans, 
or  foreigners,  as  Castro  called  them.  This  commander  had 
issued  a  proclamation  which  aimed  its  wrath  at  the  Americans, 
requiring  them  to  leave  the  country.  It  was  soon  discovered 
that  England  was  at  the  bottom  of  this  measure,  and  that  it 
contemplated  the  transfer  of  California  from  the  hands  of 
Spain  to  that  of  Great  Britian,  with  the  extermination  of  all 
the  American  (United  States)  settlers.  In  order  to  insure  suc 
cess  for  the  undertaking,  the  Indian  tribes  were  induced  to 
participate  in  the  conspiracy.  This  soon  resulted  in  burning 
and  destroying  the  crops  and  houses  of  the  settlers  from  the 
States. 

It  is  not  surprising  then  that  when  the  brave  Fremont 
advanced  along  the  valley  of  the  Sacramento,  men,  women  and 
children,  thronged  around  him  with  hands  extended  and 
voices  crying  for  protection. 

The  means  by  which  the  British  were  to  set  up  their  gov 
ernment  in  California  are  thus  spoken  of:  A  Catholic  priest, 
named  Eugenie  Macnamara,  in  1845,  while  in  the  city  of 
Mexico,  made  application  for  a  grant  of  land  for  the  pur 
pose  of  establishing  a  colony  in  California.  He  asked  for  a 
square  league,  containing  four  thousand  four  hundred  and 
twenty-eight  acres  to  be  given  to  each  family,  and  that  each 
child  of  a  colonist  should  have  half  a  square  league.  The 


422  CONQUEST    OF    CALIFORNIA    AND   NEW    MEXICO! 

territory  to  be  conveyed  to  him  was  to  be  around  San  Fran 
cisco  Bay,  was  to  embrace  three  thousand  square  leagues  and 
include  the  whole  valley  of  the  San  Joaquin.  He  guaranteed 
to  establish  his  colony  with  a  thousand  families.  In  his 
memorial  to  the  President  of  Mexico,  he  says: 

"  I  propose  with  the  aid  and  approbation  of  your  Excellency, 
to  place  in  Upper  California,  a  colony  of  Irish  Catholics.  I 
have  a  triple  object  in  making  this  proposition.  I  wish  in  the 
first  place  to  advance  the  cause  of  Catholicism.  In  the  second 
to  contribute  to  the  happiness  of  my  countrymen.  Thirdly,  I 
desire  to  put  an  obstacle  in  the  way  of  further  usurpation  on 
the  part  of  an  irreligious  and  anti-Catholic  nation." 

His  plan  was  supported  by  the  central  government,  and  was 
referred  for  a  final  decision,  to  the  land  holders  and  local 
authorities  of  California.  Conventions  were  now  being  held 
to  perfect  the  arrangement.  Father  Macnamara  had  landed, 
from  the  British  ship  Juno,  which  lay  at  Santa  Babara,  and 
indeed  all  things  were  ready  for  the  consummation  of  the  con 
spiracy.  Had  this  been  effected,  California  would  have  passed 
into  the  hands  of  the  English,  and  another  bloody  war  would 
have  resulted. 

Fremont's  position  is  now  clear  to  the  reader.  It  was  a 
critical  one.  He  was  surrounded  on  either  hand  by  thousands 
of  hostile  Indians  who  had  already  commenced  the  work  of 
destroying  the  crops  and  houses  of  the  American  settlers,  and 
massacreing  the  defenseless  people.  The  reign  of  blood  and 
terror,  such  as  we  have  seen  on  the  borders  of  Pennsylvania 
and  Virginia  in  1764,  was  now  being  repeated  in  Northern 
California.  Something  must  be  done,  and  that  quickly. 
Fremont  waited  only  to  become  fully  aware  of  the  situation — 
a  situation  from  which  any  but  a  truly  brave  man  would  have 
turned  away.  And  what  would  have  been  the  result,  had  this 
man  shrank  from  the  duty  which  now  stood  out  before  him? 
The  question  has  already  been  answered  by  many!  The 
American  settlers  with  their  wives  and  children  would  have 
met  utter  ruin,  the  Golden  State  would  have  passed  into  the 
hands  of  a  foreign  power.  In  the  face  of  all  the  dangers  which 


OR,    THE   BORDER   WARS    OF   TWO    CENTURIES.  4:23 

surrounded  Fremont,  he  drew  his  sword  and  declared  himself 
a  defender. 

He  called  his  men  together  and  laid  before  them  the  state 
of  the  case.  They  were  all  eager  for  the  war,  and  designated 
Fremont  as  their  leader.  Many  of  the  settlers  joined  Fre 
mont's  party,  and  the  Colonel  soon  found  himself  at  the  head 
of  quite  a  force  —  all  men  whose  courage  and  endurance  had 
been  tried.  He  marched  against  the  Indians  without  delay, 
leaving  half  a  dozen  men  to  defend  the  camp.  In  this  expedi 
tion  he  broke  up  five  villages.  Coming  up  with  a  strong 
band  of  warriors  during  the  first  day's  march,  he  found  them 
•engaged  in  the  war  dance,  in  black  paint  and  white  feathers 
preparatory  to  their  meditated  attack  upon  the  settlers.  A 
charge  was  immediately  made  and  the  Indians  dispersed 
with  a  heavy  loss. 

This  was  a  bold  stroke — an  achievement  which  none  but 
those  fierce  mountaineers  could  have  effected.  In  a  single  day 
they  had  utterly  ruined  the  Indian  combination,  and  half 
defeated  the  conspiracy.  After  this  victory,  Fremont  moved 
his  camp  up  to  Butte's  Post,  a  ranche  located  about  fifty 
miles  above  Slitter's  Fort.  On  reaching  this  point  Fremont 
received  information  that  General  Castro  had  assembled  four 
hundred  men  at  Santa  Clara,  and  that  he  had  sent  an  officer, 
with  a  detachment,  to  Sonora,  to  procure  horses  for  the  cam 
paign.  A  small  party  was  immediately  sent  out  to  intercept 
this  detachment.  The  work  was  faithfully  executed,  tne  whole 
train  being  captured.  The  prisoners  were  set  at  liberty,  but  the 
horses  were  brought  into  camp. 

By  these  vigorous  movements,  Castro's  forces  were  all  driven 
from  the  country  north  of  the  Bay  of  San  Francisco.  "  At 
Sonoma,"  says  Mr.  Upham,  "  Gen.  Vallijo,  two  Colonels  and 
•other  prisoners  were  taken.  A  squadron  of  eighty  men  under 
Capt.  De  la  Torre,  remained  for  a  short  time  on  a  peninsula,  at 
Sancelito,  on  the  north  of  the  bay,  directly  opposite  Castro's 
encampment  on  the  east  side,  but  he  was  pressed  so  hard  that 
he  abandoned  his  horses,  and  escaped  in  launches  across  the  bay 
to  Castro.  Fremont  found  there  a  bark  from  the  Eastern  States, 
commanded  by  a  patriotic  American,  Win.  D.  Phelps,  of  Lex- 


424  CONQUEST    OF    CALIFORNIA    AND    NEW    MEXICO! 

ington,  Mass.,  who,  entering  heartily  into  the  business,  let  him 
have  his  launch,  into  which  he  jumped  with  twelve  men,  and 
rowed  over  to  San  Francisco,  about  eight  miles,  where  there 
was  a  fort  with  a  battery  of  guns,  mostly  brass  field  pieces, 
which  they  spiked,  employing  for  the  purpose  steel,  files,  used 
for  sharpening  knives,  which  Capt.  Phelps  happened  to  have 
on  board  his  bark." 

Thus  ended  the  conquest  of  Northern  California,  and  now 
Fremont  sent  a  message  to  Gen.  Castro,  saying  that  he  could 
not  get  his  horses  over  the  bay,  but  if  he  would  wait  for  him 
he  would  pass  around  its  head  as  quickly  as  possible,  and  meet 
him  at  Santa  Clara,  and  decide  the  contest  for  the  country.  Aa 
he  proceeded  to  march  around  the  bay,  he  reached  Sonoma  on 
the  Fourth  of  July,  where,  a  large  number  of  Americans  hav 
ing  congregated,  the  day  was  duly  celebrated.  On  the  following 
day,  Fremont,  surrounded  by  his  enthusiastic  followers,  declared 
California  independent.  A  flag  for  the  free  State  was  unfurled, 
being  white,  with  the  figure  of  a  grizzly  bear  in  the  centre. 

On  the  following  day,  Fremont  proceeded  to  fulfill  his 
engagement  with  Castro,  and  marched  forward  towards  Santa 
Clara,  but  when  he  reached  Slitter's  Fort,  a  message  met  him 
from  Commodore  Slant,  announcing  the  capture  of  Monterey. 
Upon  receiving  this  news,  Fremont  laid  down  his  "  bear  flag," 
and  hoisted  the  Stars  and  Stripes.  Thus  California,  through 
co'r  ige  and  prompt  action,  become  an  easy  conquest,  and  was 
att  ^u  to  the  American  Union. 

Fremont  proceeded,  however,  towards  Castro's  forces,  but 
the  latter  fled  at  his  approach,  and  the  Colonel  marched  in 
triumph  to  Monterey.  Of  his  entrance  into  that  city  we  have 
the  following  from  the  pen  of  an  English  author,  Hon.  Fred 
erick  Walpole,  who  witnessed  it:  "During  our  stay  in 
Monterey,  Capt.  Fremont  and  his  party  arrived.  They  natu 
rally  excited  curiosity.  Here  were  true  trappers,  the  class  that 
produced  the  heroes  of  Fenimore  Cooper's  best  works.  These  men 
had  passed  years  in  the  wilds,  living  upon  their  own  resources; 
they  were  a  curious  set.  A  vast  cloud  of  dust  appeared  first,  and 
thence,  in  long  file,  emerged  this  wildest  wild  party.  Fremont 
rode  ahead,  a  spare,  active-looking  man,  with  such  an  eye!  Ha 


OK,    THE    BOEDER    WARS   OF   TWO    CENTURIES.  425 

was  dressed  in  a  blouse  and  leggins,  and  wore  a  felt  hat.  After 
him  came  five  Delaware  Indians,  who  were  his  body  guard, 
and  had  been  with  him  through  all  his  wanderings;  they  had 
charge  of  his  baggage  horses.  The  rest,  many  of  them  blacker 
than  the  Indians,  rode  two  and  two,  the  rifle  held  by  one  hand 
across  the  pummel  of  the  saddle.  Thirty-nine  of  them  were 
his  regular  men,  the  rest  were  loafers  picked  up  lately;  his 
original  band  were  principally  backwoodsmen  from  the  State 
of  Tennessee,  and  the  banks  of  the  upper  waters  of  the  Mis 
souri.  He  had  one  or  two  with  him  who  enjoyed  a  high 
reputation  in  the  prairies.  Kit  Carson  was  as  well  known 
there  as  the  Duke  is  in  Europe.  The  dress  of  these  men  was 
principally  a  long,  loose  coat  of  deer  skin,  tied  with  thongs  in 
front;  trowsers  of  the  same,  of  their  own  manufacture,  which, 
when  wet  through,  they  took  off,  scraped  well  inside  with  a 
knife,  and  put  on  as  soon  as  dry;  the  saddles  were  of  various 
fashions,  though  these  and  a  large  drove  of  horses  and  a  brass 
field  gun,  were  things  they  had  picked  up  about  California. 
They  were  allowed  no  liquor,  tea  and  sugar  only;  this,  no- 
doubt,  had  much  to  do  with  their  good  conduct,  and  the  disci 
pline,  too,  was  very  strict.  They  were  marched  up  to  an  open 
space  on  the  hills  near  the  town,  under  some  large  firs,  and 
there  took  up  their  quarters  in  messes  of  six  or  seven,  in  the 
open  air.  The  Indians  lay  beside  their  leader.  One  man,  a 
doctor,  six  feet  six  high,  was  an  odd  looking  fellow.  May  I 
never  come  under  his  hands.  In  justice  to  the  Americans,  I 
must  say  they  seemed  to  treat  the  natives  well,  and  their  author 
ity  extended  every  protection  to  them." 


CHAPTER     LV. 

INSURRECTION  IN  SOUTHERN  CALIFORNIA  —  FREMONT  SUBDUES  THE 
WALLA  WALLAS  —  THE  WAR  IN  SOUTHERN  CALIFORNIA  —  DESCRIP 
TION  OF  SOUTHERN  CALIFORNIA  —  Pico  DEFEATED — THE  PEACE. 

THE  course  pursued  by  Colonel  Fremont  was  of  great  value 
to  the  United  States.  It  caused  Commodore  Sloat  to  take 
possession  of  Monterey  on  his  arrival  at  that  place,  so  that 
when  Sir  George  Seymour  arrived  with  a  British  squadron,  he 
found  the  flag  of  the  United  States  floating  over  the  place.  It 
is  evident,  then,  that  California  was  saved  from  falling  into  the 
hands  of  the  British,  by  the  great  foresight  and  bravery  of  Col. 
Fremont  and  his  heroic  followers. 

Immediately  after  the  conquest,  Commodore  Sloat  sailed  for 
the  United  States,  leaving  Commodore  Stockton,  who  had 
arrived  a  few  days  before,  in  command.  Fremont  at  once  pro 
ceeded  to  Los  Angeles,  then  the  capital  of  California,  where, 
on  his  arrival,  he  discovered  that  Commodore  Stockton  had 
arrived  before  him,  and  proclaimed  American  protection. 
Castro  had  fled  to  Sonoma.  From  Stockton  Fremont  received 
several  appointments,  in  the  government  of  California,  first  as 
Major  of  the  California  battalion,  afterwards  military  com 
mandant  of  California,  and  finally,  governor  and  commander- 
in-chief  in  that  territory. 

Early  in  September,  1846,  an  extensive  insurrection  broke 
out  in  Southern  California,  and  Fremont,  having  returned  to 
the  valley  of  the  Sacramento,  immediately  set  about  raising  a 
battalion  among  the  settlers,  for  the  purpose  of  suppressing  it. 
At  the  same  time  the  panic  was  increased  by  the  report  of  an 
Indian  invasion  from  the  north.  One  thousand  Walla  Walla 
Indians  were  marching  on  Sutter's  Fort.  The  whole  country 
was  now  a  scene  of  commotion,  and  every  available  force  was 

(426) 


OR,    THE   BOEDER    WARS    OF    TWO    CENTURIES.  427 

mustered  to  meet  this  new  danger*  When  the  news  of  the 
Indian  outbreak  reached  Fremont,  his  battalion  was  already 
seven  hundred  strong,  but  thinking  that  the  story  was  greatly 
exaggerated,  he  took  only  three  men  and  started  out  to  meet 
the  Walla  Wallas.  He  soon  came  upon  them,  and  although 
they  were  not  so  numerous  as  had  been  rumored,  they  were 
nevertheless  in  considerable  force,  and  in  a  state  of  great  anger. 
He  marched  with  his  three  men  directly  into  their  midst,  but 
they  knew  him,  and  instead  of  giving  battle,  they  gathered 
round  him,  and  made  their  complaint.  They  had  been  robbed, 
and,  worse  than  all,  one  of  their  best  young  men  had  been 
killed  by  the  whites.  Fremont  listened  to  their  tales  of  com 
plaint,  and  then  promised  them  redress,  on  the  condition  that 
they  would  follow  his  advice,  which  was,  that  they  should 
retire  peaceably  to  their  winter  hunt,  and  meet  him  in  the 
spring.  He  further  agreed  to  send  with  them  one  of  his  own 
men,  to  hold  the  United  States  flag  over  them,  and  said  that 
whoever  struck  that  flag  struck  him.  This  plan  was  success 
ful,  and  the  war  was  averted.  The  Indians,  after  contributing 
ten  of  their  best  warriors  to  Fremont's  battalion,  retired  to  the 
winter  hunt,  returning  in  the  spring  to  the  place  agreed  upon, 
where  they  were  met  by  Fremont,  who  gave  them  horses  for 
presents. 

On  the  twelfth  of  October,  Fremont  arrived  at  San  Fran 
cisco  with  his  battalion.  Here  he  embarked  his  command  for 
Santa  Barbara,  in  the  ship  Sterling,  but  they  had  not  been  out 
two  days  when  they  fell  in  with  a  vessel  from  which  Fremont 
learned  that  no  horses  could  be  had  in  the  country  to  which  he 
was  sailing,  and  he  returned  to  Monterey  for  the  purpose  of 
marching  overland.  While  in  the  latter  place,  he  received 
intelligence  that  he  had  been  appointed  a  Lieutenant-Colonel 
of  a  rifle  regiment  in  the  army  of  the  United  States. 

He  dispatched  a  messenger  to  the  Sacramento  valley  for  the 
purpose  of  obtaining  more  men  and  supplies,  and  prepared  for 
a  long  and  tedious  winter  march.  In  the  meantime  the  insur 
rection  had  assumed  a  formidable  shape.  A  party  of  four 
hundred  American  sailors  and  marines,  on  their  journey  from 
San  Pedro  to  Los  Angeles,  had  been  attacked,  with  the  loss  of 


428  CONQUEST    OF   CALIFORNIA    AND    NEW    MEXICO! 

six  men  killed.  They  wero  defeated  by  a  strong  band  of  Cali- 
fornians.  Los  Angeles  and  Santa  Barbara  were  in  their  hands. 
The  United  States  Consul  had  been  taken  prisoner.  Captains 
Burroughs  and  Foster,  and  Mr.  Eames,  were  killed  in  a  severe 
skirmish,  while  escorting  a  lot  of  horses  to  Fremont's  camp. 
Of  the  latter,  Fremont  received  information,  and  with  a  force 
of  four  hundred  mounted  men  and  three  pieces  of  artillery, 
marched  to  meet  them.  A  large  drove  of  beef  cattle  brought 
up  the  rear,  to  serve  as  provisions  on  the  march.  At  San  Juan 
Fremont  received  reenforcements  in  the  way  of  a  large  body  of 
emigrants,  who  had  recently  crossed  the  country.  One  of 
them,  named  Edwin  Bryant,  who,  in  1849,  published  a  work  on 
California,  served  as  a  First  Lieutenant  of  one  of  the  com 
panies,  and  afterwards  became  alcalde  of  San  Francisco.  He 
speaks  of  the  regiment  in  the  following  language: 

"  There  were  no  plumes  nodding  over  brazen  helmets,  nor 
coats  of  broadcloth  spangled  with  lace  and  buttons;  a  broad- 
brimmed,  low-crowned  hat,  a  shirt  of  blue  flannel  or  buckskin, 
with  pantaloons  and  moccasins  of  the  same,  all  generally  much 
the  worse  for  wear,  and  smeared  with  mud  and  dust,  make  up 
the  costume  of  the  party,  officers  as  well  as  men.  A  leathern 
girdle  surrounds  the  waist,  from  which  are  suspended  a  bowie, 
and  a  hunter's  knife,  and  sometimes  a  brace  of  pistols.  These, 
with  the  rifle  and  holster  pistols,  are  the  arms  carried  by  offi 
cers  and  privates.  A  single  bugle  composes  the  band.  The 
staff  officers  were:  Lieut.-Col.  John  C.  Fremont,  com 
manding;  A.  H.  Gillespie,  Major;  P.  B.  Eeading,  Paymaster; 
Henry  King,  Commissary;  J.  K.  Snyder,  Quartermaster;  Win. 
H.  Russell,  Ordnance  Officer;  J.  Talbot,  Adjutant;  and  J.  J. 
Myers,  Sergeant-Major." 

In  another  place,  speaking  of  Fremont's  battalion,  Mr. 
Bryant  says:  "The  men  composing  the  California  battalion 
have  been  drawn  from  many  sources,  and  are  roughly  clad  and 
weather-beaten  in  their  exterior  appearance,  but  I  feel  it  but 
justice  to  state  my  belief,  that  no  military  party  ever  passed 
through  an  enemy's  country  and  observed  the  same  strict 
regard  for  the  rights  of  its  population.  I  never  heard  of  an 
outrage  or  even  a  trespass  being  committed  by  one  of  the 


OK,    THE    BOEDER    WARS    OF    TWO    CENTURIES.  4:29 

American  volunteers  during  our  entire  march.  Every  Amer 
ican  appeared  to  understand  perfectly  the  duty  which  he  owed 
to  himself  and  others  in  this  respect,  and  the  deportment  of 
the  battalion  might  be  cited  as  a  model  for  imitation." 

After  marching  one  hundred  and  fifty  miles,  this  little  army 
surprised,  in  a  dark  night,  San  Louis  Obispo,  the  seat  of  a  dis 
trict  commandant,  and,  without  firing  a  gun,  captured  Don 
Jesus  Pico,  the  leader  of  the  insurrection  in  that  place.  "  Two 
days  afterwards,"  says  Mr.  Upham,  in  his  valuable  work  on 
the  life  of  Fremont,  "  December  sixteenth,  Pico  was  tried  by  a 
court  martial  and  condemned  to  death  for  breaking  his  parole. 
The  next  day,  about  an  hour  before  noon,  at  which  time  the 
execution  was  to  take  place,  a  procession  of  females,  headed  by 
a  lady  of  fine  appearance,  proceeded  to  the  quarters  of  Colonel 
Fremont,  and  with  all  the  fervor  natural  to  a  mother,  wife 
and  children  and  near  relations,  under  such  circumstances, 
implored  for  mercy,  and  prostrate  and  in  tears,  begged  for  the 
life  of  the  convict.  Their  supplication  was  granted.  Pico, 
who  had  borne  himself  with  perfect  coolness  and  firmness  at 
the  trial,  and  had  prepared  to  die  with  the  solemn  dignity  of 
a  Spaniard,  when  brought  in  and  informed  of  his  pardon,  flung 
himself  with  unrestrained  emotion  before  Colonel  Fremont, 
clasped  his  knees,  swore  eternal  fidelity,  and  begged  the  priv 
ilege  of  fighting  and  dying  for  him." 

Fremont  has  been  censured  for  his  clemency  towards  Pico, 
but  when  it  was  considered  that  an  act  of  mercy  had  sometimes 
more  to  do  with  subduing  the  people  of  California,  than  the 
shedding  of  blood,  the  course  he  pursued  can  hardly  be  ques 
tioned. 

"  On  the  twenty-seventh  of  December,  the  battalion  entered, 
without  resistance,  the  town  of  Santa  Barbara,  where  it 
remained  recruiting  until  the  third  of  January,  1847."  Sev 
eral  days  after,  as  they  were  pursuing  their  march,  they  were 
met  by  two  messengers,  who  brought  the  welcome  intelligence 
that  Commodore  Stockton  had  retaken  Los  Angeles,  after  a 
long  and  victorious  engagement  with  the  insurgents.  It  was 
now  ascertained  that  the  enemy's  force  was  within  a  few  miles 
of  Fremont's  camp,  which  was  confirmed  by  the  sudden  appear- 


4:30  CONQUEST    OF    CALIFORNIA    AND    NEW    MEXICO! 

ance  of  two  California  officers,  who  visited  Fremont  to  treat 
for  peace.  After  some  consultation,  articles  were  agreed  upon 
on  the  thirteenth  of  January,  1847,  which  stipulated  that  all 
Californians  should  deliver  up  their  arms,  return  in  peace  to 
their  homes,  not  engage  in  hostilities  again  during  the  war 
with  Mexico,  and  do  all  in  their  power  to  keep  the  country  in 
a  state  of  peace.  Californians  or  citizens  of  Mexico,  were  to 
be  permitted  to  leave  the  country,  and  none  of  them  were  to 
be  required  to  take  the  oath  of  allegiance  to  the  United  States 
until  a  treaty  of  peace  should  be  made  between  the  United 
States  and  Mexico.  This  was  called  the  "  capitulation  of  Cow- 
enga."  On  the  following  day,  Fremont  reached  Cindad  de  los 
Angeles,  having  conquered  California,  and  secured  peace  and 
protection  to  the  United  States  settlers  in  that  territory. 

We  must  now  go  back  a  few  months  to  bring  forward  the 
adventures  of  Gen.  Kearney.  After  finishing  the  conquest  of 
California,  which  Fremont  had  so  effectually  begun,  Commo 
dore  Stockton  sent  Kit  Carson,  with  fifteen  men,  to  Washington, 
D.  C.,  with  dispatches,  giving  full  details  of  what  had  taken 
place.  Carson  was,  if  possible,  to  complete  the  journey  and 
return  in  four  months.  He  set  out  accordingly,  and  after 
traveling  eastward  for  about  thirty  days,  he  met  Gen.  Kearney, 
on  his  way  to  California,  "  to  conquer  the  Mexicans."  Of 
course  he  received  information  that  he  was  too  late  to  perform 
that  work,  upon  which  he  divided  his  command,  and  with  a 
portion  of  it  continued  towards  California.  Carson  accom 
panied  this  detachment. 

Gen.  Kearney  had  no  sooner  reached  the  borders  of  Califor 
nia,  than  he  was  met  by  the  enemy  in  full  force;  for,  as  the 
reader  will  observe,  the  insurrectionary  movement  was  then  at 
its  height.  When  within  thirty  miles  of  San  Diego,  he  fought 
two  battles,  in  which  he  was  partially  defeated.  Being  sur 
rounded  by  the  enemy,  and  reduced  to  a  state  of  siege,  he  was 
in  great  want  of  grass  and  water.  In  this  extremity,  as  in  all 
others  in  which  he  found  himself,  Kit  Carson  came  to  the  front 
as  a  volunteer  in  a  bold  scheme  for  relief.  In  this  he  was 
accompanied  by  one  Bealc  and  a  Delaware  Indian.  They 
started  out,  and,  under  cover  of  the  night,  crawled  through  the 


OK,    THE    BOEDER    WARS    OF    TWO    CENTURIES.  4:31 

enemy's  lines.  Having  taken  off  their  shoes  to  lessen  the 
noise  consequent  upon  their  progress,  they  unfortunately  lost 
them,  and  were  compelled  to  continue  their  route  barefooted. 
After  a  cautious  journey,  they  reached  their  destination,  and 
procured  the  necessary  relief  for  Gen.  Kearney,  which  dis 
persed  the  enemy  and  led  him  in  triumph  to  Los  Angeles. 

Here  difficulties  arose  which  terminated  unhappily.  Cali 
fornia  and  the  Pacific  slope  had  been  conquered,  but  who  was 
to  command.  Commodore  Stockton  and  Gen.  Kearney  were 
both,  according  to  their  understandings  of  the  instructions 
they  had  received,  appointed  to  the  office;  and  when  we  con 
sider  that  this  territory  was  so  far  from  the  seat  of  government, 
it  is  not  surprising  that  difficulties  of  this  kind  should  have 
occurred.  For  the  most  part,  dispatches  from  Washington  had 
to  be  sent  via  Cape  Horn,  which  sufficiently  explains  the  neces 
sity  of  action  on  the  part  of  these  officers  without  definite 
instructions.  At  all  events  we  find  Kearney  and  Stockton 
disputing  the  right  to  command.  For  a  time  Gen.  Kearney's 
forces  were  so  small  that  he  was  obliged  to  yield  to  Stockton, 
but  on  receiving  reenforcements,  he  entered  upon  full  com 
mand,  and  seizing  Col.  Fremont,  sent  him  under  arrest  to  the 
United  States.  He  was  afterwards  tried  for  disobedience  of 
orders,  and  found  guilty,  but  the  development  of  subsequent 
circumstances,  proved  that  he  acted  to  the  best  of  his  judg 
ment  and  in  a  patriotic  manner. 

For  further  particulars  of  the  lives  of  Kit  Carson  and  CoL 
Fremont,  the  reader  is  referred  to  the  appendix,  in  which  I 
have  followed  out  all  those  circumstances  that  cannot  well  be 
included  in  the  current  of  the  narrative. 


CHAPTER    LVI. 

GENERAL  KEARNEY  AND  COLONEL  DONIPHAN  —  THE  CONQUEST  OF 

MEXICO — BATTLE  OF  THE  SACRAMENTO  —  CHIHUAHUA  TAKEN  — 
GLORIOUS  VICTORY  OF  THE  MISSOURIANS  —  TRIUMPHAL  ENTRY  INTO 
THE  ANCIENT  CAPITAL. 

IN  following  the  adventures  of  Colonel  Fremont  and  Kit 
Carson  through  the  mountains  and  over  the  broad  prairies  of 
the  great  west,  I  have,  I  trust,  accomplished  two  ends  —  first, 
in  giving  the  reader  a  slight  description  of  the  outposts  of  civ 
ilization  in  the  west  in  1843-6,  and  of  the  physical  features  of ' 
the  country,  and  second,  in  furnishing  an  account  of  the  lives 
and  public  services  of  two  brave  men.  This  part  of  the  narra 
tive  has  led  us  into  the  Mexican  war,  and  we  have  already  seen 
the  Mexican  power  overthrown  in  California  and  the  Pacific 
slope.  Let  us  now  turn  our  attention  to  the  events  that  were 
transpiring  in  New  Mexico,  and  in  Mexico  itself.  The  first  will 
give  us  something  of  the  lives  of  General  Kearne}'-,  of  whom 
I  have  already  spoken,  and  Colonel  Doniphan;  and  the  second 
a  bright  page  in  the  history  of  Generals  Scott  and  Taylor. 

First  then  as  to  ISTew  Mexico.  On  the  thirtith  of  June, 
1846,  by  order  of  government,  General  Kearney  marched 
from  Fort  Leavenworth  with  sixteen  hundred  regulars,  on  an 
expedition  against  Santa  Fe,  the  capital  of  New  Mexico.  After 
marching  eight  hundred  and  fifty  miles  in  six  weeks,  he  took 
possession  of  the  place  in  the  following  August.  Having 
accomplished  this  he  published  a  proclamation  in  which  he 
claimed  that  New  Mexico  belonged  to  the  United  States,  and 
called  upon  the  inhabitants  to  submit  in  peace  to  the  new 
government.  He  then  started  for  California,  but  we  have 
already  seen  the  results  of  this  expedition.  When  he  was  met 
by  Kit  Carson  he  sent  back  the  greater  part  of  his  force, 

(432) 


OK,  THE  BORDER  WARS  OF  TWO  CENTURIES.        433 

and,  with  a  small  troop  hurried  on  to  join  Commodore 
Stockton,  while  Colonel  Doniphan  led  the  main  body  across 
the  mountains  for  the  purpose  of  punishing  the  Indians  who 
had  so  long  harrassed  the  people  of  New  Mexico.  The 
Navahos,  the  principal  hostile  tribe  in  this  affair  were  com 
pelled  to  ask  for  peace,  which  Colonel  Doniphan  granted  them 
only  on  the  condition  that  they  would  desist  from  further 
aggressions  upon  the  people  whom  the  Americans  had  just 
conquered  —  a  novel  treaty  indeed.  This  object  accomplished 
and  impatient  of  inactivity,  and  without  definite  orders,  they 
turned  eastward  to  "carve  some  new  work  for  themselves." 
Chihuahua  now  became  an  object  of  conquest.  This  was  a 
city  of  nearly  thirty  thousand  souls,  the  seat  of  government  of 
the  Mexican  state  of  that  name,  and  at  one  time  the  residence 
of  the  Captains-General  of  the  Internal  Provinces  under  the 
Vice-Regal  Government  of  new  Spain.  This  was  indeed  a 
perilous  enterprise  and  a  daring  one  for  a  thousand  men  to 
undertake,  but  danger  and  hardships,  in  those  days  lent  a  charti 
to  any  enterprise,  and  the  adventurous  march  wras  resolved  on, 
and  at  once  commenced.  "  First,"  said  Hon.  Thomas  Benton 
when  addressing  Colonel  Doniphan's  command  on  its  return, 
"the  ominous  desert  was  passed,  its  character  vindicating  its 
title  to  its  mournful  appellation  —  an  arid  plain  of  ninety 
miles  strewn  with  the  bones  of  animals  that  had  died  pinched 
by  hunger  and  thirst  —  little  hillocks  of  stone,  and  the  solitary 
cross,  erected  by  pious  hands,  marking  the  spot  where  sorpe 
Christian  had  fallen  victim  to  the  savage,  the  robber,  or  the 
desert  itself — no  water  —  no  animal  life  —  no  sign  of  habita 
tion.  There  the  Texan  pioneers  driven  by  the  cruel  Salazar, 
had  met  their  direst  sufferings,  unrelieved  as  in  other  parts  of 
the  country,  by  the  compassionate  ministrations  of  the  pitying 
women.  The  desert  was  passed,  and  the  place  for  crossing  the 
river  approached.  *  *  There  the  enemy  in  superior 

numbers,  and  confident  in  cavalry  and  artillery,  undertook  to 
bar  the  way.  Vain  pretension!  Their  discovery,  attack,  and 
route  were  about  simultaneous  operations.  A  few  minutes 
did  the  work!  And  in  this  way  our  Missouri  volunteers  of  the 
Chihuahua  column  spent  their  Christmas  day  of  the  year  1846." 
28 


4:34:  CONQUEST    OF    CALIFORNIA    AND    NEW     MEXICO". 

This  victory  at  the  river  Bracito  opened  the  way  to  the 
crossing  of  the  river  Del  Norte  and  to  admission  into  the 
handsome  little  town  of  Paso  Del  JSTorte,  "  where  a  neat  civili 
zation,  a  comfortable  people,  fields,  orchards  and  vineyards, 
and  a  hospitable  reception,  offered  the  rest  and  refreshment 
which  toils  and  dangers  and  victory  had  won." 

Here  they  rested  until  the  artillery  reached  them  from  Santa 
Fe,  when,  in  February,  1847,  they  moved  forward  and  fought 
the  battle  of  the  Sacramento,  one  of  the  military  marvels  of 
that  age,  which  cleared  the  route  to  Chihuahua.  This  state 
was  entered  without  further  resistance.  But  let  us  look  in 
upon  the  battle  just  mentioned. 

The  force  under  Colonel  Doniphan  consisted  of  nine  hundred 
and  twenty-four  effective  men,  one  hundred  and  seventeen  offi 
cers  and  privates  of  the  artillery,  ninety-three  of  Lieutenant- 
Colonel  Mitchel's  escort,  and  the  remainder,  the  first  regiment 
of  Missouri  mounted  riflemen.  They  progressed  \n  the  direc 
tion  of  Chihuahua  until  the  twenty-fifth  of  February,  when 
they  were  informed  by  the  spies  that  the  enemy,  to  the  num 
ber  of  fifteen  hundred  men  was  at  Inseneas,  the  country  seat 
of  Governor  Trias,  about  twenty-five  miles  in  advance.  On 
the  twenty-seventh  the  command  arrived  at  Sans,  and  learned 
that  the  enemy  in  great  force  had  fortified  the  pass  of  the 
Sacramento  river,  about  fifteen  miles  in  advance,  and  about 
fifteen  miles  from  the  city  which  they  had  set  out  to  conquer. 
4-t  sunrise  on  the  last  day  of  February  they  took  up  the  line  of 
march  and  formed  the  whole  train,  consisting  of  three  hundred 
and  fifteen  trader's  wagons,  and  the  commissary  and  company 
wagons,  into  four  columns,  thus  shortening  the  line  so  as  to 
make  it  more  easily  protected.  They  placed  the  artillery  and 
all  the  command  except  the  cavalry  proper,  consisting  of  two 
hundred,  in  the  intervals  between  the  columns  of  wagons. 
They  thus  fully  concealed  their  force  and  its  position  by  mask 
ing  it  with  cavalry.  When  they  arrived  within  three  miles  of 
the  enemy  they  made  a  reconnoisance  of  his  position  and  the 
appointment  of  his  forces.  This  they  easily  accomplished. 
They  ascertained  that-  the  enemy  had  one  battery  of  four  guns, 
two  nine  and  two  six  pounders  on  the  point  of  the  mountain 


OR,  THE  BORDER  WARS  OF  TWO  CENTURIES.        435 

on  their  right,  at  a  good  elevation  to  s\veep  the  plain,  and  at 
a  point  where  the  mountain  extended  farthest  into  the  plain. 
On  the  left  of  Colonel  Doniphan's  command  the  enemy  had 
erected  another  battery  on  an  elevation  commanding  the  road, 
with  three  entrenchments  of  two  six  pounders,  and  on  the  brow 
of  the  crescent  near  the  center,  another  of  several  heavy  ram 
part  pieces  mounted  on  carriages;  and  on  the  crest  of  the  hill 
or  ascent  between  the  batteries  and  the  right  and  left,  the 
enemy  had  twenty-seven  redoubts  dug  and  thrown  up,  extend 
ing  at  short  intervals  across  the  whole  ground.  In  these  their 
infantry  were  placed  and  were  entirely  protected.  Their 
cavalry  was  drawn  up  in  front  of  the  redoubts  in  the  intervals, 
four  deep,  and  in  front  of  the  redoubts  two  deep,  so  as  to 
mask  them  as  far  as  possible. 

"When  Colonel  Doniphan  had  arrived  within  one  and  a  half 
miles  of  the  entrenchments  along  the  main  road,  he  advanced  the 
cavalry  still  farther,  and  suddenly  diverged  with  the  columns  to 
the  right  so  as  to  gain  the  narrow  part  of  the  ascent  on  his 
right,  which  the  enemy  discovered,  and  endeavored  to  prevent 
by  moving  forward  with  one  thousand  cavalry  and  four  pieces 
of  cannon  in  the  rear,  masked  by  them.  Doniphan's  move 
ments  were  so  rapid  that  he  gained  the  elevation  with  his 
forces  and  the  advance  of  the  wagons  in  tyne  to  form  before 
the  Mexicans  arrived  within  reach  of  his  guns.  The  enemy 
halted,  and  the  Americans  advanced  with  the  head  column 
to  within  twelve  hundred  yards  of  them,  so  as  to  let  their 
wagons  attain  the  high  lands  and  form  as  before. 

The  battle  commenced  by  a  brisk  fire  from  the  American 
battery,  which  caused  the  enemy  to  unmask  and  return  the 
assault.  Even  at  this  distance  the  Americans  killed  fifteen 
Mexicans,  and  wounded  several  more,  suffering  no  loss  them 
selves  beyond  two  or  three  mules.  The  enemy  slowly  retreated 
behind  their  works,  and  the  Americans  advanced  so  as  to  avoid 
the  batteries.  After  marching  as  far  as  they  could  without 
going  within  range  of  their  heavy  battery,  Capt.  Weightman, 
of  the  artillery,  was  ordered  to  charge  with  the  two  twelve 
pound  howitzers,  to  be  supported  by  the  cavalry  under  Capts. 
Reid,  Parsons  and  Hudson.  They  charged  at  full  speed  with  the 


436  CONQUEST    OF    CALIFORNIA    AND    NEW    MEXICO! 

howitzers,  and  were  gallantly  sustained  by  Capt.  Reid,  but  by 
some  misunderstanding,  the  Colonel's  order  was  not  given  to 
the  two  companies,  but  Capt.  Hudson  anticipated  the  order, 
and  charged  in  time  to  give  ample  support  to  the  howitzers. 
Capt.  Parsons,  at  the  same  moment,  asked  for  permission  for 
his  company  to  charge  the  redoubts  on  the  left,  which  he  did  in 
a  gallant  manner.  The  remainder  of  the  two  battalions  of  the 
first  regiment  were  dismounted  during  the  cavalry  charge,  and 
following  rapidly  on  foot,  while  Major  Clarke  advanced  as  fast 
as  possible  with  the  remainder  of  the  battery,  they  charged 
the  redoubts  from  right  to  left,  with  a  brisk  and  deadly  fire  of 
riflemen.  Major  Clarke  opened  a  well  directed  fire  on  a  col 
umn  of  cavalry  which  attempted  to  pass  to  the  left,  so  as  to 
attack  the  wagons  in  the  rear.  It  was  forced  to  fall  back,  and 
the  American  riflemen,  with  the  cavalry  and  howitzers,  cleared 
the  parapets  after  an  obstinate  resistance,  and  Doniphan's 
forces  advanced  to  the  very  brink  of  the  enemy's  redoubts,  and 
attacked  the  Mexicans  with  their  sabres.  When  the  redoubts 
were  cleared,  and  the  batteries  in  the  centre  and  on  the  left 
were  silenced,  the  main  battery  on  the  right  still  continued  to 
pour  upon  the  invaders  a  constant  and  heavy  fire,  as  it  had 
done-  during  the  heat  of  the  engagement;  but  as  the  whole  fate 
of  the  battle  depended  upon  carrying  the  redoubts  and  center 
battery,  the  one  on  the  right  remained  undisturbed,  and  the 
enemy  had  concentrated  there  more  than  five  hundred  strong. 
Of  the  progress  from  this  point,  we  have  an  account  in  Col. 
Doniphan's  own  words:  "Major  Clarke  commenced  a  heavy 
fire  upon  it.  Lieut.-Cols.  Mitchell  and  Jackson,  commanding 
the  first  battalion,  were  ordered  to  remount  and  charge  the 
battery  on  the  left,  while  Major  Gilpin  passed  the  second  bat 
talion  on  foot  up  the  rough  ascent  of  the  mountain  on  the 
opposite  side.  The  fire  of  our  battery  was  so  effective  as  to 
completely  silence  theirs,  and  the  rapid  advance  of  our  column 
put  them  to  flight  over  the  mountains  in  great  confusion." 

Thus  ended  the  battle  of  the  Sacramento.  The  force  of  the 
enemy  was  twelve  hundred  cavalry  from  Durango  and  Chihua 
hua,  with  the  Yera  Cruz  dragoons;  twelve  hundred  infantry 
from  Chihuahua;  three  hundred  artillerymen,  and  fourteen 


OR,    THE    BOEDER    WARS    OF    TWO    CENTURIES.  437 

hundred  and  twenty  rancheros,  badly  armed  with  lassoes, 
lances  and  machetoes,  or  corn  knives;  ten  pieces  of  artillery, 
and  six  rampart  pieces.  Their  forces  were  commanded  by 
Major-General  Hendea,  general  of  Durango,  Chihuahua,  Son- 
ora  and  New  Mexico;  Brigadier-General  Jostimani,  Brigadier- 
General  Gracia  Conde;  General  Ugerte  and  Governor  Tria,  and 
colonels  and  other  officers  without  number. 

The  force  under  Col.  Doniphan  consisted  of  nine  hundred 
and  twenty-four  effective  men;  at  least  one  hundred  of  whom 
were  engaged  in  holding  horses  and  driving  teams.  The  loss 
of  the  Mexicans  was  their  entire  artillery,  ten  wagons,  three- 
hundred  killed  and  about  the  same  number  wounded,  and  forty 
prisoners.  The  battlefield  was  literally  covered  with  the  dead 
of  the  enemy.  The  loss  of  the  invincible  Americans  was  one 
killed,  one  mortally  wounded  and  seven  slightly  wounded. 
Language  can  form  no  tribute  worthy  the  coolness,  gallantry 
and  bravery  of  the  officers  and  men  in  Colonel  Doniphan's 
command. 

On  the  first  day  of  March  they  took  formal  possession  of  the 
capital  of  Chihuahua,  in  the  name  of  the  United  States  govern 
ment.  Their  entry  to  this  city  is  thus  spoken  of  by  Hon. 
Thomas  Benton:  "It  had  been  entered  once  before  by  a 
detachment  of  American  troops,  but  under  circumstances  how 
different !  In  the  year  180?,  Lieut.  Pike  and  his  thirty  brave 
men,  taken  prisoners  on  the  head  of  the  Eio  del  Norte,  had 
been  marched  captives  into  Chihuahua;  in  the  year  1847,  Don 
iphan  and  his  men  entered  it  as  conquerors.  The  paltry 
triumph  of  a  cap  tain -general  over  a  lieutenant,  was  effaced  in 
the  triumphal  entrance  of  a  thousand  Missourians  into  the  grand 
and  ancient  capital  of  all  the  Internal  Provinces!  and  old 
men,  still  alive,  could  remark  the  grandeur  of  the  American 
spirit  under  both  events — the  proud  and  lofty  bearing  of  the 
captive  thirty — the  mildness  and  moderation  of  the  conquer 
ing  thousand." 

Doniphan  was  not  merely  satisfied  with  conquering  Chihua 
hua,  but  he  bound  the  enemy  so  as  to  protect  the  American 
settlers  in  the  place.  Having  accomplished  this,  the  ancient 
capital  became,  like  Santa  Fe,  not  the  terminating  point  of  a 


438  CONQUEST    OF    CALIFORNIA    AND    NEW    MEXICO. 

long  expedition,  but  the  starting  point  of  a  new  one.  Says 
Mr.  Benton,  from  whom  I  have  just  quoted:  "Gen.  Taylor 
was  some  where — no  one  knew  exactly  where — but  some  seven 
or  eight  hundred  miles  towards  the  other  side  of  Mexico." 
Doniphaii  had  heard  that  Taylor  had  been  defeated ;  that  Buena 
Yista  had  not  turned  out  well  to  him.  He  did  not  believe  this 
report,  but  he  concluded  to  go  and  see.  A  volunteer  party  of 
fourteen  undertook  to  penetrate  to  Saltillo,  and  return  with 
information  as  to  the  truthfulness  of  the  rumor.  Amidst  many 
dangers  they  accomplished  their  mission.  Then  the  whole 
army  marched  forward,  a  vanguard  of  one  hundred  men,  led 
by  Lieut.-Col.  Mitchell,  leading  the  way.  Then  followed  the 
main  body  commanded  by  Col.  Doniphan.  The  whole  table 
land  of  Mexico,  in  all  its  breadth  from  west  to  east,  was  to  be 
traversed.  A  numerous  hostile  population  in  towns — treach 
erous  Camanches  in  the  mountains — were  to  be  encountered. 
But  even  in  the  face  of  these  difficulties,  the  Americans  set  out, 
accomplishing  a  safe  march,  evading  Mexican  towns,  and  pun 
ishing  Camanches.  It  was  a  novel  march,  for,  meeting  no 
armed  forces,  the  Americans  acted  merely  as  protectors  to  the 
Mexicans,  and  delivered  them  from  their  Indian  enemies. 

In  the  month  of  May  they  arrived  in  Gen.  Taylor's  camp, 
where  they  reported  for  duty.  But  that  general  being  then 
without  an  army,  was  compelled  to  decline  their  service,  and 
the  famous  Missourians  returned  to  their  native  State. 


GHAPTEK    LYII- 

WAR  BETWEEN  THE  UNITED  STATES  AND  MEXICO  —  GENERAL  TAYLOR 
PROCEEDS  TO  POINT  ISABEL  WITH  AN  ARMY  —  HE  is  ORDERED  TO 
LEAVE  THE  COUNTRY — HE  REFUSES  —  His  DANGER  AT  THE  RIVER 
FORT — THE  BATTLE  OF  PALO  ALTO. 

WE  now  come  to  that  desperate  but  glorious  contest 
between  the  United  States  and  Mexico.  It  will  be  unnecessary 
to  dwell  here  upon  the  causes  which  led  to  this  war.  For  the 
most  part  my  readers  are  already  acquainted  with  these.  In 
May,  1845,  General  Zachary  Taylor,  of  whose  heroic  defense 
of  Fort  .Harrison  we  have  already  read  in  our  account  of 
Tecumseh's  war,  received  a  confidential  letter  from  the  Secre 
tary  of  War  instructing  him  to  place  his  troops  at  such  a  posi 
tion  as  would  enable  him  to  defend  Texas  in  case  that  Terri 
tory  should  be  invaded  by  Mexicans.  This  was  immediately 
after  Texas  had  been  erected  into  a  Territory  under  the  United 
States  government.  As  is  vwell  known  this  act  displeased  the 
Mexicans.  They  looked  upon  it  as  a  violation  of  the  law  of 
nations,  and  as  projected  with  a  view  to  depriving  them  of  a  vast 
portion  of  her  territory. 

In  a  subsequent  letter  the  Secretary  of  War  addressed 
General  Taylor  in  these  words.  "  Should  Mexico  assemble  a 
large  body  of  troops  on  the  Rio  Grande,  and  cross  it  with  a 
considerable  force,  such  a  movement  must  be  regarded  as  an 
invasion  of  the  United  States  and  the  commencement  of  hostil- 
ties.  You  will  of  course  use  all  the  authority  which  has  been 
or  may  be  given  you  to  meet  such  a  state  of  things.  Texas 
must  be  protected  from  hostile  invasion,  and  for  that  purpose 
you  will  of  coarse  employ,  to  the  utmost  extent,  all  the  means 
you  possess  or  can  command." 

In  persuance  of  these  instructions  General  Taylor  took  up 

(439) 


440  CONQUEST    OF    MEXICO  I 

his  position  at  Corpus  Cristi  where  he  remained  until  the 
eighth  of  March,  1846.  On  this  date  the  American  army 
commenced  its  march  for  the  Rio  Grande,  the  siege  train 
being  sent  by  water  to  Point  Isabel,  with  a  corps  of  engineers 
and  officers  of  ordnance,  commanded  by  Major  Monroe.  A 
body  of  Mexican  troops  were  encountered  at  Arroya,  Colorado, 
but  the  American  army  was  permitted  to  pass  without  being 
attacked.  The  army  had  not  proceeded  far,  however,  when 
General  Taylor  was  met  by  a  deputation  from  Matamoras 
which  protested  against  his  apparant  invasion  of  that  country. 
The  deputation  carried  a  white  flag,  and,  on  approaching  the 
General,  desired  an  interview  with  him.  He  informed  the 
Mexicans  that  he  would  halt  at  a  suitable  place  on  the  road 
and  hold  a  conference  with  them.  It  was,  however,  he  says, 
found  necessary,  on  account  of  the  scarcity  of  water,  to  con 
tinue  the  march  to  Point  Isabel,  and  when  within  some  ten 
miles  of  this  place  the  deputation  halted,  declining  to  accom 
pany  the  army  farther,  and  handed  General  Taylor  a  formal 
protest  from  the  prefect  of  the  northern  district  of  Tamanlip 
as  against  the  occupation  of  the  country  by  American  troops. 

Proceeding  forward  the  General  soon  discovered  that  the 
buildings  at  Point  Isabel  were  in  flames.  On  observing  this 
he  sent  a  messenger  back  to  the  deputaion,  informing  them 
that  he  would  answer  the  protest  when  opposite  Matamoras. 
Taylor  looked  upon  the  conflagration  before  his  eyes  as  decided 
evidence  of  hostility,  and  regarded  the  prefect  in  making  the 
protest  as  a  tool  of  the  military  authorities  at  Matamoras. 

The  cavalry  arrived  in  season  to  arrest  the  fire,  which  had 
fortunately  consumed  but  two  or  three  buildings,  but  the  port 
captain  who  committed  the  act  escaped  before  its  arrival. 
When  General  Taylor  arrived  at  Point  Isabel  he  found  that 
the  inhabitants  had  fled  to  Matamoras. 

He  at  once  proceeded  to  erect  a  fort  on  the  bank  of  the  Rio 
Grande,  over  which  he  unfurled  the  flag  of  the  United  States. 
The  position  was  well  fortified,  the  fort  being  furnished  with 
six  bastions  and  capable  of  containing  two  thousand  men.  On 
the  opposite  side  of  the  river  the  Mexicans  erected  batteries 
and  made  redoubts. 


OR,  THE  BORDER  WARS  OF  TWO  CENTURIES.        441 

On  the  tenth  of  April  Colonel  Cross,  while  riding  out  for 
exercise,  was  attacked  by  some  lawless  rancheroes,  murdered 
and  stripped.  Thus  the  first  American  blood  was  shed  in  the 
Mexican  war.  On  the  following  day  General  Ampudia 
arrived  in  Matamoras,  and  without  delay  entered  upon  the 
work  of  "compelling  the  American  army  to  leave  Texas." 
We  shall  see  how  far  he  was  successful.  On  the  twelfth,  in 
writing  to  General  Taylor  he  concludes  as  follows:  "By 
explicit  and  definite  orders  from  my  government,  which 
'neither  can,  will,  nor  should  receive  new  outrages,  I  require 
you  in  all  form  and  at  latest  in  the  peremptory  term  of  twenty- 
four  hours,  to  break  up  your  camp  and  retire  to  the  other 
bank  of  the  Neuces  river,  while  our  governments  are  regulat 
ing  the  pending  question  in  relation  to  Texas.  If  you  insist 
on  remaining  upon  the  soil  of  the  department  of  Tamanlipas, 
it  will  clearly  result  that  arms,  and  arms  alone,  must  decide 
the  question ;  and  in  that  case  I  advise  you  that  we  accept  the 
war  to  which,  with  so  much  injustice  on  your  part  you 
provoke  us,  and  that,  on  our  part,  this  war  shall  be  conducted 
conformably  to  the  principles  established  by  the  most  civilized 
nations  —  trusting  that  on  your  part  the  same  will  be  observed." 

General  Taylor  replied  to  this  communication,  informing 
the  enemy  that  he  could  not,  according  to  his  instructions, 
withdraw  from  the  territory.  Soon  after,  he  prevented  the 
ships  that  were  advancing  with  supplies  for  the  Mexican 
army,  from  entering  the  river,  and  declared  the  Rio  Grande 
in  a  state  of  blockade. 

On  the  twentieth,  all  intercourse  between  the  armies  was 
broken  off,  and  on  both  sides  of  the  river  preparations  for  the 
war  were  going  forward.  Soon  .after,  Taylor  received  infor 
mation  that  the  Mexicans  to  the  number  of  three  thousand 
had  crossed  the  river  and  fortified  a  position  so  as  to  cut  off 
his  retreat  to  Point  Isabel,  where  he  had  stored  his  principle 
supplies.  A  party  of  sixty  men  was  sent  out  under  Captain 
Thornton  to  reconnoiter  the  position  of  the  enemy,  but  falling 
into  an  abuscade  they  were  all  made  prisoners  and  sent  to 
Matamoras.  The  Mexicans  had  concealed  themselves  in  great 
numbers  behind  a  chaparral  hedge,  and  the  reconnoitering 


442  CONQUEST    OF    MEXICO! 

party  marched  into  their  midst  and  were  captured.  Intoxi 
cated  with  this  success  the  Mexicans  crossed  the  river  in  great 
numbers  and  completely  surrounded  General  Taylor's  posi 
tion.  For  three  days  the  little  army  endured  inexpressible 
suspense,  but  on  the  fourth  Captain  Walker  of  the  Texan 
Rangers  arrived,  bringing  the  welcome  news  that  all  was  still 
safe  at  Point  Isabel.  He  added  to  this  information,  however, 
that  the  place  was  in  imminent  danger.  There  was  now  no 
time  to  spare.  General  Taylor  at  once  decided  to  move  with 
the  whole  army  to  defend  this  point,  which  he  did,  leaving 
only  a  few  soldiers  to  garrison  the  river  fort.  It  wras  on  the 
first  of  May  that  the  retreat  was  commenced.  The  move 
ment  was  celebrated  in  Matamoras  by  "  the  ringing  of  bells, 
explosion  of  fire  arms  and  every  other  manifestation  of  joy." 
The  river  fort  had  been  left  under  the  command  of  Major 
Brown,  and  General  Arista,  of  the  Mexican  forces  at  once 
commenced  extensive  operations  for  the  destruction  of  the 
garrison.  On  the  third  of  May  a  battery  opened  upon  the 
fort  and  kept  up  a  brisk  fire  for  some  time,  but  to  no  effect. 
However,  on  the  morning  of  the  fifth,  Major  Brown  discovered 
a  battery  in  rear  of  the  fort,  which  had  been  erected  by  the 
Mexicans  during  the  night.  It  opened  a  severe  fire  upon  the 
fort  and  was  assisted  by  the  guns  in  Matamoras.  For  three 
days  an  incessant  cannonade  was  kept  up  on  both  sides,  during 
which  Major  Brown  was  mortally  wounded.  The  command 
devolved  upon  Captain  Hawkins  who  no  sooner  entered  upon 
his  new  station  than  he  met  a  summons  to  surrender,  which 
he  gallantly  declined.  The  assailants  renewed  the  attack  with 
vigor,  but  on  the  night  of  the  eighth  retired,  to  the  great  joy 
of  the  wearied  garrison. 

Gen.  Taylor  had  no  sooner  arrived  at  Point  Isabel  and 
adjusted  matters  at  that  station,  than  he  commenced  the  return 
march.  On  the  eighth  he  received  information  that  the  enemy 
was  stationed  on  the  field  of  Palo  Alto,  not  far  in  advance. 
The  hour  for  battle  was  now  at  hand,  and  the  soldiers  seemed 
to  realize  that  they  were  soon  to  test  their  bravery,  and  meas 
ure  strength  with  the  Mexicans.  The  forward  march  was 
continued,  and  soon  the  Mexican  army  was  in  sight,  in  battle 


OK,    THE    BORDER    WARS    OF   TWO    CENTURIES.  443 

array.  The  order  of  battle  was  formed  in  Taylor's  army  a? 
follows:  "The  right  wing,  under  Col.  Tvviggs,  was  composed 
of  the  fifth  infantry,  under  Col.  Mclntosh;  Einggold's  artil 
lery;  third  infantry,  under  Capt.  Manis;  two  eighteen  pounders, 
under  Lieut.  Churchill;  fourth  infantry,  under  Major  Allen; 
two  squadrons  of  dragoons  under  Capts.  Kerr  and  May.  The 
left  wing,  under  Col.  Belknap,  was  formed  of  a  battalion  of 
artillery,  under  Col.  Childs;  Duncan's  light  artillery,  and  the 
eighth  infantry,  under  Capt.  Montgomery. 

In  this  order  the  army  marched  forward  to  battle.  When 
within  seven  hundred  yards  of  the  Mexican  force,  its  right 
opened  with  a  tremendous  discharge  of  artillery.  "  Then," 
says  an  able  writer,  "  Gen.  Taylor  was  seen  hurrying  along  his 
van,  deploying  it  into  line,  and  exhorting  the  soldiers  to  be 
firm.  Order  was  given  to  return  the  fire,  and  immediately  all 
other  sounds  were  drowned  in  the  fearful  roar  of  artillery. 
Resigning  the  battle  to  this  terrible  engine,  the  infantry  and 
rifle  corps  leaned  upon  their  pieces,  and  watched  the  opposing 
columns  as  they  swayed  to  and  fro  under  the  constant  fire. 
At  every  discharge,  whole  ranks  of  the  enemy  were  mowed 
down,  and  scores  of  horses  and  horsemen  flung  into  one  undis- 
tinguishable  mass." 

At  length  the  Mexican  infantry  began  to  give  way,  and  Gen. 
Arista  ordered  a  charge  with  the  cavalry.  "  Pouring  down  in 
two  columns,  the  lancers  came  towards  the  American  line,  with 
a  grace  and  rapidity  peculiar  to  the  Mexicans.  But  before 
they  reached  their  object,  Bidgley  and  Einggold  opened  the 
artillery.  At  the  first  blast  they  staggered — again  and  again 
with  stern  energy,  the  cannon  broke  forth;  huge  gaps  opened 
among  the  horsemen,  and  scores  sunk  down  beneath  the  tramp 
of  their  companions.  Fear  succeeded  enthusiasm.  Every 
exertion  withered  before  the  dreadful  prospect  around.  They 
turned  and  fled  precipitately,  leaving  behind  them  at  every 
step  victims  to  the  iron  storm  that  pursued  them."  The  battle 
now  became  general,  and  raged  for  some  time  with  fearful 
destruction.  Suddenly,  from  the  discharge  of  the  cannon,  the 
grass  of  the  prairie  was  ignited,  which  rolled  up  volumes  of 
smoke  and  for  a  while  screened  the  army  from  view.  The 


444  CONQUEST    OF    MEXICO! 

battle  ceased,  arid  both  armies  formed  new  lines.  Two  thou 
sand  Mexicans  attempted  a  flank  movement,  but  a  slight  breeze 
dispersed  the  smoke,  and  they  were  discovered.  Capt.  Duncan 
gallantly  led  his  troops  against  them,  and  arrested  their  prog 
ress.  "The  Mexican  infantry  retired  to  some  neighboring 
chaparral,  but  the  lancers  stood  firm  before  a  fire  which  cut 
deep  gaps  into  their  solid  masses."  But  now  the  infantry 
again  appeared,  and  moved  slowly  in  the  very  face  of  the  storm 
from  which  they  had  previously  fled.  But  their  effort  was 
productive  only  of  their  ruin.  At  every  step  they  were  mowed 
down  with  frightful  slaughter,  and  they  were  compelled  to 
retreat  in  confusion.  The  cavalry  soon  followed,  for  it  had 
been  literally  cut  to  pieces.  As  night  closed  in  upon  the  bat 
tlefield  of  Palo  Alto,  six  hundred  Mexicans,  dead  and  wounded, 
lay  upon  the  ground,  while  the  loss  of  the  Americans  was  but 
nine  killed  and  forty-four  wounded. 

On  the  following  morning,  the  Mexicans  were  seen  in  the 
distance  retreating,  and  Gen.  Taylor,  expecting  to  encounter 
them  again  during  the  day,  advanced  in  battle  order.  His 
army  proceeded  uninterrupted  until  about  three  o'clock  in  the 
afternoon,  when  information  was  brought  in  that  the  Mexicans 
were  posted  near  the  road  in  full  force.  The  position  which 
they  had  taken  was  most  admirably  adapted  to  defensive  action, 
and,  by  the  Mexicans  was  called  Resaca  de  la  Palma.  In  this 
sort  of  ditch,  and  amid  the  dense  thicket  on  its  banks,  the 
Mexicans  were  entrenched,  with  their  artillery  in  such  a  posi 
tion  as  to  sweep  the  road. 


CHAPTER    LVIII. 

THE  BATTLE  OF  RESACA  DE  LA  PALMA  —  A  DESPERATE  STRUGGLE  — 
BRAVERY  OF  THE  MEXICANS — THE  DEAD  AND  DYING  —  GEN.  TAY 
LOR'S  VICTORY  —  MATAMORAS  TAKEN — GEN.  TAYLOR'S  DIFFICULTIES 
—  THE  SIEGE  OF  MONTEREY — THE  VICTORY. 

THE  BATTLE  of  Resaca  de  la  Palma  was  opened  by  the  artil 
lery.  Ridgley  pushed  guns  to  within  less  than  one  hundred 
yards  of  the  Mexicans,  and  then  sent  a  shower  of  iron  hail 
against  the  enemy.  At  the  same  time  the  infantry  was  coming 
up,  and  in  a  few  minutes  the  rifle  corps  lent  valuable  aid  to  the 
artillery.  And  now  the  struggle  was  fierce  and  desperate. 
The  Mexicans  seemed  determined  to  conquer,  and  took  no  heed 
to  those  who  were  falling  thick  and  fast  around  them,  but  sent 
volley  after  volley  into  the  American  ranks.  At  length,  how 
ever,  the  enemy  retreated  to  a  place  of  security  behind  a 
chaparral  hedge,  and  the  Americans  pushed  forward  to  com 
plete  the  victory  by  a  charge,  but  the  position  was  guarded 
with  artillery,  and  the  men  who  stood  by  the  batteries  held  out 
with  commendable  energy.  The  effect  upon  the  troops  in  Gen. 
Taylor's  army  was  shocking.  In  this  extremity,  the  general 
ordered  Gapt.  May  to  charge  them  with  his  dragoons.  u  May 
shouted  to  his  men,  and  the  next  instant  they  were  dashing 
headlong  down  the  narrow  road  towards  the  cannon's  mouth. 
Pausing  till  Ridgley  drew  the  enemy's  fire,  they  again  drove 
on,  and  almost  before  the  eye  had  time  to  trace  their  course, 
they  were  within  a  few  yards  of  the  fatal  guns.  May's  horse 
was  far  ahead  of  his  troops ;  and  as  he  turned  to  wave  them  on, 
only  the  impetuous  Inge  was  near  him.  Yet  that  squadron 
was  not  faltering.  Fast  as  their  steaming  steeds  could  fly, 
they  were  hastening  on,  while  the  flinty  ground  rocked  and 
echoed  beneath  their  tread.  Suddenly  a  volley  from  the  higher 

(445) 


4:46  CONQUEST    OF    MEXICO  I 

battery  swept  fearfully  upon  their  column,  crushing  seven  men 
and  eight  horses  to  death.  But  the  living  paused  not.  One 
leap,  and  May  was  upon  the  battery.  His  men  followed,  and 
the  Mexicans  were  driven  back.  But  the  heroic  La  Yega 
rallied  them  to  the  charge,  and  once  more  seized  their  pieces. 
Thus  charge  after  charge  was  made  until  only  the  Mexican 
general  was  left  at  the  guns.  Surrounded  with  piles  of  dead, 
grim  with  powder  and  smoke,  he  rallied  his  troops  to  duty, 
and  faced  his  fierce  enemies  unmoved.  In  the  act  of  discharg 
ing  a  piece,  May  ordered  him  to  surrender,  and  finding  further 
resistance  vain,  he  complied."  But  the  straggle  did  not  end 
here.  The  battalion  under  Tampico,  made  a  charge  for  the 
purpose  of  retaking  their  artillery,  and  at  the  same  time  the 
contest  raged  along  the  whole  line.  The  Mexicans,  from  the 
chaparral  hedges,  were  pouring  an  effective  fire  upon  the 
Americans,  and  in  the  wild  effort  to  rout  the  enemy  from  this 
position,  the  artillery  ceased.  And  now  the  brave  soldiers 
rushed  forward  to  the  charge.  The  fight  became  desperate, 
and  Americans  and  Mexicans  were  mixed  in  thrilling  disorder. 
The  bayonet  was  freely  used,  and  from  this  the  enemy  turned 
slowly,  and  stubbornly  away.  Gen.  Arista's  camp  and  head 
quarters  had  been  taken,  but  the  Tampico  battalion  still  defied 
the  march  of  the  Americans.  The  brave  men  in  this  force 
held  out  until  they  were  literally  cut  down.  The  standard- 
bearer  tore  the  flag  from  the  staff,  and  fled,  but  even  this  last 
man  was  taken  prisoner,  and  his  flag  carried  away  by  the 
victors.  The  retreat  of  the  Mexicans  now  became  general,  and 
the  artillery  having  advanced  to  the  action,  it  opened  upon  the 
fleeing  ranks  with  shocking  effect. 

Six  thousand  Mexicans  opposed  seventeen  hundred  Ameri 
cans  in  this  battle,  yet  after  all,  so  brave  and  superior  were  our 
men  that  the  six  thousand  were  completely  routed,  and  every 
thing  in  their  camp  was  captured.  One  thousand  Mexicans 
were  killed,  while  the  loss  of  the  Americans  did  not  exceed 
one  hundred. 

But  who  shall  describe  the  scene  on  this  battlefield  on  the 
night  of  the  ninth?  "When  darkness  gathered  over  Resaca  do 
la  Palma,  hundreds  of  wounded,  dying,  and  dead,  pale  and  stiff,. 


OR,    THE    BORDER    WARS    OF    TWO    CENTURIES.  447 

or  howling  in  the  agonies  of  mortality,  lay  upon  the  ground. 
In  the  awful  struggle  and  flight  hundreds  had  been  crushed 
down  beneath  the  feet  of  the  confused  artillery,  and  men  were 
writhing  in  a  most  horrible  condition.  But  such  are  the  results 
of  war,  and  such  were  the  results  of  General  Taylor's  second 
victory  over  the  Mexicans. 

The  American  army  now  returned  to  the  river  fort,  opposite 
Matamoras,  and  thence  to  Point  Isabel,  where  arrangements 
were  soon  completed  for  an  attack  upon  Matamoras.  On  the 
eighteenth  he  summoned  the  city  to  surrender,  and  received  for 
an  answer  that  he  might  enter  Matamoras  without  opposition. 
Gen.  Taylor  accordingly  took  possession  of  the  city,  and 
appointed  Col.  Twiggs  to  the  office  of  its  Military  Governor. 
Gen.  Arista,  with  his  army,  had  retired  on  the  previous  night. 
The  small  town  of  Barita,  near  the  mouth  of  the  Rio  Grande, 
was  also  occupied  by  the  Americans. 

But  no  sooner  had  Gen.  Taylor  achievecrthis  victory  than  he 
seemed  to  be  visited  by  a  series  of  troubles.  Although  he  had 
unfurled  the  flag  of  the  United  States  on  the  left  bank  of  the 
Rio  Grande,  yet  his  forces  and  military  stores  were  so  small 
that  he  was  obliged  to  remain  inactive  during  nearly  the  whole 
summer.  When  re-enforcements  were  sent  him,  they  were 
entirely  without  means  of  transportation,  and  being  inexperi 
enced  volunteers,  many  of  them  were  unfit  for  important  duty. 
During  this  inactivity  of  the  Americans,  the  Mexicans  were 
recruiting  their  strength  for  another  struggle. 

Gen.  Taylor  was  compelled  to  remain  quiet  until  the  fifth 
of  September,  when,  with  a  large  army,  he  marched  for  the 
interior.  Previous  to  this  date,  however,  the  towns  of  Mier, 
Camargo,  Seralvo,  and  Reynosa  had  been  occupied  by  Ameri 
can  troops.  Taylor  had  not  proceeded  far  when  he  received 
intelligence  from  Gen.  Worth  that  large  re-enforcements  of  the 
enemy  were  daily  arriving  at  Monterey,  the  capital  city  of  the 
northern  division  of  Mexico.  He  therefore  set  out  for  that 
place  without  delay,  leaving  Gen.  Patterson  in  command  on  the 
Rio  Grande.  Taylor's  first  aim  was  to  join  Worth  at  Seralvo. 
He  reached  this  place  in  due  time,  where  he  rested  his  army 


448  CONQUEST  OF  MEXICO: 

for  several  days.  On  the  eighteenth,  however,  they  were  at 
Walnut  Springs,  three  miles  from  the  capital. 

At  this  time  Monterey,  the  capital  of  New  Leon,  contained 
about  fifteen  thousand  inhabitants.  Being  situated  near  the 
base  of  the  grand  mountain  range  called  the  Sierra  Madre,  par 
allel  to  which  runs  the  Arroya  San  Juan,  it  possessed  all  the 
advantages  for  a  defensive  warfare.  In  front,  and  to  the  right 
of  the  town,  a  strong  and  extensive  fortress  known  as  the  cita 
del,  had  for  some  time  been  erected.  It  covered  an  area  of 
about  three  acres,  the  walls  being  of  solid  masonry,  thick  and 
high,  with  bastions  commanding  all  approaches  from  the  north 
east,  the  north,  and  northwest.  On  the  eastern  side  of  the  city 
were  several  redoubts.  Near  the  outskirts  on  the  southwest  of 
the  city  were  two  large  forts  on  the  coiirse  of  the  Aroya  San 
Juan,  and  on  the  opposite  side  oi  the  river,  and  also  on  the  Sal- 
tillo  road,  the  heights  were  crowned  by  two  strong  fortifications. 
The  latter  was  known  as  the  Bishop's  Palace.  These  well-con 
structed  defenses  were  mounted  with  forty-two  heavy  cannon. 
In  the  city  itself  were  also  many  sources  of  defense.  The  stone 
walls  of  the  houses  rose  some  distance  above  the  roofs,  thus 
affording  good  parapets.  Gen.  Ampudia  was  at  this  time  in 
the  city  with  an  army,  of  eight  thousand  regular  troops,  and 
over  a  thousand  militia,  with  an  abundant  supply  of  arms  and 
ammunition. 

Gen.  Taylor  established  his  camp  at  Walnut  Springs,  three 
miles  from  Monterey,  and  determined  to  approach  the  city  by 
way  of  the  Saltillo  road.  He  ordered  a  close  reconnoisance  of 
this  route,  which  strengthened  his  determination,  and  he  at 
once  sent  a  column  forward  to  turn  the  works  of  the  enemy  in 
that  direction.  Gen.  Worth  commanded  the  detachment  sent 
on  this  expedition,  and  marched  on  the  twentieth.  His  move 
ment  was  soon  discovered  by  the  enemy.  The  following  is  his 
own  account  of  the  contest  which  engaged  the  division  under 
him: 

"  My  instructions  were  by  a  detour  to  the  right,  to  endeavor 
to  find  and  reach  the  Saltillo  road,  effect  a  thorough  reconnois- 
sance  of  the  approaches  to  the  city  from  that  direction,  to  cut 


OR,    THE    BORDER    WARS    OF   TWO    CENTURIES.  449 

off  supplies  and  re-enforcements,  and,  if  practicable,  carry  the 
heights. 

"  Owing  to  the  difficulties  of  the  ground  after  leaving  the 
Marin,  and  before  striking  the  Presquina  Grande  road,  the 
division  had  reached  only  six  miles,  in  consequence  of  the  delay 
in  making  the  route  practicable  for  artillery,  which  service  was 
performed  by  Capt.  Sanders,  at  six  o'clock  p.  M.,  and  was  halted 
just  without  the  range  of  a  gun  battery  on  the  summit  of  an 
isolated  hill  called  Loma  de  Independencia,  midway  on  the 
ascent  of  which  was  the  Bishop's  Palace.  Thence  a  reconnois- 
sance  was  made,  under  cover  of  detachments  of  Hay's  Texans, 
to  the  intersection  of  the  Presquina  Grande  route,  then  in  our 
possession,  with  the  Saltillo  road.  This  examination  resulted 
in  the  conviction  that  the  grounds  in  our  front  and  on  our  left, 
in  advance,  constituted  at  the  same  time  the  weak  and  the 
strong  points  of  the  enemy's  position,  and  entered  mainly  into 
the  defenses  of  the  city — the  weak  point,  because  commanding 
the  only  lines  of  retreat  and  of  supply  in  the  direction  of  Sal 
tillo,  and  controling  that  in  the  direction  of  Presquina  Grande; 
the  strong  point,  because  of  the  peculiarly  defensive  character 
of  the  hills  and  gorges,  and  of  the  very  careful  and  skillful  man 
ner  in  which  they  had  been  fortified  and  guarded.  It  was  also 
clearly  indicated  that  our  further  advance  would  be  strenuously 
resisted. 

"  On  the  morning  of  the  twenty-first,  the  division  was  put 
in  motion,  and  with  such  formation  as  to  present  the  readiest 
order  of  battle,  on  any  point  of  assault.  At  six  the  advance, 
consisting  of  Hay's  Texans,  supported  by  the  light  companies, 
first  brigade,  under  Capt.  C.  F.  Smith  (both  extended  as  the 
valley  widened  or  contracted),  closely  followed  by  Duncan's 
light  artillery  and  battallion,  heads  of  columns,  on  turning  an 
angle  of  the  mountain  at  a  hacienda  called  San  Jeronimo, 
came  upon  a  strong  force  of  cavalry  and  infantry,  mostly  the 
former.  A  conflict  immediately  ensued.  The  Texans  received 
the  heavy  charge  of  cavalry  with  their  unerring  rifles  and  usual 
gallantry;  the  light  companies  opened  a  rapid  and  well-directed 
fire;  Duncan's  battery  was  in  action  in  one  minute  (promptly 
supported  by  a  section  of  Mackall's),  delivering  its  fire  over  the 
29 


450  CONQUEST    OF    MEXICO! 

heads  of  our  men.  Ere  the  close  of  the  combat,  which  lasted 
but  fifteen  minutes,  the  First  brigade  had  formed  to  the  front T 
on  the  right  and  left,  and  delivered  its  lire.  The  Second  brig 
ade  was  held  in  reserve,  the  ground  not  admitting  of  its 
deployment.  The  enemy  retired  in  disorder  (leaving  on  the 
ground  one  hundred  killed  and  wounded;  among  the  former,. 
Don  Juan  IS".  ]NTajua,  colonel  of  the  permanent  regiment  of 
lancers),  upon  the  Saltillo  road,  and  was  closely  pursued,  until 
we  got  possession  of  the  gorge,  where  all  the  debouches  from 
Monterey  unite,  whereby  the  force  just  defeated,  as  also  rein 
forcements  and  supplies  from  that  direction,  were  excluded 
from  entering  the  city.  At  this  important  point  the  division 
was  halted,  and  attention  directed  to  the  mountain  forts  which 
envelope  the  city  on  its  western  and  southwestern  faces.  Soon 
discovering,  however,  that  our  position  brought  us  within 
effective  range  of  the  batteries,  the  troops  were  advanced  some 
eight  hundred  yards  further  on  the  Saltillo  road. 

uThe  examination  thus  far  had  manifested',  besides  the 
importance  of  the  positions,  the  impracticability  of  any  effect 
ive  operations  against  the  city,  until  possessed  of  the  exterior 
forts  and  batteries.  Independent,  however,  of  ulterior  objects, 
the  occupation  of  these  heights  became  indispensible  to  the 
rest  >ration  of  our  lines  of  communication  with  headquarters, 
necessarily  abandoned  for  the  moment  in  order  to  secure  the 
gorges  of  the  Saltillo  road.  At  twelve  M.  a  force  was  detached 
under  Capt.  C.  F.  Smith,  witli  orders  to  storm  the  batteries  on 
the  crest  of  the  nearest  hill,  called  Federaeion,  and  after  taking 
that,  to  carry  the  fort  called  Soldada,  on  the  ridge  of  the  same 
height,  retired  about  six  hundred  yards.  The  two  effectually 
guarded  the  slopes  and  roads  in  either  valley,  and  consequently 
the  approaches  to  the  city.  This  command  consisted  of  four 
companies  of  the  artillery  battalion,  and  Green's,  McGowan's, 
K.  A.  Gillespie's,  Chandler's,  Ballone's,  and  McCul loch's  com 
panies  of  Texan  riflemen,  under  Maj.  Chevalier,  acting  in 
co-operation — in  all  about  three  hundred  effectives.  It  was 
impossible  to  mask  the  movement  of  the  storming  party.  On 
approaching  the  base  of  the  mountain,  the  guns  of  both  batteries 
opened  a  plunging  fire,  and  numerous  light  troops  were  seen 


OR,    THE    BOEDER    WARS    OF    TWO    CENTURIES.  451 

descending  and  arranging  themselves  at  favorable  points  on  the 
slopes.  Perceiving  the  indications  of  determined  resistance, 
Capt.  Miles  was  detached  from  the  Seventh  to  support  and  co 
operate  with  the  first  party. 

"  In  a  short  time  the  fire  became  general,  the  enemy  gradu 
ally  yielding  and  retiring  up  the  rugged  acclivity,  and  our 
men  as  steadily  pursuing.  The  appearance  of  heavy  rein 
forcements  on  the  summit,  and  the  cardinal  importance  of  the 
operation  demanding  further  support,  the  fifth  under  Major 
Scott,  and  Blanchard's  companies  of  volunteers  were  immedi 
ately  detached,  accompanied  by  Brigadier-General  Smith, 
who  was  instructed  to  take  direction  in  that  quarter.  On 
reaching  the  advance  parties,  General  Smith  discovered  that 
under  favor  of  the  ground,  he  could,  by  directing  a  portion 
of  the  force  to  the  right,  and  moving  it  obliquely  up  the  hill, 
carry  the  Soldada  simultaneously  with  the  Federacion.  He 
accordingly  very  judiciously  pointed  and  accompanied  the 
fifth,  seventh,  and  Blanchard's  company  in  that  direction. 
Captain  Smith's  command  having  most  gallantly  carried  the 
first  object  of  attack,  promptly  turned  the  captured  gun  —  a 
nine-pounder  —  upon  the  second,  and  moved  on  with  his  main 
body  to  participate  in  the  assault  on  Soldada,  which  was  carried 
in  gallant  style  by  the  forces  under  Scott,  Miles,  Blanchard, 
and  Hays  (who  had  been  detached  on  special  service,  but  who 
returned  in  time  to  share  with  fifty  of  his  men  in  the  first 
assault,  and  to  take  a  prominent  part  in  the  second),  the  wrhole 
directed  by  General  Smith. 

"At  this  point  we  secured  another  nine-pounder,  and  imme 
diately  both  pieces  were  brought  to  bear  upon  the  Bishop's 
Palace,  situated  upon  and  midway  the  southern  slope  of  the 
hill  Independencia,  a  valley  of  only  six  hundred  yards  inter 
vening.  We  had  now  secured  an  important  advantage,  and 
yet  but  half  the  work  was  done.  The  possession  of  these 
heights  only  made  the  more  apparent  the  controlling  import 
ance  of  those  opposite,  and  the  necessity  of  occupying  the 
palace.  A  violent  storm  ensued,  and  night  closing  in,  opera 
tions  for  the  day  ceased.  The  troops  had  now  been  thirty-six 
hours  without  food,  and  constantly  tasked  to  the  utmost  physical 


452  CONQUEST  OF  MEXICO: 

exertions.  Such  as  could  be  permitted  slept  with  arms  in 
hand,  subjected  to  a  pelting  storm,  and  without  covering  till 
three  A.  M.,  when  they  were  aroused  to  carry  the  hill  Inde- 
pendencia. 

"  Lieut.-Col.  Childs  was  assigned  to  lead  the  storming  parties, 
consisting  of  three  companies,  I  and  G-  (fourth),  and  A,  (third 
artillery  battalion;)  three  companies  eighth  infantry,  (A,  B, 
and  D,)  under  Capt.  Scriven,  with  two  hundred  Texan  riflemen, 
under  Col.  Hays  and  Lieut.-Col.  Walker  (captain  of  rifles), 
acting  in  co-operation.  The  command  moved  at  three,  con 
ducted  to  its  point  of  ascent  by  Capt.  Sanders,  military,  and 
Lieut.  Meade,  topographical  engineers.  Favored  by  the 
weather,  it  reached  by  the  dawn  of  day  within  about  one 
hundred  yards  of  the  crest,  in  which  position,  among  the  clefts 
of  rocks,  a  body  of  the  enemy  had  been  stationed  the  previous 
evening  in  apparent  anticipation  of  the  attack.  The  enemy's 
retreating  fire  was  ineffectual,  and  not  returned  until  Col. 
Child's  and  Hays'  command  had  reached  to  within  a  few  yards 
of  the  summit,  when  a  well-directed  and  destructive  fire,  fol 
lowed  by  the  bayonet  of  the  regulars  and  rush  of  the  Texans, 
placed  us  in  possession  of  the  work;  the  cannon  having  been 
previously  withdrawn,  no  impression  could,  be  made  upon  the 
massive  walls  of  the  palace  or  its  outworks,  without  artillery, 
except  at  enormous  sacrifice. 

"Lieut.  Rowland,  of  Duncan's  battery,  was  ordered  from 
the  main  rank  with  a  twelve-pound  howitzer,  and  in  two 
hours  (aided  by  fifty  men  from  the  line,  under  Capt.  Sanders, 
military  engineer,  for  the  purpose  of  selecting  the  route  least 
difficult)  that  enterprising  and  gallant  officer  had  his  guns  in 
position,  having  ascended  an  acclivity  as  rugged  as  steep, 
between  seven  and  eight  hundred  feet  in  two  hours.  A  fire 
was  immediately  opened  from  the  howitzer,  covered  by  the 
epaulement  of  the  captured  battery,  upon  the  palace  and  its 
outworks,  four  hundred  yards  distant,  and  soon  produced  a  visible 
sensation.  Meanwhile,  to  re-enforce  the  position,  the  fifth, 
Major  Scott  and  Blanchard's  volunteers,  had  been  passed  from 
the  first  heights,  and  reached  the  second  in  time  to  participate 
in  the  operations  against  the  palace. 


OR,  THE  BOEDER  WARS  OF  TWO  CENTURIES.        453 

"After  many  affairs  of  light  troops  and  several  feints,  a 
heavy  sortie  was  made,  sustained  by  a  strong  corps  of  cavalry, 
with  desperate  resolution,  to  repossess  the  heights.  Such  a 
move  had  been  anticipated  and  prepared  for.  Lieut.-Col. 
Childs  had  advanced  under  cover,  two  companies  of  light 
troops  under  the  command  of  Capt.  Yinton,  acting  major,  and 
judiciously  drawn  up  the  main  body  of  his  command,  flanked 
on  the  right  by  Hays,  and  left  by  Walker's  Texans.  The 
enemy  advanced  boldly,  was  repulsed  by  one  general  discharge 
from  all  arms,  lied  in  confusion,  closely  pressed  by  Childs  and 
Hays,  preceded  by  the  light  troops  under  Vinton;  and  while 
they  tied  past,  our  troops  entered  the  palace  and  fort.  In  a 
few  moments  the  unpretending  flag  of  our  union  had  replaced 
the  gaudy  standard  of  Mexico.  The  captured  guns — one  six- 
inch  howitzer,  one  twelve,  and  two  nine-pounder  brass  guns, 
together  with  Duncan's  and  Mackall's  field-batteries,  which 
came  up  at  a  gallop,  were  in  full  and  effective  play  upon  the 
retiring  and  confused  masses  that  filled  the  street  (of  which 
we  had  the  prolongation)  leading  to  the  nearest  plaza,  La 
Capella,  also  crowded  with  troops.  At  this  moment  the 
enemy's  loss  was  heavy.  The  investment  was  now  complete. 
Except  the  forces  necessary  to  hold  the  positions  on  Indepen- 
dencia  and  serve  the  guns  (shifted  to  points  where  the  shot 
could  be  made  to  reach  the  great  plaza),  the  division  was  now 
concentrated  around  the  palace,  and  preparation  made  to 
assault  the  city  on  the  following  day,  or  sooner,  should  the 
general-iii-chief  either  so  direct,  or,  before  communication  be 
had,  renew  the  assault  from  the  opposite  quarter.  In  the  mean 
time  attention  was  directed  to  every  provision  our  circum 
stances  permitted,  to  alleviate  the  condition  of  our  wounded 
soldiers  and  officers;  to  the  decent  interment  of  the  dead,  not 
omitting  in  either  respect  all  that  was  due  to  those  of  the 
enemy. 

"About  ten  A.  M.,  on  the  twenty-third,  a  heavy  fire  was 
heard  in  the  opposite  quarter.  Its  magnitude  and  continu 
ance,  as  well  as  other  circumstances,  did  not  permit  a  doubt 
that  the  general  was  conducting  a  main  attack;  and  that  his 
orders  for  my  co-operation  (having  to  travel  a  circuit  of  some 


454  CONQUEST    OF   MEXICO! 

six  miles)  had  miscarried  or  failed  to  reach  me,  by  means  of 
the  numerous  cavalry  of  the  enemy.  Under  these  convictions, 
the  troops  were  instantly  ordered  to  commence  an  operation, 
which,  if  not  otherwise  directed,  I  had  designed  to  execute  in 
part,  under  favor  of  the  night.  Two  columns  of  attack  were 
organized,  to  move  along  the  two  principal  streets,  leading 
from  our  position,  in  direction  of  the  great  plaza,  composed 
of  light  troops  slightly  extended,  with  orders  to  mask  the 
men  whenever  practicable,  avoid  those  points  swept  by  the 
enemy's  artillery,  to  press  on  to  the  first  plaza,  Capella,  to  get 
hold  of  the  ends  of  streets  beyond,  then  enter  the  buildings, 
and  by  means  of  picks  and  bars  break  through  the  longitu 
dinal  section  of  the  walls,  work  from  house  to  house,  and 
ascending  the  roofs,  to  place  themselves  on  the  same  breast- 
height  with  the  enemy.  Light  artillery  by  sections  and  pieces, 
under  Duncan,  Roland,  Mackall,  Martin,  Hays,  Irons,  Clarke, 
and  Curd,  followed  at  suitable  intervals,  covered  by  reserves  to 
guard  the  pieces  and  the  whole  operation  against  the  probable 
enterprises  of  cavalry  upon  our  left.  This  was  effectually  done 
by  seizing  and  commanding  the  head  of  every  cross  street. 
The  streets  were,  at  different  and  well-chosen  points,  barri 
caded  by  heavy  masonry  walls,  with  embrasures  for  one  or 
more  guns,  and  in  every  instance  w^ell  supported  by  cross  bat 
teries.  These  arrangements  of  defense  gave  to  our  operations 
at  this  moment  a  complicated  character,  demanding  much  care 
and  precaution;  but  the  work  went  on  steadily,  simultane 
ously,  and  successfully.  About  the  time  our  assault  com 
menced,  the  fire  ceased  from  our  force  in  the  opposite  quarter. 
Disengaged  on  the  one  side,  the  enemy  was  enaoled  to  shift 
men  and  guns  to  our  quarter,  as  was  soon  manifested  by  accu 
mulation  of  fire.  At  dark  we  had  worked  through  the  walls 
and  squares,  and  reached  to  within  one  block  of  the  great 
plaza,  leaving  a  covered  way  in  our  rear — carried  a  large  build 
ing  which  towered  over  the  principal  defenses,  and  during  the 
night  and  ensuing  morning,  crowned  its  roof  with  two  howit 
zers  and  a  six-pounder.  All  things  were  now  prepared  to 
renew  the  assault  at  dawn  of  day,  when  a  flag  was  sent  out, 


OR,    THE    BOEDER    WARS    OF   TWO    CENTURIES.  455 

asking  a  momentary  suspension  of  fire,  which  led  to  the  capi 
tulation  upon  terms  so  honorable  to  our  arms. 

"As  the  columns  of  attack  were  moving  from  the  palace 
hill,  Major  Munroe,  chief  of  artillery,  reached  me  with  a  ten- 
inch  mortar,  which  was  immediately  advanced  to  the  plaza, 
chapel,  put  in  position  masked  by  the  church  wall,  its  bed 
adjusted  as  rapidly  as  possible,  and  by  sunset  opened  upon  the 
great  square.  At  this  period,  our  troops  had  ,  worked  to  with 
in  one  square  of  the  plaza;  the  exact  position  of  our  comrades, 
on  the  opposite  side,  was  not  known,  and  the  distance  of  the 
position  to  be  assailed  by  the  bomb  battery,  but  conjecturing 
eight  hundred  yards  was  assumed,  and  the  fuze  and  charge 
regulated  accordingly;  the  first  shell  fell  a  little  short  of  the 
point  on  which  it  was  directed,  and  beside  our  troops;  a  slight 
increase  of  the  projecting  charge  gave  exact  results.  The 
whole  service  was  managed  by  Major  Munroe,  most  admira 
bly,  and,  combined  with  other  operations,  exercised  a  decided 
influence  upon  the  final  results.  Early  on  the  morning  of  the 
twenty-third,  Major  Brown's  artillery  battallion  was  des 
patched  with  a  select  command,  and  one  section  of  Mackall's 
battery,  under  Lieut.  Irons,  to  occupy  the  stone  mill  and 
adjacent  grounds,  constituting,  one  league  in  advance,  the 
narrow  gorge  near  St.  Catarina.  The  major  took  possession, 
repulsed  the  enemy's  pickets,  and  was  preparing  his  command 
to  resist  any  attack,  when  he  received  my  orders  to  retrace  his 
steps,  enter  the  city,  and  form  the  main  reserve  to  the  assault 
ing  columns.  He  came  up  in  good  time  and  in  good  order, 
and  was  at  once  under  fire. 

"  On  the  twenty-fifth,  in  conformity  to  the  articles  of  capit 
ulation,  the '  citadel  was  taken  possession  of  by  a  command 
consisting  of  two  companies  of  each  regiment,  and  one  section 
of  each  battery,  second  division.  Gen.  Smith  was  directed 
to  take  command  of  this  corps,  and  conduct  the  ceremony; 
which  duty  he  executed  with  delicacy  to  the  unhappy  and 
humiliated  foe. 

Let  us  now  read  Gen.  Taylor's  account  of  his  operations  in 
<;o-operation  with  the  division  under  Gen.  Worth: 

"  Early  on  the  morning  of  the  twenty -first,  I  received  a  note 


456  CONQUEST  OF  MEXICO: 

from  Gen.  Worth,  written  at  half-past  nine  o'clock  the  night 
before,  suggesting  what  I  had  already  intended,  a  strong  diver 
sion  against  the  center  and  left  of  the  town,  to  favor  his  enter 
prise  against  the  heights  in  the  rear.  The  infantry  and  artil 
lery  of  the  first  division,  and  the  field  division  of  volunteers, 
were  ordered  under  arms,  and  took  the  direction  of  the  city, 
leaving  one  company  of  each  regiment  as  a  camp  guard.  The 
second  dragoons,  under  Lieut.-Col.  May,  and  Col.  Wood's  reg 
iment  of  Texas  mounted  volunteers,  under  the  immediate 
direction  of  Gen.  Henderson,  were  directed  to  the  right  to 
support  Gen.  Worth,  if  necessary,  and  to  make  an  impression, 
if  practicable,  upon  the  upper  quarter  of  the  city.  Upon 
approaching  the  mortar  battery,  the  first  and  third  regiments 
of  infantry,  and  battalion  of  Baltimore  and  Washington  vol 
unteers,  with  Capt.  Bragg's  field  battery — the  whole  under 
the  command  of  Lieut.-Col.  Garland — were  directed  towards 
the  lower  part  »f  the  town,  with  orders  to  make  a  strong 
demonstration,  and  carry  one  of  the  enemy's  advanced  works, 
if  it  could  be  done  without  too  heavy  loss.  Major  Mansfield, 
Engineers,  and  Capt.  Williams  and  Lieut.  Pope,  Topographi 
cal  Engineer,  accompanied  this  column,  Major  Mansfield 
being  charged  with  its  direction,  and  the  designation  of  points 
of  attack. 

"  In  the  meantime,  the  mortar,  served  by  Capt.  Ramsay,  of 
the  ordnance,  and  the  howitzer  battery  under  Capt.  Webster, 
first  artillery,  had  opened  their  fire  upon  the  citadel,  which  was 
deliberately  sustained,  and  answered  from  the  work.  Gen. 
Butler's  division  had  now  taken  up  a  position  in  the  rear  of 
this  battery,  when  the  discharges  of  artillery,  mingled  finally 
with  a  rapid  fire  of  small  arms,  showed  that  Lie*ut.-Col.  Gar 
land's  command  had  become  warmly  engaged.  I  now  deemed 
it  necessary  to  support  this  attack,  and  accordingly:  ordered 
the  fourth  infantry,  and  three  regiment's  of  Gen.  Butler's 
division,  to  march  at  once,  by  the  left  flank,  in  the  direction  of 
the  advanced  work  at  the  lower  extremity  of  the  town,  leaving 
one  regiment  (first  Kentucky)  to  cover  the  mortar  and  howit 
zer  battery.  By  some  mistake,  two  companies  of  the  fourth 


OK,    THE   BORDER    WARS    OF    TWO    CENTURIES.  4:57 

infantry  did  not  receive  this  order,  and,  consequently,  did  not 
join  the  advance  companies  until  some  time  afterwards. 

"  Lieut.-Col.  Garland's  command  had  approached  the  town 
in  a  direction  to  the  right  of  the  advanced  work  (No.  1,)  at  the 
northeastern  angle  of  the  city,  and  the  engineer  officer,  covered 
by  skirmishers,  had  succeeded  in  entering  the  suburbs  and 
gaining  cover.  The  remainder  of  this  command  now  advanced 
and  entered  the  town  under  a  heavy  fire  of  artillery  from  the 
citadel  and  the  works  on  the  left,  and  of  musketry  from  the 
houses  and  small  works  in  front.  A  movement  to  the  right 
was  attempted,  with  a  view  to  gain  the  rear  of  No.  1,  and  carry 
that  work,  but  the  troops  were  so  much  exposed  to  a  fire  which, 
they  could  not  effectually  return,  and  had  already  sustained 
such  severe  loss,  particularly  in  officers,  that  it  was  deemed 
best  to  withdraw  them  to  a  more  secure  position.  Capt.. 
Backus,  first  infantry,  however,  with  a  portion  of  his  own  and 
other  companies,  had  gained  the  roof  of  a  tannery,  which 
looked  directly  into  the  gorge  of  No.  1,  and  from  which  he- 
poured  a  most  destructive  fire  into  that  work  and  upon  the 
strong  building  in  its  rear.  This  fire  happily  coincided  in 
point  of  time  with  the  advance  of  a  portion  of  the  volunteer 
division  upon  No.  1,  and  contributed  largely  to  the  fall  of  that 
strong  and  important  work. 

"  The  three  regiments  of  the  volunteer  division,  under  the 
immediate  command  of  Major-Gen.  Butler,  had,  in  the  mean 
time,  advanced  in  the  direction  of  No.  1.  The  leading  brigade, 
under  Brig.-Gen.  Quitman,  continued  its  advance  upon  that 
work,  preceded  by  three  companies  of  the  fourth  infantry,, 
while  Gen.  Butler,  with  the  first  Ohio  regiment,  entered  the 
town  to  the  right.  The  companies  of  the  fourth  infantry  had 
advanced  within  short  range  of  the  work,  when  they  were 
received  by  a  fire  that  almost  in  one  moment  struck  down  one- 
third  of  the  officers  and  men,  and  rendered  it  necessary  to 
retire  and  effect  a  conjunction  with  the  two  other  companies 
then  advancing.  Gen.  Quitman's  brigade,  though  suffering 
most  severely,  particularly  in  the  Tennessee  regiment,  con 
tinued  its  advance,  and  finally  carried  the  work,  in  handsome 
style,  as  well  as  the  strong  building  in  its  rear.  Five  pieces- 


458  CONQUEST  OF  MEXICO: 

of  artillery,  a  considerable  supply  of  ammunition,  and  thirty 
prisoners,  including  three  officers,  fell  into  our  hands. 

"  Major-Gen.  Butler,  with  the  first  Ohio  regiment,  after 
entering  the  edge  of  the  town,  discovered  that  nothing  was  to 
be  accomplished  in  his  front,  and  at  this  point,  yielding  to  the 
suggestions  of  several  officers,  I  ordered  a  retrograde  move 
ment;  but  learning  almost  immediately  from  one  of  my  staff 
that  the  -battery  No.  1  was  in  our  possession,  the  order  was 
countermanded,  and  I  determined  to  hold  the  battery  and 
defenses  already  gained.  G-en.  Butler,  with  the  first  Ohio  reg 
iment,  then  entered  the  town  at  a  point  further  to  the  left,  and 
marched  in  the  direction  of  the  battery  No. -2.  While  making 
an  examination  with  a  view  to  ascertain  the  possibility  of  car 
rying  this  second  work  by  storm,  the  general  was  wounded  and 
soon  after  compelled  to  quit  the  field.  As  the  strength  of  ISTo. 
2,  and  the  heavy  musketry  fire  flanking  the  approach,  rendered 
it  impossible  to  carry  it  without  great  loss,  the  first  Ohio  regi 
ment  was  withdrawn  from  the  town. 

"  Fragments  of  the  various  regiments  engaged  were  now 
under  cover  of  the  captured  battery  and  some  buildings  in  its 
front,  and  on  the  right.  The  field  battery  of  Capts.  Bragg  and 
Ridgely  was  also  partially  covered  by  the  battery.  An  inces 
sant  fire  was  kept  on  this  position  from  battery  ~No.  2,  and 
other  works  on  its  right,  and  from  the  citadel  on  all  our 
approaches.  Gen.  Twiggs,  though  quite  unwell,  joined  me  at 
this  point,  and  was  instrumental  in  causing  the  artillery  cap 
tured  from  the  enemy  to  be  placed  in  battery,  and  served  by 
Capt.  Bidgely,  against  JSTo.  2,  until  the  arrival  of  Capt.  Web 
ster's  howitzer  battery,  which  took  its  place.  In  the  meantime, 
I  directed  such  men  as  could  be  collected  of  the  first,  third  and 
fourth  regiments  and  Baltimore  battalion,  to  enter  the  town, 
penetrate  to  the  right,  and  carry  the  second  battery  if  possible. 
This  command,  under  Lieut.-Col.  Garland,  advanced  beyond 
the  bridge  *  Purisima,'  when,  finding  it  impracticable  to  gain 
the  rear  of  the  second  battery,  a  portion  of  it  sustained  them 
selves  for  some  time  in  that  advanced  position;  but  as  no 
permanent  impression  could  be  made  at  that  point,  and  the 
main  object  of  the  general  operation  had  been  effected,  the 


OB,    THE   BOEDER    WARS    OF    TWO    CENTURIES.  459 

command,  including  a  section  of  Capt.  Ridgely's  battery, 
which  had  joined  it,  was  withdrawn  to  battery  No.  1.  During 
the  absence  of  this  column,  a  demonstration  of  cavalry  was 
reported  in  the  direction  of  the  citadel.  Capt.  Bragg,  who 
was  at  hand,  immediately  galloped  with  his  battery  to  a  suita 
ble  position,  from  which  a  few  discharges  effectually  dispersed 
the  enemy.  Capt.  Miller,  first  infantry,  was  dispatched  with  a 
mixed  command  to  support  the  battery  on  this  service.  The 
enemy's  lancers  had  previously  charged  upon  the  Ohio  and 
a  part  of  the  Mississippi  regiments,  near  some  fields  at  a  dis 
tance  from  the  edge  of  the  town,  and  had  been  repulsed  with 
considerable  loss.  A  demonstration  of  cavalry  on  the  opposite 
side  of  the  river  was  also  dispersed  in  the  course  of  the  after 
noon  by  Capt.  Bidgely's  battery,  and  the  squadrons  returned 
to  the  city.  At  the  approach  of  evening  all  the  troops  that  had 
been  engaged  were  ordered  back  to  the  camp,  except  Capt. 
Bidgely's  battery  and  the  regular  infantry  of  the  first  division, 
who  were  detailed  as  a  guard  for  the  works  during  the  night, 
under  command  of  Lieut. -Col.  Garland.  One  battalion  of  the 
first  Kentucky  regiment  was  ordered  to  re-enforce  this  com 
mand.  Intrenching  tools  were  procured,  and  additional 
strength  was  given  to  the  works,  and  protection  to  the  men, 
by  working  parties  during  the  night,  under  the  direction  of 
Lieut.  Scarritt,  Engineers. 

"  The  main  object  proposed  in  the  morning  had  been  effected. 
A  powerful  diversion  had  been  made  to  iavor  the  operations  of 
the  second  division,  one  of  the  enemy's  advanced  works  had 
been  carried,  and  we  now  had  a  strong  foothold  in  the  town. 
But  this  had  not  been  accomplished  without  a  very  heavy  loss, 
embracing  some  of  our  most  gallant  and  accomplished  officers. 
Oapt.  Williams,  Topographical  Engineers;  Lieuts.  Terrett  and 
Dilworth,  first  infantry ;  Lieut.  Woods,  second  infantry;  Capts. 
Morris  and  Field,  Brevet  Major  Barbour,  Lieuts.  Irwin  and 
Hazlitt,  third  in  fan  try;  Lieut.  Hoskins,  fourth  infantry;  Lieut.- 
•Col.  Watson,  Baltimore  battalion;  Capt.  Allen  and  Lieut.  Put 
nam,  Tennessee  regiment,  and  Lieut.  Hett,  Ohio  regiment, 
were  killed,  or  have  since  died  of  wounds  received  in  this 
engagement,  while  the  number  and  rank  of  the  officers  wounded 


460  CONQUEST    OF    MEXICO! 

gives  additional  proof  of  the  obstinacy  of  the  contest,  and  the 
good  conduct  of  our  troops.  The  number  of  killed  and 
wounded  incident  to  the  operations  in  the  lower  part  of  the 
city  on  the  twenty-first,  is  three  hundred  and  ninety-four. 

"  Early  in  the  morning  of  this  day  (twenty-first,)  the  advance 
of  the  second  division  had  encountered  the  enemy  in  force,  and 
after  a  brief,  but  sharp  conflict,  repulsed  him  with  heavy  loss. 
Gen  Worth  then  succeeded  in  gaining  a  position  on  the  Sal- 
tillo  road,  thus  cutting  ,off  the  enemy's  line  of  communication. 
From  this  position  the  two  heights  south  of  the  Saltillo  road 
were  carried  in  succession,  and  the  guns  taken  in  one  of  them 
turned  upon  the  Bishop's  Palace.  These  important  successes 
were  fortunately  obtained  with  comparatively  small  loss:  Capt. 
McKavett,  eighth  infantry,  being  the  only  officer  killed. 

"  The  twenty- second  of  September  passed  without  any  active 
operations  in  the  lower  part  of  the  city.  The  citadel  and  other 
works  continued  to  fire  at  parties  exposed  to  their  range,  and 
at  the  work  now  occupied  by  our  troops.  The  guard  left  in  it 
the  preceding  night,  except  Capt.  Ridgely's  company,  was 
relieved  at  mid-day  by  Gen.  Quitinan's  brigade.  Capt.  Bragg's 
battery  was  thrown  under  cover  in  front  of  the  town,  to  repel 
any  demonstration  of  cavalry  in  that  quarter.  At  dawn  of 
day  the  height  above  the  Bishop's  Palace  was  carried,  and  soon 
after  meridian  the  Palace  itself  was  taken,  and  its  guns  turned 
upon  the  fugitive  garrison.  The  object  for  which  the  second 
division  was  detached  had  thus  been  completely  accomplished,, 
and  I  felt  confident  that  with  a  strong  force  occupying  the 
road  and  heights  in  his  rear,  and  a  good  position  below  the 
city  in  our  possession,  the  enemy  could  not  possibly  maintain 
the  town. 

"  Daring  the  night  of  the  twenty-second  the  enemy  evac 
uated  nearly  all  his  defenses  in  the  lower  part  of  the  city. 
This  was  reported  to  me  early  in  the  morning  of  the  twenty- 
third,  by  Gen.  Quitman,  who  had  already  meditated  an  assault 
upon  those  works.  I  immediately  sent  instructions  to  that 
officer,  leaving  it  to  his  discretion  to  enter  the  city,  covering 
his  men  by  the  houses  and  walls,  and  advance  carefully  so  far 
as  he  might  deem  prudent. 


OB,    THE    BOEDER   WARS    OF    TWO    CENTURIES.  461 

"  After  ordering  the  remainder  of  the  troops  as  a  reserve, 
under  the  orders  of  Brig. -Gen.  Twiggs,  I  repaired  to  the  aban 
doned  works,  and  discovered  that  a  portion  of  Gen.  Quitman's 
brigade  had  entered  the  town,  and  were  successfully  forcing 
their  way  towards  the  principal  plaza.  I  then  ordered  up  the 
second  regiment  of  Texas  mounted  volunteers,  who  entered 
the  city,  dismounted,  and,  under  the  immediate  orders  of  Gen. 
Henderson,  co-operated  with  Gen.  Quitman's  brigade.  Capt. 
Bragg's  battery  was  also  ordered  up,  supported  by  the  third 
infantry,  and  after  firing  for  some  time  at  the  cathedral,  a  por 
tion  of  it  was  likewise  thrown  into  the  city.  Our  troops 
advanced  from  house  to  house,  and  from  square  to  square,  until 
they  reached  a  street  but  one  square  in  the  rear  of  the  princi 
pal  plaza,  in  and  near  which  the  enemy's  force  was  mainly 
concentrated.  This  advance  was  conducted  vigorously,  but 
with  due  caution,  a'nd  although  destructive  to  the  enemy,  was 
attended  with  but  small  loss  on  our  part.  Capt.  Ridgely,  in 
the  meantime,  had  served  a  captured  piece  in  battery  No.  1 
against  the  city,  until  the  advance  of  our  men  rendered  it 
imprudent  to  fire  in  the  direction  of  the  Cathedral.  I  was 
now  satisfied  that  we  could  operate  successfully  in  the  city,  and 
that  the  enemy  had  retired  from  the  lower  portion  of  it  to 
make  a  stand  behind  his  barricades.  As  Gen.  Quitman's 
brigade  had  been  on  duty  the  previous  night,  I  determined  to 
withdraw  the  troops  to  the  evacuated  works,  and  concert  with 
Gen.  Worth  a  combined  attack  upon  the  town.  The  troops 
accordingly  fell  back  deliberately,  in  good  order,  and  resumed 
their  original  positions,  Gen.  Quitman's  brigade  being  relieved 
after  nightfall  by  that  of  Gen.  Hamer.  On  my  return  to 
camp,  I  met  an  officer  with  the  intelligence  that  Gen.  Worth, 
induced  by  the  firing  in  the  lower  part  of  the  city,  was  about 
making  an  attack  at  the  upper  extremity,  which  had  also  been 
evacuated  by  the  enemy  to  a  considerable  distance.  I  regretted 
that  this  information  had  not  reached  me  before  leaving  the 
city,  but  still  deemed  it  inexpedient  to  change  my  orders,  and 
accordingly  returned  to  camp.  A  note  from  Gen.  Worth, 
written  at  eleven  o'clock  p.  M.,  informed  me  that  he  had 
advanced  to  within  a  short  distance  of  the  principal  plaza,  and 


462  CONQUEST    OF    MEXICO! 

that  the  mortar  (which  had  been  sent  to  his  division  in  the 
morning)  was  doing  good  execution  within  effective  range  of 
the  enemy's  position. 

"  Desiring  to  make  no  further  attempt  upon  the  city  without 
complete  concert  as  to  the  lines  and  mode  of  approach,  I 
instructed  that  officer  to  suspend  his  advance  until  I  could 
have  an  interview  with  him  on  the  following  morning,  at  his 
headquarters. 

"  Early  on  the  morning  of  the  twenty-fourth  I  received, 
through  Col.  Moreno,  a  communication  from  Gen.  Ampudia, 
proposing  to  evacuate  the  town;  which,  with  the  answer,  were 
forwarded  with  my  first  dispatch.  I  arranged  with  Col.  Moreno 
a  cessation  of  fire  until  twelve  o'clock,  at  which  hour  I  would 
receive  the  answer  of  the  Mexican  general  at  Gen.  Worth's  head 
quarters,  to  which  I  soon  repaired.  In  the  meantime,  Gen. 
Ampudia  had  signified  to  Gen.  Worth  his  desire  for  a  personal 
interview  with  me,  to  which  I  acceded,  and  which  finally 
resulted  in  a  capitulation,  placing  the  town  and  the  materials 
of  war,  with  certain  exceptions,  in  our  possession.  A  copy  of 
that  capitulation  was  transmitted  with  my  first  dispatch. 

"  Upon  occupying  the  city  it  was  found  to  be  of  great 
strength  in  itself,  and  to  have  its  approaches  carefully  and 
strongly  fortified.  The  town  and  works  were  armed  with  forty- 
two  pieces  of  cannon,  well  supplied  with  ammunition,  and 
manned  with  a  force  of  at  least  seven  thousand  troops  of  the 
line,  and  from  two  to  three  thousand  irregulars.  The  force 
under  my  orders  before  Monterey,  as  exhibited  by  the  accom 
panying  return,  was  four  hundred  and  twenty-five  officers,  and 
six  thousand  two  hundred  and  twenty  men.  Our  artillery 
consisted  of  one  ten -inch  mortar,  two  twenty-four  pounder 
howitzer's,  and  four  light  field  batteries  of  four  guns  each — 
the  mortar  being  the  only  piece  suitable  to  the  operations  of  a 
siege. 

"  Our  loss  is  twelve  officers  and  one  hundred  and  eight  men 
killed;  thirty-one  officers  and  three  hundred  and  thirty-seven 
men  wounded.  That  of  the  enemy  is  not  known,  but  is  believed 
considerably  to  exceed  our  own. 

"  I  take  pleasure  in  bringing  to  the  notice  of  the  govern- 


OR,    THE    BORDER    WARS    OF    TWO    CENTURIES.  46 & 

merit  the  good  conduct  of  the  troops,  both  regulars  and 
volunteers,  which  has  been  conspicuous  throughout  the  opera 
tions.  I  am  proud  to  bear  testimony  to  their  coolness  and 
constancy  in  battle,  and  the  cheerfulness  with  which  they  have 
submitted  to  exposure  and  privation.  To  the  general  officers 
commanding  divisions — Maj.-Gens.  Butler  and  Henderson,  and 
Brig.  Gens.  Twiggs  and  Worth — I  must  express  my  obligations 
for  the  efficient  aid  which  they  have  rendered  in  their  respective 
commands."  t 

The  following  sketch  of  a  portion  of  the  engagement,  from 
the  pen  of  an  officer  in  a  Baltimore  battalion,  who  participated 
in  the  hottest  of  the  fight,  will  give  the  reader  some  idea  of 
the  sufferings  endured,  and  gallantry  evinced  by  many  of  the 
companies : 

"  I  saw  Col.  Watson  shouting,  but  as  to  hearing  a  command, 
that  was  an  impossibility,  owing  to  the  deafening  roar  of  the 
cannon  and  musketry.  I  saw  the  head  of  our  line  changing 
its  direction,  and  I  knew  at  once  that  the  point  of  attack  was 
changed,  and  ran  to  the  head  of  my  company  to  intercept  the 
head  of  the  column.  I  reached  it  just  as  Col.  Watson  was 
dismounting  from  his  horse,  which  the  next  moment  fell  from 
a  shot.  The  colonel  cried  out  to  the  men,  i  Shelter  yourselves,, 
men,  the  best  way  you  can.'  At  this  time,  the  battalion  was 
scattered  over  a  space  of  about  an  acre,  and  the  men  were  lying 
down,  the  shot  in  most  instances  flying  over  our  heads ;  but 
the  guns  were  soon  depressed  and  the  shot  began  to  take  effect. 

"  I  was  lying  close  to  Col.  Watson,  alongside  of  a  hedge, 
when  he  jumped  up  and  cried  out,  '  Now  is  the  time,  boys, 
follow  me!'  We  were  now  in  a  street,  or  lane,  with  a  few 
houses  on  either  side,  and  within  a  hundred  yards  of  three  bat 
teries  which  completely  raked  it,  in  addition  to  which,  two- 
twelve-pound  guns  were  planted  in  the  castle  on  the  right,  and 
completely  enfiladed  the  whole  distance  we  had  to  make.  Add 
to  this  the  thousand  musketeers  on  the  house-tops,  and  in  the 
barricades  at  the  head  of  the  street  up  which  we  advanced,  and 
at  every  cross  street,  and  you  may  form  some  idea  of  the  deluge 
of  balls  that  poured  upon  us.  (Bear  in  mind  that  the  four 
companies  of  regulars  were  now  with  us,  the  one  intermingled 


464  CONQUEST  OF  MEXICO: 

with  the  other.)  Onward  we  went,  men  and  horses  falling  at 
every  step.  Cheers,  shrieks,  groans  and  words  of  command 
added  to  the  din,  whilst  the  roar  of  the  guns  was  absolutely 
deafening. 

u  We  had  advanced  up  the  street  under  this  awful  and  fatal 
fire  nearly  two  hundred  yards,  when  we  reached  a  cross  street, 
at  the  corner  of  which  all  those  who  had  succeeded  in  getting 
this  far  halted,  as  if  by  mutual  consent.  I  was  shaking  Col. 
Watson  by  the  hand,  while  he  was  complimenting  me,  when  a 
shower  of  grape,  round  and  canister  shot  came  from  the  corner 
above,  and^zte  officers  fell,  and  I  know  not  how  many  privates. 
Each  man  sought  some  place  of  apparent  shelter. 

"  I  sat  down  on  the  ground,  with  my  back  to  the  wall  of  a 
house.  On  my  left  were  two  men  torn  nearly  to  pieces.  One 
of  them  was  lying  flat  on  his  back,  with  his  legs  extending 
farther  in  the  street  than  mine.  Crash  came  another  shower 
of  grape,  which  tore  one  of  his  wounded  legs  off.  He  reared 
up,  shrieked,  and  fell  back  a  corpse.  I  never  moved,  for  I  was 
satisfied  that  one  place  was  as  safe  as  another.  Directly  oppo 
site  to  me  was  my  Brevet  Second-Lieutenant  Aisquith;  on  the 
right  hand  corner  was  Lieut.  Bowie,  also  of  my  company;  and 
close  to  me  sat  Col.  Watson  and  Adjutant  Schceler.  In  a 
few  minutes  I  saw  our  color  sergeant,  old  Hart,  come  past 
with  his  right  arm  shattered,  and  in  a  few  minutes  there  came 
our  battalion  flag,  borne  by  one  of  the  color  guards — our  glo 
rious  stars  and  stripes — and  note  this,  that  it  was  the  first 
American  flag  in  the  city  of  Monterey,  an  honor  which  we 
know  belongs  to  our  battalion. 

O 

"  No  man  there  ever  thought  for  a  moment  that  he  would 
get  out  alive,  and  most  of  them  did  not.  The  firing  still  con 
tinued  without  the  slightest  intermission,  whilst  we  remained 
at  this  memorable  corner,  which  was  perhaps  for  fifteen  minutes. 
When  we  were  ordered  to  charge  up  the  street,  a  slight  hesi 
tation  was  manifested  by  both  regulars  and  volunteers,  but  the 
officers  sprang  to  the  front  in  double  file.  We  advanced,  I 
suppose,  about  fifty  yards,  when  Col.  Garland,  of  the  army, 
ordered  us  to  retire.  We  still  advanced,  and  he  again  ordered 
us  to  retire,  adding  this  time  in  good  order.  I  now  became 


OR,    THE   BORDER    WARS    OF   TWO    CENTURIES.  465 


separated  from  Col.  Watson,  and  never  saw  him  again.  He 
took  the  left  hand  side  of  the  street  and  I  the  right  hand, 
and  when  I  reached  the  open  field  where  he  had  first  ordered 
us  to  lie  down,  I  was  joined  by  Lieut.  Aisquith,  who,  to  my 
inquiry,  answered  that  he  had  just  left  the  colonel,  and  sup 
posed  that  he  would  soon  be  with  us.  Seeing  no  other  officer 
around  me,  1  rallied  the  battalion,  and  led  them  down  to  make 
another  attack  upon  the  fort." 
30 


CHAPTER     LIX. 

GENERAL  TAYLOR  AT  MONTEREY  —  SALTILLO  TAKEN  —  GEN.  SANTA 
ANNA  —  VICTORIA  TAKEN  —  SCOTT  SUPERCEDES  TAYLOR  —  THE  BAT 
TLE  OF  BUENA  VISTA. 

GENERAL  TAYLOR  now'established  his  headquarters  at  Monte 
rey.  He  dispatched  Gen.  Worth  with  twelve  hundred  men  and 
eight  pieces  of  artillery  against  Saltillo,  of  which  he  took  pos 
session  without  the  slightest  opposition.  Here  he  remained  until 
the  middle  of  January,  when  he  was  ordered  to  proceed  with 
the  regulars  and  volunteers  of  the  army  to  join  Gen.  Scott  at 
Vera  Cruz. 

Brig.-Gen.  Wool  was  sent  against  Parras  with  a  detachment 
of  twenty-four  hundred  men.  Meanwhile  a  revolution  at  the 
capital  of  Mexico  had  placed  Gen.  Santa  Anna  at  the  head  of 
^Mexican  affairs.  He  did  not  accept  the  Presidential  chair,  but 
placed  himself  at  the  head  of  the  army,  and  commenced  extrav 
agant  preparations  for  raising  and  equipping  a  force  sufficient 
to  arrest  the  progress  of  Gen.  Taylor.  The  United  States 
government  was  alarmed  at  the  appearance  of  his  movements, 
and  ordered  Taylor  to  terminate  the  armistice  which  had  been 
granted.  Receiving  this  information,  he  marched  a  force  to 
Victoria,  and  entered  that  place  without  opposition.  At  this 
time  Maj.-Gen.  Scott  had  been  appointed  to  supercede  Taylor 
in  the  command  of  the  army  in  Mexico,  and  finding  his  force 
insufficient  to  attack  Vera  Cruz,  the  first  object  of  his  cam 
paign,  he  made  a  heavy  draft  on  Taylor's  army.  In  obedience 
to  this  demand  nearly  all  the  regular  troops,  comprising  the 
divisions  of  Gens.  Worth  and  Patterson,  the  brigades  of 
Quintain  and  Twiggs,  and  all  the  other  corps  that  could  be 
drawn  from  the  Rio  Grande,  started  out  for  Vera  Cruz.  Five 
hundred  regulars  and  four  thousand  newly  arrived  volunteers 

(466) 


OK,    THE    BOEDER    WARS    OF    TWO    CENTURIES.  467 

were  all  that  remained  with  Gen.  Taylor.  As  soon  as  the  troops 
departed  to  join  Scott,  Taylor  retired  to  Monterey,  where  he 
remained  until  informed  that  Gen.  Santa  Anna  was  approach 
ing.  He  then  set  out  for  Agua  ISTueva,  which  is  about  twenty 
miles  south  of  Saltillo.  At  this  point  he  remained  until  the 
twenty-first  of  February,  when,  being  informed  that  the  Mexi 
cans  were  approaching  in  great  force,  he  retired  to  "  the  defile 
called  Angostura,  which  faces  the  hacienda  of  Buena  Vista." 

In  this  strong  position  he  posted  his  little  army  of  five 
thousand,  and  awaited  the  approach  of  twenty  thousand  Mex 
icans.  On  the  twenty-second  of  February  the  Mexican  army 
blackened  the  distant  hills,  and  Taylor's  men  beheld  their 
approach.  "  It  was  a  glorious  spectacle,"  says  an  able  writer, 
u  and  even  those  who  had  never  faced  an  enemy  felt  their 
bosoms  bounding  with  courage  and  enthusiasm  as  the  glitter 
ing  masses  of  Santa  Anna's  cavalry  poured  down  into  the 
plains  below.  All  fear  was  flung  to  the  winds;  silently  and 
sternly  that  little  band  gathered  around  its  leader  and  awaited 
the  fearful  shock." 

The  American  army  was  drawn  up  nearly  at  right  angles  to 
the  road,  its  chief  force  being  on  the  east  side.  This  force  con 
stituted  the  left  wing,  and  faced  the  south;  a  battery  of  light 
artillery  occupied  the  road,  and  the  right  wing  rested  on  the 
hill  west  of  it.  On  the  twenty-first  a  flag  approached  Gen. 
Taylor's  headquarters,  and  the  latter  was  treated  with  the 
following  communication  from  Gen.  Santa  Anna: 

"  You  are  surrounded  by  twenty  thousand  men,  and  cannot, 
in  any  human  probability,  avoid  suffering  a  rout  and  being  cut 
to  pieces  with  your  troops;  but  as  you  deserve  consideration 
and  particular  esteem,  I  wish  to  save  you  from  a  catastrophe, 
and  for  that  purpose  give  you  this  notice  in  order  that  you 
may  surrender  at  discretion,  under  the  assurance  that  you  will 
be  treated  with  the  consideration  belonging  to  the  Mexican 
character;  to  which  end  you  will  be  granted  an  hour's  time  to 
make  up  your  mind,  to  commence  from  the  moment  when  my 
flag  of  truce  arrives  in  your  camp." 

Gen.  Taylor  refused  to  surrender,  and  the  celebrated  battle 


468  CONQUEST  OF  MEXICO: 

of  Buena  Yista  followed,  the  general's  own  account  of  which 
is  as  follows: 

"  The  information  which  reached  me  of  the  advance  and 
concentration  of  a  heavy  Mexican  force  in  my  front,  had 
assumed  such  a  probable  form  as  to  induce  a  special  examina 
tion  far  beyond  the  reach  of  our  pickets,  to  ascertain  its 
correctness.  A  small  party  of  Texan  spies,  under  Maj.  Mc- 
Culloch,  dispatched  to  the  hacienda  of  Encarnacion,  thirty  miles 
from  this,  on  the  route  to  San  Luis  Potosi,  had  reported  a  cav 
alry  force  of  unknown  strength  at  that  place.  On  the  twentieth 
of  February  a  strong  reconnoissance  under  Lieut. -Col.  May  was 
dispatched  to  the  hacienda  of  Heclionda,  while  Maj.  McCul- 
lough  made  another  examination  of  Encarnacion.  The  result 
of  these  expeditions  left  no  doubt  that  the  enemy  was  in  large 
force  at  Encarnacion,  under  the  orders  of  Gen.  Santa  Anna, 
and  that  he  meditated  a  forward  movement  and  attack  upon 
our  position. 

"  As  the  camp  at  Agua  Nueva  could  be  turned  on  either 
flank,  and  as  the  enemy's  force  was  greatly  superior  to  our  own, 
particularly  in  the  arm  of  cavalry,  I  determined,  after  much 
consideration,  to  take  up  a  position  about  eleven  miles  in  rear, 
and  there  await  the  attack.  The  army  broke  up  its  camp  and 
marched  at  noon  on  the  twenty -first,  encamping  at  the  new 
position  a  little  in  front  of  the  hacienda  of  Buena  Vista.  With 
a  small  force  I  proceeded  to  Saltillo  to  make  some  necessary 
arrangements  for  the  defense  of  the  town,  leaving  Brig.  Gen. 
Wool  in  the  immediate  command  of  the  troops. 

a  Before  those  arrangements  were  completed,  on  the  morning 
of  the  twenty-second,  I  was  advised  that  the  enemy  was  in 
sight,  advancing.  Upon  reaching  the  ground  it  was  found 
that  his  cavalry  advance  was  in  our  front,  having  marched 
from  Encarnacion,  as  we  have  since  learned,  at  eleven  o'clock 
on  the  day  previous,  and  driving  in  a  mounted  force  left  at 
Agua  Kueva  to  cover  the  removal  of  public  stores.  Our  troops 
were  in  position,  occupying  a  line  of  remarkable  strength. 
The  road  at  this  point  becomes  a  narrow  defile,  the  valley  on 
its  right  being  rendered  quite  impracticable  for  artillery  by  a 
system  of  deep  and  impassible  gullies,  while  on  the  left  a  sue- 


OR,    THE    BORDER    WARS    OF    TWO    CENTURIES.  469 

cession  of  rugged  ridges  and  precipitous  ravines  extend  far 
back  toward  the  mountain  which  bounds  the  valley.  The 
features  of  the  ground  were  such  as  nearly  to  paralyze  the 
artillery  and  cavalry  of  the  enemy,  while  his  infantry  could  not 
derive  all  the  advantages  of  its  numerical  superiority.  In  this 
position  we  prepared  to  receive  him.  Capt.  Washington's  bat 
tery  (Fourth  artillery)  was  posted  to  command  the  road,  while 
the  First  and  Second  Illinois  regiments,  under  Cols.  Hardin  and 
Bissell,  each  eight  companies  (to  the  latter  of  which  was 
attached  Capt.  Conner's  company  of  Texas  volunteers),  and 
the  Second  Kentucky,  under  Col.  McKee,  occupied  the  crests 
of  the  ridges  on  the  left  and  in  the  rear.  The  Arkansas  and 
Kentucky  regiments  of  cavalry,  commanded  by  Cols.  Yell  and 
H.  Marshall,  occupied  the  extreme  left  near  the  base  of  the 
mountain,  while  the  Indiana  brigade,  under  Brig.-Gen.  Lane, 
(composed  of  the  Second  and  Third  regiments,  under  Cols. 
Bowles  and  Lane),  the  Mississippi  riflemen,  under  Col.  Davis, 
the  squadrons  of  the  First  and  Second  dragoons,  under  Capt. 
Steen,  and  Lieut.-Col.  May,  and  the  light  batteries  of  Captains 
Sherman  and  Bragg,  Third  artillery,  were  held  in  reserve. 

"  At  eleven  o'clock  I  received  from  Gen.  Santa  Anna  a  sum 
mons  to  surrender  at  discretion,  which,  with  a  copy  of  my 
reply,  I  have  already  transmitted.  The  enemy  still  forbore  his 
attack,  evidently  waiting  for  the  arrival  of  his  rear  columns, 
which  could  be  distinctly  seen  by  our  look-outs  as  they 
approached  the  field.  A  demonstration  made  on  his  left 
caused  me  to  detach  the  second  Kentucky  regiment  and  a  sec 
tion  of  artillery  to  our  right,  in  which  position  they  bivouacked 
for  the  night.  In  the  meantime,  the  Mexican  light  troops  had 
engaged  ours  on  the  extreme  left  (composed  of  parts  of  the 
Kentucky  and  Arkansas  cavalry  dismounted,  and  a  rifle  battal 
ion  from  the  Indiana  brigade,  under  Major  Gorman,  the  whole 
commanded  by  Col.  Marshall,)  and  kept  up  a  sharp  fire,  climb 
ing  the  mountain  side,  and  apparently  endeavoring  to  gain  our 
flank.  Three  pieces  of  Capt.  Washington's  battery  had  been 
detached  to  the  left,  and  were  supported  by  the  second  Indiana 
regiment.  An  occasional  shell  was  thrown  by  the  enemy  into 
this  part  of  our  line,  but  without  effect.  The  skirmishing  of 


470  CONQUEST    OF   MEXICO: 

the  light  troops  was  kept  up  with  trifling  loss  on  our  part  until 
dark,  when  I  became  convinced  that  no  serious  attack  would 
be  made  before  the  morning,  and  returned,  with  the  Missis 
sippi  regiment  and  squadron  of  second  dragoons,  to  Saltillo. 
The  troops  bivouacked  without  fires,  and  laid  upon  their  arms. 
A  body  of  cavalry,  some  fifteen  hundred  strong,  had  been  vis 
ible  all  day  in  rear  of  the  town,  having  entered  the  valley 
through  a  narrow  pass  east  of  the  city.  This  cavalry,  com 
manded  by  Gen.  Minon,  had  evidently  been  thrown  in  our  rear 
to  break  up  and  harass  our  retreat,  and  perhaps  make  some 
attempt  against  the  town  if  practicable.  The  city  was  occupied 
by  four  excellent  companies  of  Illinois  volunteers,  under  Major 
Warren  of  the  first  regiment.  A  field  work,  which  commanded 
most  of  the  approaches,  was  garrisoned  by  Capt.  Webster's 
company,  first  artillery,  and  armed  with  two  24:-pound  howit 
zers,  while  the  train  and  headquarter  camp  was  guarded  by  two 
companies  of  Mississippi  riflemen,  under  Capt.  Rogers,  and  a 
field  piece  commanded  by  Capt.  Shover,  third  artillery.  Hav 
ing  made  these  dispositions  for  the  protection  of  the  rear,  I 
proceeded  on  the  morning  of  the  twenty-third  to  JBuena  Vista,, 
ordering  forward  all  the  other  available  troops.  The  action 
had  commenced  before  my  arrival  on.  the  field. 

"  During  the  evening  and  night  of  the  twenty-second  the 
enemy  had  thrown  a  body  of  light  troops  on  the  mountain  side, 
with  the  purpose  of  outflanking  our  left;  and  it  was  here  that 
the  action  of  the  twenty-third  commenced  at  an  early  hour. 
Our  riflemen,  under  Col.  Marshall,  who  had  been  re-enforced  by 
three  companies  under  Major  Trail,  second  Illinois  volunteers, 
maintained  their  ground  handsomely  against  a  greatly  supe 
rior  force,  holding  themselves  under  cover,  and  ilsing  their 
weapons  with  deadly  effect.  About  eight  o'clock  a  strong 
demonstration  was  made  against  the  center  of  our  position,  a 
heavy  column  moving  along  the  road.  This  force  was  soon 
dispersed  by  a  few  rapid  and  well-directed  shots  from  Capt. 
Washington's  battery.  In  the  meantime  the  enemy  was  con 
centrating  a  large  force  of  infantry  and  cavalry  under  cover  of 
the  ridges,  with  the  obvious  intention  of  forcing  our  left, 
which  was  posted  on  an  extensive  plateau.  The  second  Indi- 


OK,    THE    BORDER    WARS    OF    TWO    CENTURIES.  471 

ana  and  second  Illinois  regiments  formed  this  part  of  our  line, 
the  former  covering  three  pieces  of  light  artillery,  uriaer  the 
orders  of  Capt.  O'Brien — Brig.-Gen.  Lane  being  in  the  imme 
diate  command.  In  order  to  bring  his  men  within  effective 
range,  Gen.  Lane  ordered  the  artillery  and  second  Indiana 
regiment  forward.  The  artillery  advanced  within  musket 
range  of  a  heavy  body  of  Mexican  infantry,  and  was  served 
against  it  with  great  effect,  but  without  being  able  to  check  its 
advance.  The  infantry  ordered  to  its  support  had  fallen  back 
in  disorder,  being  exposed,  as  well  as  the  battery,  not  only  to 
a  severe  fire  of  small  arms  from  the  front,  but  also  to  a  mur 
derous  cross-fire  of  grape  and  canister  from  a  Mexican  battery 
on  the  left.  Capt.  O'Brien  found  it  impossible  to  retain  his 
position  without  support,  but  was  only  able  to  withdraw  two 
of  his  pieces,  all  the  horses  and  cannoneers  of  the  third  piece 
being  killed  or  disabled.  The  second  Indiana  regiment,  which 
had  fallen  back  as  stated,  could  not  be  rallied,  and  took  no 
farther  part  in  the  action,  except  a  handful  of  men,  who,  under 
its  gallant  colonel,  Bowles,  joined  the  Mississippi  regiment, 
and  did  good  service,  and  those  fugitives  who,  at  a  later  period 
in  the  day,  assisted  in  defending  the  train  and  depot  at  Buena 
Yista.  This  portion  of  our  line  having  given  way,  and  the 
enemy  appearing  in  overwhelming  force  against  our  left  flank, 
the  light  troops  which  had  rendered  such  good  service  on  the 
mountain  were  compelled  to  withdraw,  which  they  did,  for  the 
most  part,  in  good  order.  Many,  however,  were  not  rallied 
until  they  reached  the  depot  at  Buena  Yista,  to  the  defense  of 
which  they  afterward  contributed. 

"  Col.  Bissell's  regiment  (second  Illinois,)  which  had  been 
joined  by  a  section  of  Capt.  Sherman's  battery,  had  become 
completely  outflanked,  and  was  compelled  to  fall  back,  being 
entirely  unsupported.  The  enemy  was  now  pouring  masses  of 
infantry  arid  cavalry  along  the  base  of  the  mountain  on  our 
left,  and  was  gaining  our  rear  in  great  force.  At  this  moment 
I  arrived  upon  the  field.  The  Mississippi  regiment  had  been 
directed  to  the  left  before  reaching  the  position,  and  immedi 
ately  came  into  action  against  the  Mexican  infantry  which  had 
turned  our  flank.  The  second  Kentucky  regiment  and  a  sec- 


472  CONQUEST  OF  MEXICO: 

tion  of  artillery  under  Oapt.  Bragg,  had  previously  been 
ordered  from  the  right  to  re-enforce  our  left,  and  arrived  at  a 
most  opportune  moment.  That  regiment,  and  a  portion  of  the 
first  Illinois,  under  Col.  Hardin,  gallantly  drove  the  enemy, 
and  recovered  a  portion  of  the  ground  we  had  lost.  The  bat 
teries  of  Capts.  Sherman  and  Bragg  were  in  a  position  on  the 
plateau,  and  did  much  execution,  not  only  in  front,  but  partic 
ularly  upon  the  masses  which  had  gained  our  rear.  Discover 
ing  that  the  enemy  was  heavily  pressing  upon  the  Mississippi 
regiment,  the  third  Indiana  regiment,  under  Col.  Lane,  was 
dispatched  to  strengthen  that  part  of  our  line,  which  formed  a 
crotchet  perpendicular  to  the  first  line  of  battle.  At  the  same 
time  Lieut.  Kilburn,  with  a  piece  of  Capt.  Bragg's  battery, 
was  directed  to  support  the  infantry  there  engaged.  The 
action  was  for  a  long  time  warmly  sustained  at  that  point — 
the  enemy  making  several  efforts  both  with  infantry  and  cav 
alry  against  our  line,  and  being  always  repulsed  with  heavy 
loss.  I  had  placed  all  the  regular  cavalry  and  Capt.  Pike's 
squadron  of  Arkansas  horse  under  the  orders  of  Brevet  Lieut.- 
Col.  May,  with  directions  to  hold  in  check  the  enemy's  column, 
still  advancing  to  the  rear  along  the  base  of  the  mountain, 
which  was  done  in  conjunction  with  the  Kentucky  and  Arkan 
sas  cavalry  under  Cols.  Marshall  and  Yell. 

"  In  the  meantime  our  left,  which  was  still  strongly  threat 
ened  by  a  superior  force,  was  farther  strengthened  by  the 
detachment  of  Capt.  Bragg's  and  a  portion  of  Capt.  Sherman's 
batteries  to  that  quarter.  The  concentration  of  artillery  fire 
upon  the  masses  of  the  enemy  along  the  base  of  the  mountain, 
and  the  determined  resistance  offered  by  the  two  regiments 
opposed  to  them,  had  created  confusion  in  their  ranks,  and 
some  of  the  corps  attempted  to  effect  a  retreat  upon  the  main 
line  of  battle.  The  squadron  of  the  first  dragoons,  under 
Lieut.  Rucker,  was  now  ordered  up  the  deep  ravine  which  these 
retreating  corps  were  endeavoring  to  cross,  in  order  to  charge 
and  disperse  them.  The  squadron  proceeded  to  the  point 
indicated,  but  could  not  accomplish  the  object,  being  exposed 
to  a  heavy  fire  from  a  battery  established  to  cover  the  retreat 
of  those  corps.  While  the  squadron  was  detached  on  this 


OR,  THE  BOEDER  WARS  OF  TWO  CENTURIES.        4:73 

service,  a  large  body  of  the  enemy  was.  observed  to  concentrate 
on  our  extreme  left,  apparently  with  a  view  of  making  a 
descent  upon  the  hacienda  of  Buena  Yista,  where  our  train 
and  baggage  were  deposited.  Lient.-Col.  May  was  ordered  to 
the  support  of  that  point,  with  two  pieces  of  Capt.  Sherman's 
battery  under  Lieut.  Reynolds.  In  the  meantime,  the  scat 
tered  forces  near  the  hacienda,  composed  in  part  of  Majors 
Trail  and  Gorman's  commands,  had  been  to  some  extent  organ 
ized  under  the  advice  of  Major  Monroe,  chief  of  artillery,  with 
the  assistance  of  Major  Morrison,  volunteer  staff,  and  were 
posted  to  defend  the  position.  Before  our  cavalry  had  reached 
the  hacienda,  that  of  the  enemy  had  made  its  attack;  having 
been  handsomely  met  by  the  Kentucky  and  Arkansas  cavalry 
under  Cols.  Marshall  and  Yell.  The  Mexican  column  imme 
diately  divided,  one  portion  sweeping  by  the  depot,  where  it 
received  a  destructive  fire  from  the  force  which  had  collected 
there,  and  then  gaining  the  mountain  opposite,  under  a  fire 
from*Lieut.  Reynolds'  section,  the  remaining  portion  regaining 
the  base  of  the  mountain  on  our  left.  In  the  charge  at  Buena 
Yista,  Col.  Yell  fell  gallantly  at  the  head  of  his  regiment;  we 
also  lost  adjutant  Yaughan,  of  the  Kentucky  cavalry — a  young 
officer  of  much  promise.  Lieut. -Col.  May,  who  had  been 
rejoined  by  the  squadron  of  the  first  dragoons  and  by  portions 
of  the  Arkansas  and  Indiana  troops,  under  Lieut.-Col.  Eoane 
and  Major  Gorman,  now  approached  the  base  of  the  mountain, 
holding  in  check  the  right  flank  of  the  enemy,  upon  whose 
masses,  crowded  in  the  narrow  gorges  and  ravines,  our  artil 
lery  was  doing  fearful  execution. 

"  The  position  of  that  portion  of  the  Mexican  army  which 
had  gained  our  rear  was  now  very  critical,  and  it  seemed 
doubtful  whether  it  could  regain  the  main  body.  At  this 
moment  I  received  from  Gen.  Santa  Anna  a  message  by  a  staff 
officer,  desiring  to  know  what  I  wanted?  I  immediately  des 
patched  Brig.- Gen.  Wool  to  the  Mexican  general-in-chief,  and 
sent  orders  to  cease  firing.  Upon  reaching  the  Mexican  lines 
Gen.  Wool  could  not  cause  the  enemy  to  cease  their  fire,  and 
accordingly  returned  without  having  an  interview.  The 
extreme  right  of  the  enemy  continued  its  retreat  along  the 


474  CONQUEST  OF  MEXICO: 

base  of  the  mountain,  and  finally,  in  spite  of  all  onr  efforts,, 
effected  a  junction  with  the  remainder  of  the  army. 

"  During  the  day,  the  cavalry  of  Gen.  Minon  had  ascended 
the  elevated  plain  above  Saltillo,  and  occupied  the  road  from 
the  city  to  the  field  of  battle,  where  they  intercepted  several 
of  our  men.  Approaching  the  town,  they  were  fired  upon  by 
Capt.  Webster  from  the  redoubt  occupied  by  his  company, 
and  then  moved  off  towards  the  eastern  side  of  the  valley,  and 
obliquely  towards  Buena  Vista.  At  this  time,  Capt.  Shover 
moved  rapidly  forward  with  his  piece,  supported  by  a  miscel 
laneous  command  of  mounted  volunteers,  and  fired  several 
shots  at  the  cavalry  with  great  effect.  They  were  driven  inta 
the  ravines  which  lead  to  the  lower  valley,  closely  pursued  by 
Capt.  Shover,  who  was  farther  supported  by  a  piece  of  Capt. 
Webster's  battery,  under  Lieut.  Donaldson,  which  had 
advanced  from  the  redoubt,  supported  by  Capt.  Wheeler's 
company  of  Illinois  volunteers.  The  enemy  made  one  or  two 
efforts  to  charge  the  artillery,  but  was  finally  driven  back  in  a 
confused  mass,  and  did  not  again  appear  upon  the  plain. 

"  In  the  meantime,  the  firing  had  partially  ceased  upon  the- 
principal  field.  The  enemy  seemed  to  confine  his  efforts  to 
the  protection  of  his  artillery,  and  I  had  left  the  plateau  for  a 
moment,  when  I  was  recalled  thither  by  a  very  heavy  musketry 
fire.  On  regaining  that  position,  I  discovered  that  our  infantry 
(Illinois  and  second  Kentucky)  had  engaged  a  greatly  superior 
force  of  the  enemy — evidently  his  reserve — and  that  they  had 
been  overwhelmed  by  numbers.  The  moment  was  most  criti 
cal.  Capt.  O'Brien,  with  two  pieces,  had  sustained  this 
heavy  charge  to  the  last,  and  was  finally  obliged  to  leave  his 
guns  on  the  field — his  infantry  support  being  entirely  routed. 
Capt.  Bragg,  who  had  just  arrived  from  the  left,  was  ordered 
at  once  into  battery.  Without  any  infantry  to  support  him, 
and  at  the  imminent  risk  of  losing  his  guns,  this  officer  came 
rapidly  into  action,  the  Mexican  line  being  but  a  few  yards 
from  the  muzzle  of  his  pieces.  The  first  discharge  of  canister 
caused  the  enemy  to  hesitate,  the  second  and  third  drove  him 
back  in  disorder,  and  saved  the  day.  The  second  Kentucky 
regiment,  which  had  advanced  beyond  supporting  distance  in 


OR,    THE    BOEDER   WARS    OF    TWO    CENTURIES.  475 

this  affair,  was  driven  back  and  closely  pressed  by  the  enemy's 
cavalry.  Taking  a  ravine  which  led  in  the  direction  of  Capt. 
Washington's  battery,  their  pursuers  became  exposed  to  his- 
fire,  which  soon  checked  and  drove  them  back  with  loss.  In 
the  meantime  the  rest  of  our  artillery  had  taken  position  on 
the  plateau,  covered  by  the  Mississippi  and  third  Indiana 
regiments,  the  former  of  which  had  reached  the  ground  in 
time  to  pour  a  fire  into  the  right  flank  of  the  enemy,  and  thus 
contribute  to  his  repulse.  In  this  last  conflict  we  had  the 
misfortune  to  sustain  a  very  heavy  loss.  Col.  Hardin,  first 
Illinois,  and  Col.  McKee  and  Lieut.-Col.  Clay,  second  Ken 
tucky  regiment,  fell  at  this  time  while  gallantly  leading  their 
commands. 

"  No  farther  attempt  was  made  by  the  enemy  to  force  our 
position,  and  the  approach  of  night  gave  an  opportunity  to 
pay  proper  attention  to  the  wounded,  and  also  to  refresh  the 
soldiers,  who  had  been  exhausted  by  incessant  watchfulness 
and  combat.  Though  the  night  was  severely  cold,  the  troops 
wrere  compelled  for  the  most 'to  bivouac  without  fires,  expect 
ing  that  morning  would  renew  the  conflict.  During  the  night 
the  wounded  were  removed  to  Saltillo,  and  every  prepartion 
made  to  receive  the  enemy,  should  he  again  attack  our  position. 
Seven  fresh  companies  were  drawn  from  the  town,  and  Brig.- 
Gen.  Marshall,  with  a  re-enforcement  of  Kentucky  cavalry  and 
four  heavy  guns,  under  Capt.  Prentiss,  first  artillery,  was  near 
at  hand,  when  it  was  discovered  that  the  enemy  had  abandoned 
his  position  during  the  night.  Our  scouts  soon  ascertained 
that  he  had  fallen  back  upon  Agua  Nueva.  The  great  dis 
parity  of  numbers,  and  the  exhaustion  of  our  troops,  rendered 
it  inexpedient  and  hazardous  to  attempt  pursuit.  A  staff 
officer  was  dispatched  to  Gen.  Santa  Anna  to  negotiate  an 
exchange  of  prisoners,  which  was  satisfactorily  completed  on 
the  following  day.  Our  own  dead  were  collected  and  buried, 
and  the  Mexican  wounded,  of  which  a  large  number  had  been 
left  upon  the  field,  were  removed  to  Saltillo,  and  rendered  as 
comfortable  as  circumstances  would  permit. 

"  On  the  evening  of  the  twenty-sixth,  a  close  reconnoissance 
was  made  of  the  enemy's  position,  which  was  found  to  be 


476  CONQUEST  OF  MEXICO: 

occupied  only  by  a  small  body  of  cavalry,  the  infantry  and 
artillery  having  retreated  in  the  direction  of  San  Luis  Potosi. 
On  the  twenty-seventh,  our  troops  resumed  their  former  camp 
at  Agua  Nueva,  the  enemy's  rear-guard  evacuating  the  place 
as  we  approached,  leaving  a  considerable  number  of  wounded. 
It  was  my  purpose  to  beat  up  his  quarters  at  Encarnacion 
early  the  next  morning,  but  upon  examination,  the  weak  con 
dition  of  the  cavalry  horses  rendered  it  unadvisable  to  attempt 
so  long  a  march  without  water.  A  command  was  finally  des 
patched  to  Encarnacion,  on  the  first  of  March,  under  Col. 
Belknap.  Some  two  hundred  wounded,  and  about  sixty  Mexi 
can  soldiers  were  found  there,  the  army  having  passed  on  in 
the  direction  of  Matehuala,  with  greatly  reduced  numbers,  and 
suffering  much  from  hunger.  The  dead  and  dying  were 
strewed  upon  the  road,  and  crowded  the  buildings  of  the 
hacienda.  * 

"  The  American  force  engaged  in  the  action  of  Buena  Vista 
is  shown,  by  the  accompanying  field  report,  to  have  been  three 
hundred  and  thirty-four  officers,  and  four  thousand  four 
hundred  and  twenty-five  men,  exclusive  of  the  small  command 
left  in  and  near  Saltillo.  Of  this  number,  two  squadrons  of 
cavalry  and  three  batteries  of  light  artillery,  making  not  more 
than  four  hundred  and  fifty-three  men,  composed  the  only 
force  of  regular  troops.  The  strength  of  the  Mexican  army  is 
stated  by  Gen.  Santa  Anna,  in  his  summons,  to  be  twenty 
thousand;  and  that  estimate  is  confirmed  by  all  the  informa 
tion  since  obtained.  Our  loss  is  two  hundred  and  seventy- 
seven  killed,  four  hundred  and  fifty-six  wounded,  and  twenty- 
three  missing.  Of  the  numerous  wounded,  many  did  not  require 
removal  to  the  hospital,  and  it  is  hoped  that  a  comparatively 
small  number  will  be  permanently  disabled.  The  Mexican  loss 
in  killed  and  wounded  may  be  fairly  estimated  at  one  thousand 
five  hundred,  and  will  probably  reach  two  thousand.  At  least 
five  hundred  of  their  killed  were  left  upon  the  field  of  battle. 
We  have  no  means  of  ascertaining  the  number  of  deserters 
and  dispersed  men  from  their  ranks,  but  it  is  known  to  be  very 
great." 


CHAPTEK    LX. 

GEN.  SCOTT'S  CAMPAIGN  —  THE  SIEGE  OF  VERA  CRUZ  —  VICTORY  OF 
CERRO  GORDO  —  CAPTURE  OF  PUEBLA  —  ADVANCE  ON  MEXICO  — 
BATTLE  OF  THE  CONTRERAS  —  THE  VICTORY — OTHER  BATTLES  — 
BATTLE  OF  CHURUBUSCO — THE  ARMISTICE. 

LEAVING-  Gen.  Taylor  at  Monterey,  to  which  place  he  marched 
soon  after  the  battle  of  Buena  Yista,  let  us  turn  our  attention 
to  the  campaign  of  Major-Gen.  Winfield  Scott,  who  was 
advancing  into  Mexico  from  another  quarter.  After  muster 
ing  an  army  of  nearly  twelve  thousand  men,  part  of  them 
having  been  drawn  from  Gen.  Taylor's  force,  he  proceeded 
against  the  city  and  castle  of  Vera  Cruz,  the  first  object  of  the 
campaign.  On  the  iifth  of  March,  1847,  Gen.  Scott's  fleet 
arrived  in  the  port  of  Anton  Lizardo,  presenting  a  grand  scene. 
"  The  whole  eastern  horizon,"  savs  an  eve  witness,  "  looked 

«/  •/ 

like  a  wall  of  canvass.  The  usually  quiet  harbor  was  soon 
astir  with  the  fleet,  which  presented  a  perfect  wilderness  of 
spars  and  rigging.  For  five  days  the  excitement  raged ;  drums 
were  beating,  bands  of  music  playing,"  and  everything  told  of 
an  approaching  conflict.  On  the  tenth,  the  ships  of  war  were 
got  under  way  for  Vera  Cruz,  and  the  army  was  transported 
from  the  transports  to  them  in  surf-boats.  The  ships  then 
set  sail  for  the  city,  and,  in  the  passage,  presented  a  beautiful 
sight.  "  The  tall  ships  of  war  sailing  leisurely  along  under 
their  topsails,  their  decks  thronged  in  every  part  with  dense 
masses  of  troops,  whose  bright  muskets  and  bayonets  were 
flashing  in  the  sunbeams;  the  gingling  of  spurs  and  sabres; 
the  bands  of  music  playing;  the  hum  of  the  multitude  rising 
up  like  the  murmur  of  the  distant  ocean ;  the  small  steamers 
plying  about,  their  decks  crowded  with  anxious  spectators; 
the  long  lines  of  surf-boats  towing  astern  of  the  ships,  ready 

(477) 


478  CONQUEST  OF  MEXICO: 

to  disembark  the  troops;  all  these  tended  to  render  the  scene 
one  of  the  deepest  interest."  About  three  o'clock  in  the  after 
noon,  the  army  beheld  in  the  distance,  the  time-worn  walls 
and  battlements  of  Vera  Cruz,  and  the  stately  old  castle  of  San 
Juan  d'Ulloa,  with  their  ponderous  cannon,  tier  upon  tier, 
flashing  in  the  yellow  rays  of  the  sun. 

The  scene  of  embarkation  and  the  siege,  is  thus  described  by 
an  eye  witness,  whose  language  has  been  preserved  in  a  neat 
little  work,  entitled  "  The  Mexican  War  and  its  Heroes:"  "  It 
was  a  most  beautiful,  nay,  a  sublime  sight,  that  embarkation. 
I  still  retained  my  position  in  the  fore-top,  and  was  watching 
every  movement  with  the  most  anxious  interest;  for  it  was 
thought  by  many  that  the  enemy  would  oppose  the  landing  of 
our  troops.  About  four  o'clock,  the  huge  surf-boats,  each  capa 
ble  of  conveying  one  hundred  men,  were  hauled  to  the  gang 
ways  of  the  different  men-of-war,  and  quickly  laden  with  their 
*  warlike  fraughtage;'  formed  in  a  single  line,  nearly  a  mile  in 
length;  and  at  a  given  signal,  commenced  slowly  moving 
toward  the  Mexican  shore.  It  was  a  grand  spectacle!  On,  on 
went  the  long  range  of  boats,  loaded  down  to  the  gunwales 
with  brave  men,  the  rays  of  the  slowly-departing  sun  resting 
"upon  their  uniforms  and  bristling  bayonets,  and  wrapping  the 
far  inland  and  fantastic  mountains  of  Mexico  in  robes  of  gold. 
On  they  went;  the  measured  stroke  of  the  countless  oars  ming 
ling  with  the  hoarse,  dull  roar  of  the  trampling  surf  upon  the 
sandy  beach,  and  the  shriek  of  the  myriads  of  sea-birds  soar 
ing  high  in  air,  until  the  boats  struck  the  shore,  and  quick  as 
thought  oar  army  began  to  land.  At  this  instant,  the  Amer 
ican  flag  was  planted,  and  unrolling  its  folds,  floated  proudly 
•out  upon  the  evening  breeze;  the  crews  of  the  men-of-war 
made  the  welkin  ring  with  their  fierce  cheering;  and  a  dozen 
bands  of  music,  at  the  same  time,  and  as  if  actuated  by  one 
impulse,  struck  up 

'  'Tis  the  star-spangled  banner!     O,  long  may  it  wave, 
O'er  the  land  of  the  free,  and  the  home  of  the  brave!' 

"  Early  the  next  morning,  the  old  grim  castle  of  San  Juan 
d'Ulloa  commenced  trying  the  range  of  its  heavy  guns,  throw- 


OR,    THE    BOEDER    WARS    OF    TWO    CENTURIES.  479 

ing  Paixhan  shells  at  the  army,  and  continued  it  at  intervals 
for  a  week;  but  with,  the  exception  of  an  occasional  skirmish 
with  a  party  of  the  enemy's  lancers,  they  had  all  the  fun  to 
themselves.  In  the  meantime  our  forces  went  quietly  on  with 
their  preparations,  stationing  their  pickets,  planting  their 
heavy  mortars,  landing  their  horses,  provisions  and  munitions 
of  war,  constantly  annoyed  with  a  ceaseless  fire  from  the 
Mexican  batteries,  which  our  troops  were  as  yet  too  busy  to 
return. 

"  On  the  twenty-fourth,  Lieut.  Oliver  Hazard  Perry,  with  a 
zeal  worthy  of  his  illustrious  father,  i  the  hero  of  Lake  Erie,' 
dismounted  one  of  the  waist  guns  of  the  '  Albany,'  a  sixty- 
eight  pounder,  procured  a  number  of  volunteers  who  would 
willingly  have  charged  up  to  the  muzzles  of  the  Mexican  can 
non  with  such  a  leader,  and  taking  forty  rounds  of  Paixhan 
shells,  proceeded  on  shore,  where,  after  dragging  his  gun 
through  the  sand  for  three  miles,  he  arrived  at  a  small  fortifi 
cation,  which  the  engineers  had  constructed  of  sand-bags  for 
him,  and  there  planted  his  engine  of  destruction,  in  a  situation 
which  commanded  the  whole  city  of  Yera  Cruz.  "Roused  by 
such  a  gallant  example,  guns  from  each  of  the  other  ships  of 
the  squadron  were  disembarked  and  conveyed  to  the  breast 
work,  which  was  as  yet  concealed  from  the  eyes  of  the  Mexi 
cans  by  being  in  the  rear  of  an  almost  impervious  chaparral, 
and  in  a  short  time  a  most  formidable  fortress  was  completed, 
which  ^^as  styled  the  Naval  Battery. 

"  At  this  period,  Gen.  Scott,  having  quietly  made  all  his 
arrangements,  while  a  constant  shower  of  shot  and  shell  were 
thrown  at  his  army  by  the  enemy,  sent  a  flag  of  truce,  with  a 
summons  for  the  immediate  surrender  of  the  city  of  Vera 
Cruz,  and  the  castle  of  San  Juan  d'Ulloa,  and  with  a  full 
understanding  that  unless  his  demand  was  immediately  com 
plied  with,  an  attack  would  follow.  As  a  matter  of  course,  the 
Mexicans,  expecting  an  assault,  for  which  they  were  well  pre 
pared,  and  not  a  bombardment,  returned  an  indignant  refusal, 
and  were  told  that  at  four  o'clock  p.  M.,  they  should  hear  farther 
from  us.  In  the  meantime,  the  chaparral  had  been  cut  away, 
disclosing  the  Naval  Battery  to  the  gaze  of  the  astonished 


480  CONQUEST    OF   MEXICO.* 

Mexicans,  and  the  mortars  and  heavy  artillery,  which  had  been 
planted  upon  the  hills  overlooking  the  city,  and  were  ready  to 
vomit  forth  their  fires  of  death.  Every  person  was  now  wait 
ing  with  trembling  anxiety  the  commencement  of  the  fray. 

"  About  four  o'clock  p.  M.,  while  the  crews  of  the  squadron 
were  all  at  supper,  a  sudden  and  tremendous  roar  of  artillery 
on  shore  proclaimed  that  the  battle  had  begun.  The  tea- 
things  were  left  to  '  take  care  of  themselves,'  and  pell-mell 
tumbled  sick  and  well  up  the  ladders  to  the  spar-deck.  I  fol 
lowed  with  the  human  tide,  and  soon  found  myself  in  the 
fore-top  of  the  '  Albany,'  and  looking  around  me  a  sublime 
but  terrific  sight  my  elevated  perch  presented  to  the  view. 
Some  two  hundred  sail  of  vessels  were  lying  immediately 
around  us,  their  tops,  cross-trees,  yards,  shrouds — everything 
where  a  foothold  could  be  obtained — crowded  with  human 
beings,  clustered  like  swarming  bees  in  mid-summer  on  the 
trees,  all  intently  watching  the  battle.  I  turned  my  eyes  on 
shore.  Jonathan  had  at  last  awakened  from  his  slumber,  and 
had  set  to  work  in  earnest.  Bombshells  were  flying  like  hail 
stones  into  Yera  Cruz  from  every  quarter;  sulphurous  flashes, 
clouds  of  smoke  and  the  dull  boom  of  the  heavy  guns  arose 
from  the  walls  of  the  city  in  return,  while  ever  and  anon  a  red 
sheet  of  flame  would  leap  from  the  great  brass  mortars  on  the 
ramparts  of  the  grim  castle,  followed  by  a  report,  which  fairly 
made  the  earth  tremble.  The  large  ships  of  the  squadron 
could  not  approach  near  enough  to  the  shore  to  participate  in 
the  attack  upon  the  city,  without  exposing  them  to  the  fire  of 
the  castle ;  but  all  the  gunboats,  small  steamers  and  everything 
that  could  be  brought  to  bear  upon  the  enemy,  were  sent  in 
and  commenced  blazing  away;  a  steady  stream  of  fire,  like  the 
red  glare  of  a  volcano!  This  state  of  things  continued  until 
sunset,  when  the  small  vessels  were  called  off*;  but  the  mortars 
kept  throwing  shells  into  the  devoted  town  the  live-long  night. 
I  was  watching  them  until  after  midnight,  and  it  was  one  of 
the  most  striking  displays  that  I  ever  beheld. 

"  A  huge  black  cloud  of  smoke  hung  like  a  pall  over  the 
American  army,  completely  concealing  it  from  view ;  the  Mex 
icans  had  ceased  firing,  in  order  to  prevent  our  troops  from 


OR,  THE  BORDER  WARS  OF  TWO  CENTURIES.        481 

directing  their  guns  by  the  flashes  from  the  walls;  but  the 
bombardiers  had  obtained  the  exact  range  before  dark,  and  kept 
thundering  away,  every  shell  falling  directly  into  the  doomed 
city.  Suddenly,  a  vivid,  lightning-like  flash  would  gleam  for 
an  instant  upon  the  black  pall  of  smoke  hanging  over  our  lines, 
and  then  as  the  roar  of  the  great  mortar  came  borne  to  our 
•ears,  the  ponderous  shell  would  be  seen  to  dart  upward  like  a 
meteor,  and  after  describing  a  semi-circle  in  the  air,  descend 
with  a  loud  crash  upon  the  house-tops,  or  into  the  resounding 
streets  of  the  fated  city.  Then,  after  a  brief  but  awful  moment 
of  suspense,  a  lurid  glare,  illuminating  for  an  instant  the  white 
domes  and  grim  fortresses  of  Yera  Cruz,  falling  into  ruins 
with  the  shock,  and  the  echoing  crash  that  came  borne  to  our 
ears,  told  that  the  shell  had  exploded,  and  executed  its  terrible 
mission ! 

"  Throughout  the  whole  night  these  fearful  missiles  were 
traveling  into  .the  city  in  one  continued  stream;  but  the  enemy 
did  not  return  the  fire.  At  daylight,  however,  the  Mexicans 
again  opened  their  batteries  upon  our  army,  with  the  most 
determined  bravery. 

"About  eight  o'clock  A.  M.,  the  gallant  Perry  and  his  brave 
associates,  having  finished  the  mounting  of  their  guns,  and 
completed  all  their  arrangements,  opened  with  a  tremendous 
roar  the  Naval  Battery  upon  the  west  side  of  the  city,  and 
were  immediately  answered  from  four  distinct  batteries  of  the 
enemy.  The  firm  earth  trembled  beneath  the  discharge  of 
these  ponderous  guns,  and  the  shot  flew  like  hail  into  the  town, 
and  were  returned  with  interest  by  the  Mexicans.  Their  heavy 
guns  were  served  with  wonderful  precision;  and  almost  every 
shot  struck  the  little  fort,  burst  open  the  sand-bags  of  which  it 
was  constructed,  and  covered  our  brave  officers  and  men  with 
a  cloud  of  dust.  Many  shot  and  shell  were  thrown  directly 
through  the  embrasures ;  and  to  use  the  expressions  of  one  of 
our  old  tars  who  had  been  in  several  engagements,  '  the  red 
skins  handled  their  long  thirty-two's  as  if  they  had  been  rifles!' 
Several  of  our  men  and  one  officer  had  fallen,  but  the  remain 
der  of  the  brave  fellows  kept  blazing  away;  while  the  forts  and 
ramparts  of  the  city  began  to  crumble  to  the  earth.  This 
31 


482  CONQUEST    OF    MEXICO! 

state  of  things  continued  until  the  twenty-seventh;  the  army 
throwing  a  constant  shower  of  bombs  into  the  city,  and  the 
Naval  Battery  (manned  daily  by  fresh  officers  and  men,)  beat 
ing  down  the  fortifications,  and  destroying  everything  within 
its  range,  when  a  flag  of  truce  was  sent  out  with  an  offer, 
which  was  immediately  accepted,  of  an  unconditional  surren 
der  of  the  city  of  Vera  Cruz  and  the  castle  of  San  Juan 
d'Ulloa." 

The  American  army  under  Gen.  Scott  entered  Vera  Cruz  in 
triumph,  where  it  remained  about  two  weeks,  when  the  Gen 
eral  marched  his  army  for  the  Mexican  Capital.  On  the 
seventeenth  of  April  he  arrived  at  the  pass  of  the  Sierra  Gorde, 
where  Gen.  Santa  Anna  was  posted  with  eleven  thousand  men. 
Scott  made  preparations  for  attacking  the  enemy  on  the  fol 
lowing  day,  planning  an  attack  which  has  become  famous  for 
its  perfection  and  results.  In  his  report  of  the  engagement, 
Gen.  Scott  says:  "We  are  quite  embarrassed  with  the  results 
of  victory — prisoners  of  war,  heavy  ordnance,  field  batteries, 
small  arms,  and  accoutrements.  About  three  thousand  men 
laid  down  their  arms  with  the  usual  proportion  of  field  and 
company  officers,  besides  five  generals,  several  of  them  of  great 
distinction.  Pinson,  Jarerro,  La  Yega,  JSToriega,  and  Obando. 
A  sixth  general,  Vasquez,  was  killed  in  defending  the  battery 
(tower)  in  the  rear  of  the  whole  Mexican  army,  the  capture  of 
which  gave  us  those  glorious  results."  The  loss  of  the  Amer 
icans  in  this  terrible  battle  was  light,  while  that  of  the  Mexi 
cans  was,  as  in  most  of  their  engagements  with  the  United 
States  troops,  very  heavy. 

A  detachment  under  Gen.  Worth  captured  Puebla  on  the 
fifteenth  of  May,  where  the  army  remained  until  the  seventh 
of  August,  when  the  whole  army  marched  for  the  city  of 
Mexico.  On  the  afternoon  of  the  third  day's  march,  a  sudden 
turn  in  the  route  revealed  a  scene  that  was  well  calculated  to 
excite  the  weary  soldiers.  The  whole  vast  plain  of  Mexico 
was  before  them.  The  coldness  of  the  air,  which  was  most 
sensibly  felt  at  this  great  elevation,  their  fatigue  and  danger 
•were  forgotten,  and  their  "eyes  were  the  only  sense  that 
thought  of  enjoyment."  Mexico  with  its  lofty  steeples  and 


OR,    THE    BORDER    WARS    OF    TWO    CENTURIES.  483 

chequered  domes,  its  bright  reality,  and  its  former  fame,  its 
modern  splendor  and  its  ancient  magnificence,  was  before  them, 
while  around  on  every  side  its  thousand  lakes  seemed  like 
silver  stars  on  a  velvet  mantle.  Scott's  army  encamped  that 
night  at  the  base  of  the  mountains  with  the  enemy's  scouts 
on  every  side.  On  the  following  day  the  army  halted  at 
Ayotta,  only  fifteen  miles  from  Mexico.  "We  were  separated," 
says  one  who  bore  the  fatigues  of  the  march,  "from  the  city 
by  the  marshes  which  surround  Lake  Tezcuco,  and  by  the  lake 
itself."  The  road  from  this  point  was  commanded  by  a  steep 
and  loftly  hill  called  El  Pinnal,  which  had  been  strongly  forti 
fied  by  Santa  Anna.  Batteries  mounting  over  fifty  guns  in 
all,  had  been  placed  on  its  sides,  and  a  deep  ditch,  twenty-four 
feet  wide,  and  ten  deep,  filled  with  water,  had  been  cut,  con 
necting  the  ports  already  surrounded  by  marshes.  On  this 
side  Santa  Anna  had  twenty-five  thousand  men  against  the 
American  force  of  a  little  over  nine  thousand. 

On  the  twenty-second  of  August,  the  Americans  made  a 
reconnoisance  of  the  work  which  was  pronounced  impractica 
ble,  as  the  lives  of  half  the  troops  would  be  sacrificed  before 
the  ditch  could  be  crossed.  After  a  long  search  another  road 
was  found,  which  led  around  on  the  left,  but  which  was  guarded 
with  five  strong  batteries  at  a  point  about  five  miles  from  the 
city.  All  approach  to  the  city  seemed  to  be  cut  off,  but  at 
length,  by  means  of  his  scouts,  General  Worth,  who  was 
encamped  about  five  miles  distant  found  a  path  around  the 
left  of  Lake  Chalco,  which  led  to  the  western  gate  of  the  city, 
and  which  had  not  yet  been  fortified.  On  the  fourteenth  the 
army  commenced  its  march  by  this  route.  On  the  nineteenth  it 
arrived  at  San  Juan,  Worth's  division  being  considerably  in 
advance.  When  the  Americans  arrived  at  this  place,  they 
received  orders  to  sling  their  blankets  across  their  shoulders, 
put  their  knapsacks  into  their  wagons,  and  to  put  two  day's 
bread  and  beef  in  their  haversacks.  When  this  order  came  the 
men  knew  that  the  work  was  at  hand.  The  enemy  was 
reported  to  be  in  position  as  follows:  Santa  Anna  with  twenty 
thousand  men  was  at  St.  Augustine;  Valencia  with  ten  thous 
and  was  at  an  elevation  called  Contreros  which  commanded 


484  CONQUEST    OF    MEXICO: 

the  road  in  that  direction.  It  now  became  Scott's  object  to 
drive  Valencia  from  his  position,  and  thus  get  in  between 
Santa  Anna  and  the  city.  With  a  view  to  effecting  this,  Gen. 
Worth  was  directed  to  keep  Santa  Anna  in  check,  while  a 
portion  of  the  army  under  Gen.  Twiggs  was  to  rout  Valencia. 
The  progress  from  this  point  is  thus  described  by  one  who 
participated:* 

*"  We  left  San  Juan  about  one  o'clock,  not  particularly  desir 
ing  a  fight  so  late  in  the  day,  but  still  not  shunning  it  in  case 
we  could  have  a  respectable  chance.  About  two  P.  M.,  as  we 
had  crawled  to  the  top  of  a  hill,  whither  we  had  been  ourselves 
pulling  Magruder's  battery  and  the  mountain  howitzers,  we 
suddenly  espied  Valencia  fortified  on  a  hill  about  two  hundred 
yards  off,  and  strongly  re-enforced  by  a  column  which  had  just 
come  out  of  the  city.  We  laid  down  close  to  avoid  drawing 
their  fire,  while  the  battery  moved  past  at  a  full  gallop.  Just 
then,  Gen.  Smith's  manly  voice  rung  out,  ^  Forwa/rd  the  rifles 
— to  support  the  battery'  On  they  went  until  we  got  about 
eight  hundred  yards  from  the  work,  when  the  enemy  opened 
upon  them  with  the  long  guns,  which  were  afterwards  found 
to  be  sixteen  and  eight-inch  howitzers.  The  ground  was  the 
worst  possible  for  artillery,  covered  with  rocks  large  and  small, 
prickly -pear  and  cactus,  intersected  by  ditches  filled  with  water 
arid  lined  with  maguey-plant,  itself  imperviable  to  cavalry, 
and  with  patches  of  corn  which  concealed  the  enemy's  skir 
mishers,  while  it  impeded  our  own  passage.  The  artillery 
advanced  but  slowly  under  a  most  tremendous  fire,  which 
greatly  injured  it  before  it  could  be  got  in  range,  and  the 
thickness  of  the  undergrowth  caused  the  skirmishers  thrown 
forward  to  lose  their  relative  position,  as  well  as  the  column. 
About  four,  the  battery  got  in  position  under  a  most  murder 
ous  fire  of  grape,  canister,  and  round-shot.  Here  the  superi 
ority  of  the  enemy's  pieces  rendered  our  fire  nugatory.  We 
could  get  but  three  pieces  in  battery,  while  they  had  twenty- 
seven^  all  of  them  three  times  the  calibre  of  ours.  For  two  hours 
our  troops  stood  the  storm  of  iron  and  lead  they  hailed  upon 
them,  unmoved.  At  every  discharge  they  laid  flat  down  to 
*  The  Mexican  War  and  Its  Heroes. 


OR,    THE    BOEDER    WARS    OF   TWO    CENTURIES.  485 

avoid  the  storm,  and  then  sprung  up  to  serve  the  guns.  At 
the  end  of  that  time,  two  of  the  guns  were  dismounted,  and 
we  badly  hurt:  thirteen  of  the  horses  were  killed  and  disabled, 
and  fifteen  of  the  cannoniers  killed  and  wounded.  The  regi 
ment  was  then  recalled.  The  lancers  had  been  repelled  in 
three  successive  charges.  The  third  infantry  and  first  artillery 
had  also  engaged  and  successfully  repelled  the  enemy's  skir 
mishers  without  losing  either  officers  or  men.  The  greatest 
loss  had  been  at  the  batteries.  Officers  looked  gloomy  for  the 
first  day's  fight,  but  the  brigade  was  formed,  and  Gen.  Smith 
in  person  took  command.  All  felt  revived,  and  followed  him 
with  a  yell,  as,  creeping  low  to  avoid  the  grape,  (which  was 
coming  very  fast,)  we  made  a  circuit  in  rear  of  the  batteries; 
and,  passing  off'  to  the  right,  we  were  soon  lost  to  view  in  the 
chaparral  and  cactus. 

"  Passing  over  the  path  that  we  scrambled  through,  behold 
us  at  almost  six  o'clock  in  the  evening,  tired,  hungry,  and  sor 
rowful,  emerging  from  the  chaparral  and  croosing  the  road 
between  it  and  Valencia.  Here  we  found  Cadwalader  and  his 
brigade  already  formed,  and  discovered  Riley's  brigade  skir 
mishing  in  rear  of  the  enemy's  works.  Valencia  was  ignorant 
of  our  approach,  and  we  were  as  yet  safe.  In  front  of  us  was 
Valencia,  strongly  entrenched  on  a  hill-side  and  surrounded 
by  a  regular  field-work,  concealed  from  us  by  an  orchard  in 
our  rear.  Mendoza,  with  a  column  of  six  thousand,  was  in 
the  road,  but  thinking  us  to  be  friends.  On  our  right  was  a 
large  range  of  hills  whose  continued  crest  was  parallel  to  the 
road,  and  in  which  were  formed  in  line  of  battle  five  thousand 
of  the  best  Mexican  cavalry.  On  our  left  we  were  separated 
from  our  own  forces  by  an  almost  impassible  wilderness,  and 
it  was  now  twilight.  Even  Smith  looked  round  for  help. 
Suddenly  a  thousand  vivas  came  across  the  hill-side  like  the 
yells  of  prairie  wolves  in  the  dead  of  night,  and  the  squadrons 
on  our  right  formed  for  charging.  Smith  is  himself  again! 
'Face  to  the  rear!'  'Wait  till  you  see  their  red  caps,  and 
then  give  it  to  them!"  Furiously  they  came  on  a  few  yards, 
then  changed  their  minds,  and,  disgusted  at  our  cool  reception, 
retired  to  their  couches. 


486  CONQUEST    OF    MEXICO  I 

"  On  the  edge  of  the  road,  between  us  and  Valencia,  a  Mexican 
hamlet  spread  out,  with  its  mud  huts,  large  orchards,  deep-cut 
roads,  and  a  strong  church;  and  through  the  centre  of  this 
hamlet  ran  a  path  parallel  to  the  main  road,  but  concealed 
from  it;  it  is  nearly  a  mile  long.  In  this  road  Smith's  and 
Riley's  brigade  bivouacked.  Shields,  who  came  up  in  the 
night,  lay  in  the  orchard,  while  Cadwalader  was  nearest  the 
enemy's  works.  As  we  were  within  range  of  their  batteries, 
which  could  enfilade  the  road  in  which  we  lay,  we  built  a  stone 
breastwork  at  either  end  to  conceal  ourselves  from  their  view 
and  grape.  There  we  were,  completely  surrounded  by  the 
enemy,  cut  off  from  our  communications,  ignorant  of  the 
ground,  without  artillery,  weary,  dispirited,  and  dejected.  We 
were  a  disheartened  set.  With  Santa  Anna  and  Salas's  promise 
of  '  no  quarter,'  a  force  of  four  to  one  against  us,  and  one- 
half  defeated  already,  no  succour  from  Puebla,  and  no  news 
from  Gen.  Scott,  all  seemed  dark.  Suddenly  the  words  came 
whispered  along,  '  We  storm  at  midnight?  Now  we  are  our 
selves  again!  But  what  a  horrible  night!  There  we  lay,  too 
tired  to  eat,  too  wet  to  sleep,  in  the  middle  of  that  muddy  road, 
officers  and  men  side  by  side,  with  a  heavy  rain  pouring  down 
upon  us,  the  officers  without  blankets  or  overcoats  (they  had 
lost  them  in  coming  across),  and  the  men  worn  out  with  fatigue. 
About  midnight  the  rain  was  so  heavy  that  the  streams  in  the 
road  flooded  us,  and  there  we  stood  crowded  together,  drenched 
and  benumbed,  waiting  for  daylight. 

"  At  half-past  three  the  welcome  word  '•fall  in '  was  passed 
down,  and  we  commenced  our  march.  The  enemy's  works  were 
on  a  hill-side,  behind  which  rose  other  and  slightly  higher 
hills,  separated  by  deep  ravines  and  gullies,  and  inter 
sected  by  streams.  The  whole  face  of  the  country,  was  of  stiff 
clay,  which  rendered  it  almost  impossible  to  advance.  We 
formed  our  line  about  a  quarter  of  a  mile  from  the  enemy's 
works,  .Riley's  brigade  on  our  right.  At  about  four  we  started, 
winding  through  a  thick  orchard  which  effectually  concealed 
us,  even  had  it  not  been  dark,  debouching  into  a  deep  ravine 
which  ran  within  about  five  hundred  yards  of  the  work,  and 
which  carried  us  directly  in  rear  and  out  of  sight  of  their  bat- 


OR,  THE  BOEDER  WARS  OF  TWO  CENTURIES.        487 

teries.  At  dawn  of  day  we  reached  our  place,  after  incredible 
exertions,  and  got  ready  for  our  charge.  The  men  threw  off 
their  wet  blankets  and  looked  to  their  pieces,  while  the  officers 
got  ready  for  a  rush,  and  the  first  smile  that  lit  up  our  faces 
for  twelve  hours  boded  but  little  good  for  the  Mexicans.  On 
the  right,  and  opposite  the  right  of  their  work,  was  Kiley's 
brigade  of  the  Second  and  First  infantry  and  Fourth  artillery, 
next  the  rifles,  then  the  First  artillery  and  Third  infantry.  In 
rear  of  our  left  was  Cadwalader's  brigade,  as  a  support,  with 
Shield's  brigade  in  the  rear  as  a  reserve — the  whole  division 
under  command  of  Gen.  Smith,  in  the  absence  of  Gen.  Twiggs. 
They  had  a  smooth  place  to  rush  down  on  the  enemy's  work, 
with  the  brow  of  the  hill  to  keep  under  until  the  word  was 
given. 

u  At  last,  just  at  daylight,  Gen.  Smith,  slowly  walking  up, 
asked  if  all  was  ready.  A  look  answered  him.  '  Men,  for 
ward!  '  And  we  did  '  forward.'  Springing  up  at  once,  Riley's 
brigade  opened,  when  the  crack  of  a  hundred  rifles  startled  the 
Mexicans  from  their  astonishment,  and  they  opened  their  fire. 
Useless  fire!  for  we  were  so  close  that  they  overshot  us,  and 
before  they  could  turn  their  pieces  on  us  we  were  on  them. 
Then  such  cheers  arose  as  you  never  heard.  The  men  rushed 
forward  like  demons,  yelling  and  firing  the  while.  The  carnage 
was  frightful,  and,  though  they  fired  sharply,  it  was  of  no  use. 
The  earthen  parapet  was  cleared  in  an  instant,  and  the  blows 
of  the  stocks  could  be  plainly  heard  mingled  with  the  yells  and 
groans  around.  Just  before  the  charge  was  made,  a  large  body 
•of  lancers  came  winding  up  the  road,  looking  most  splendidly 
in  their  brilliant  uniforms.  They  never  got  to  the  work,  but 
turned  and  fled.  In  an  instant  all  was  one  mass  of  confusion, 
-each  trying  to  be  foremost  in  the  flight.  The  road  was  literally 
blocked  up,  and,  while  many  perished  by  their  own  guns,  it- 
was  almost  impossible  to  fire  on  the  mass  from  the  danger  of 
killing  our  own  men.  Some  fled  up  the  ravine  on  the  left,  or 
on  the  right,  and  many  of  these  were  slain  by  turning  their 
own  guns  on  them.  Towards  the  city  the  rifles  and  Second 
infantry  led  off  the  pursuit.  Seeing  that  a  large  crowd  of  the 
fugitives  were  jammed  up  in  a  pass  in  the  road,  some  of  our 


4:88  CONQUEST   OF   MEXICO! 

men  ran  through  the  cornfield,  and  by  thus  heading  them  off 
and  firing  down  upon  them,  about  thirty  men  took  over  five 
hundred  prisoners,  nearly  a  hundred  of  them  officers.  After 
disarming  the  prisoners,  as  the  pursuit  had  ceased,  we  went 
back  to  the  fort,  where  we  found  our  troops  in  full  possession  r 
the  rout  complete. 

"'We  found  that  the  enemy's  position  was  much  stronger 
than  we  had  supposed,  and  their  artillery  much  larger  and 
more  abundant.  Our  own  loss  was  small,  which  may  be 
accounted  for  by  their  perfect  surprise  at  our  charge,  as  to 
them  we  appeared  as  if  rising  out  of  the  earth,  so  unper- 
ceived  was  our  approach.  Our  loss  was  one  officer  killed,  Capt. 
Hanson,  of  the  Seventh  infantry,  and  Lieut.  Yan  Buren,  of  the 
rifles,  shot  through  the  leg,  and  about  fifty  men  killed  and 
wounded.  Their  force  consisted  of  eight  thousand  men,  under 
Valencia,  with  a  reserve,  which  had  not  yet  arrived,  under 
Santa  Anna.  Their  loss,  as  since  ascertained,  was  as  follows : 
Killed,  and  buried  since  f,he  fight,  seven  hundred  and  fifty  ^ 
wounded,  one  thousand;  and  fifteen  hundred  prisoners,  exclu 
sive  of  officers,  including  four  generals — Salas,  Mendoza,  Garcia,. 
and  Gaudalupe — in  addition  to  dozens  of  colonels,  majors, 
captains,  etc.  We  captured,  in  all,  on  the  hill  twenty-two  pieces 
of  cannon,  including  five  eight-inch  howitzers,  two  long  eight- 
eens,  three  long  sixteens,  and  several  of  twelve  and  eight  inches. 
In  addition  were  taken  immense  quantities  of  ammunition 
and  muskets;  in  fact,  the  way  was  strewd  with  muskets,  esco- 
pets,  lances,  and  flags  for  miles.  Large  quantities  of  horses 
and  mules  were  also  captured,  though  large  numbers  were 
killed. 

"  Thus  ended  the  glorious  battle  of  Contreros,  in  which  twa 
thousand  men,  under  Gen.  P.  F.  Smith,  completely  routed  and 
destroyed  an  army  of  eight  thousand  men,  under  Gen.  Valencia, 
with  Santa  Anna  and  a  force  of  twenty  thousand  men  within, 
five  miles.  Their  army  was  so  completely  routed  that  not 
fifteen  hundred  men  rejoined  Santa  Anna  and  participated  in  the 
second  battle.  Most  people  would  have  thought  that  a  pretty 
good  day's  work.  Not  so.  We  had  only  saved  ourselves,  not 
conquered  Mexico,  and  men's  work  was  before  us  yet. 


OB,    THE    BORDER    WARS    OF    TWO    CENTURIES.  489 

"  At  eight  A.  M.  we  formed  again,  and  Gen.  Twiggs  having 
taken  command,  we  started  on  the  road  to  Mexico.  We  had 
hardly  marched  a  mile  before  we  were  sharply  fired  upon  from 
both  sides  of  the  road,  and  our  right  was  deployed  to  drive  the 
enemy  in.  We  soon  found  that  we  had  caught  up  with  the 
retreating  party,  from  the  very  brisk  firing  in  front,  and  we 
drove  them  through  the  little  town  of  San  Angelo,  where  they 
had  been  halting  in  force.  About  half  a  mile  from  this  town 
we  entered  the  suburbs  of  another  called  San  Katherina,  when 
a  large  party  in  the  church-yard  fired  on  the  head  of  the  col 
umn,  and  the  balls  came  right  among  us.  Our  men  kept 
rushing  on  their  rear  and  cutting  them  down,  until  a  discharge 
of  grape-shot  from  a  large  piece  in  front  drove  them  back  to 
the  column.  In  this  short  space  of  time  five  men  were  killed, 
ten  taken  prisoners,  and  a  small  color  captured,  which  was 
carried  the  rest  of  the  day. 

"  Meanwhile  Gen.  Worth  had  made  a  demonstration  on  San 
Antonio,  where  the  enemy  was  fortified  in  a  strong  hacienda; 
but  they  retired  on  his  approach  to  Churubusco,  where  the 
works  were  deemed  impregnable.  They  consisted  of  a  fortified 
hacienda,  which  was  surrounded  by  a  high  and  thick  wall  on 
all  sides.  Inside  the  wall  was  a  stone  building,  the  roof  of 
which  was  flat,  and  higher  than  the  walls.  Above  all  this  was 
a  stone  church,  still  higher  than  the  rest,  and  having  a  large 
steeple.  The  wall  was  pierced  with  loop-holes,  and  so  arranged 
that  there  were  two  tiers  of  men  firing  at  the  same  time. 
They  thus  had  four  different  ranges  of  men  firing  at  once,  and 
four  ranks  were  formed  on  each  range,  and  placed  at  such  a 
height  that  they  could  not  only  overlook  all  the  surrounding 
country,  but  at  the  same  time  they  had  a  plunging  fire  upon 
us.  Outside  the  hacienda,  and  completely  commanding  the 
avenues  of  approach,  was  a  field-work  extending  around  two 
sides  of  the  fort,  and  protected  by  a  deep,  wet  ditch,  and  armed 
with  seven  large  pieces.  This  hacienda  is  at  the  commence 
ment  of  the  causeway  leading  to  the  western  gate  of  the  city, 
and  had  to  be  passed  before  getting  on  the  road.  About  three 
hundred  yards  in  rear  of  this  work  another  field-work  had  been 
built  where  a  cross-road  meets  the  causeway,  at  a  point  where 


490  CONQUEST    OF    MEXICO! 

it  crosses  a  river,  thus  forming  a  bridge  head,  or  tete  de  pont. 
This  was  also  very  strong,  and  armed  with  three  large  pieces 
of  cannon.  The  works  were  surrounded  on  every  side  by  large 
corn-fields,  which  were  filled  with  the  enemy's  skirmishers,  so 
that  it  was  difficult  to  make  a  reconnoissance.  It  was  therefore 
decided  to  make  the  attack  immediately,  as  they  were  full  of 
men,  and  extended  for  nearly  a  mile  on  the  road  to  the  city, 
completely  covering  the  causeway.  The  attack  commenced 
about  one  F.  M.  General  Twiggs'  division  attacked  on  the  side 
towards  which  they  approached  the  fort;  that  is,  opposite  the 
city.  Gen.  Worth's  attacked  the  bridge  head,  which  he  took 
in  about  an  hour  and  a  half ;  while  Gens.  Pillow  and  Quitman 
were  on  the  extreme  left,  between  the  causeway  and  Twiggs' 
division.  The  rifles  were  on  the  left  and  in  rear  of  the  work, 
entrusted  by  Gen.  Scott  with  the  task  of  charging  it  in  case 
Gen.  Pierce  gave  way.  The  firing  was  most  tremendous — in 
fact,  one  continued  roll  while  the  combat  lasted.  The  enemy, 
from  their  elevated  station,  could  readily  see  our  men,  who  were 
unable  to  get  a  clear  view  from  their  position.  Three  of  the 
pieces  were  manned  by  '  the  deserters,'  a  body  of  about  one 
hundred,  who  had  deserted  from  the  ranks  of  our  army  during 
the  war.  They  were  enrolled  in  two  companies,  commanded 
by  a  deserter,  and  were  better  uniformed  and  disciplined  than 
the  rest  of  the  army.  These  men  fought  most  desperately, 
and  are  said  not  only  to  have  shot  down  several  of  our  officers 
whom  they  knew,  but  to  have  pulled  down  the  white  flag  of 
surrender  no  less  than  three  times. 

"The  battle  raged  most  furiously  for  about  three  hours,  when, 
both  sides  having  lost  a  great  many,  the  enemy  began  to  give 
way.  As  soon  as  they  commenced  retreating,  Kearney's  squad 
ron  passed  through  the  tete  de  pont,  and  charging  through  the 
retreating  column,  pursued  them  to  the  very  gate  of  the  city. 
"When  our  men  got  within  about  five  hundred  yards  of  the  gate 
they  were  opened  upon  with  grape  and  canister,  and  several 
officers  wounded.  The  official  returns  give  our  loss  in  killed 
and  wounded  at  one  thousand  one  hundred  and  fifty,  besides 
officers.  The  Mexican  loss  is  five  hundred  killed  in  the  second 
battle,  one  thousand  wounded,  and  eleven  hundred  prisoners, 


OK,    THE    BORDER    WARS    OF    TWO    CENTURIES.  491 

exclusive  of  officers.  Three  more  generals  were  taken,  among 
them  Gen.  Rincon,  and  Anaja,  the  Provisional  President;  also 
ten  pieces  of  cannon,  and  an  immense  amount  of  ammuni 
tion  and  stores.  Santa  Anna,  in  his  report,  states  his  loss  in 
killed,  wounded,  and  missing,  at  twelve  thousand.  He  has 
only  eighteen  thousand  left  out  of  thirty  thousand,  which  he 
gives  as  his  force  on  the  twentieth  in  both  actions. 

"  Thus  ended  the  battle  of  Churubusco,  one  of  the  most 
furious  and  deadly,  for  its  length,  of  any  of  the  war.  For  rea 
sons  which  he  deemed  conclusive,  Gen.  Scott  did  not  enter 
the  city  that  night,  but  encamped  on  the  battle-field,  about 
four  miles  from  the  western  gate  of  the  city.  The  next  day 
a  flag  of  truce  came  out,  and  propositions  were  made  which 
resulted  in  an  armistice." 


CHAPTEK    LXI. 

TERMINATION  OF  THE  ARMISTICE  —  THE  BATTLE  OF  MOLINOS  DEL  REY 
—  THE  SIEGE  OF  THE  CAPITAL  —  THE  CITY  OF  MEXICO  OCCUPIED  — 
THE  AMERICAN  FLAG  FLOATING  FROM  THE  MEXICAN  NATIONAL 
PALACE. 

AN  ARMISTICE  was  concluded  on  the  twenty-fourth  of  August 
between  Gen.  Scott  and  President  Santa  Anna,  with  a  view  of 
terminating  the  war  and  effecting  a  treaty  of  peace.  Negotia 
tions  at  once  commenced,  but  terminated  on  the  seventh  of 
September,  when  both  armies  assumed  hostile  attitudes.  On 
the  date  last  mentioned,  a  large  body  of  Mexicans  was  discov 
ered  hovering  about  Molinos  del  Rey,  within  a  mile  of  the 
American  camp  and  Gen.  Scott's  headquarters.  Gen.  Worth 
was  at  once  ordered  to  attack  the  enemy  at  this  point,  and  his 
division  being  re-enforced,  he  moved  forward  to  battle.  The 
position  of  the  Mexicans  was  well  taken.  Their  left  rested 
upon  and  occupied  a  group  of  strong  stone  buildings,  called 
El  Molino  del  Rey,  adjoining  the  grove  at  the  foot  of  the  hill 
of  Chapultepec,  and  directly  under  the  guns  of  the  castle  which 
crowned  its  rummit.  The  right  of  his  line  rested  upon 
another  stone  building,  called  Casa  Mata,  situated  at  the  foot 
of  the  ridge  that  slopes  gradually  from  the  heights  above  the 
village  of  Tacubaya  to  the  plain  below.  Midway  between  these 
buildings  was  the  enemy's  field  battery,  and  his  infantry 
forces  were  disposed  on  either  side  to  support  it.  "  The  early 
dawn,"  says  Worth,  "was  the  moment  appointed  for  the 
attack,  which  was  announced  to  the  troops,  by  the  opening  of 
Huger's  guns  on  El  Molinos  del  Rey,  upon  which  they  contin 
ued  to  play  actively  until  this  point  of  the  enemy's  line  became 
sensibly  shaken,  when  the  assaulting  party,  commanded  by 
Wright,  and  guided  by  that  accomplished  officer,  Capt.  Mason, 

(492) 


OK,  THE  BORDER  WARS  OF  TWO  CENTURIES.        4:93 

•of  the  engineers,  assisted  by  Lieut.  Foster,  dashed  gallantly 
forward  to  the  assault." 

*  Unshaken  by  the  galling  fire  of  musketry  and  canister 
that  was  showered  upon  them,  on  they  rushed,  driving  the 
infantry  and  artillerymen  at  the  point  of  the  bayonet.     The 
enemy's  field  battery  was  taken,  and  his  own  guns  were  trailed 
upon  his  retreating  masses ;  before,  however,   they  could  be 
discharged,  perceiving  that  he  had  been  dispossessed  of  this 
strong  position  by  comparatively  a  handful  of  men,  he  made  a 
desperate  effort  to  regain  it.     Accordingly,  his  retiring  forces 
rallied  and  formed  with  this  object.     Aided  by  the  infantry, 
which  covered  the  house-tops  (within  reach  of  which  the  bat 
tery  had  been  moved  during  the  night,)  the  enemy's  whole  line 
opened  upon  the  assaulting  party  a  terrific  fire  of  musketry, 
which  struck  down  eleven  out  of  fourteen  officers  that  com 
posed  the  command,  and  non-commissioned  officers  and  men  in 
proportion;  including  among  the  officers  Brev.-Major  Wright, 
the  commander;  Capt.  Mason  and  Lieut.  Foster,  engineers;  all 
severely  wounded.     This  severe  shock  staggered  for  a  moment 
that  gallant  band.     The  light  battalion,  held  to  cover  Huger's 
battery,  under  Capt.  E.  Kirby  Smith,  and  the  right   wing  of 
Cadwalader's  brigade,  were  promptly  ordered  forward  to  sup 
port,  which  order  was  executed  in  the  most  gallant  style;  the 
enemy  was  again  routed,  and  this  point  of  his  line  carried,  and 
fully  possessed  by  our  troops.     In  the  meantime,  Garland's 
brigade,  ably  sustained  by  Capt.  Drum's  artillery,  assaulted 
the  enemy's  left,  and,  after  an  obstinate  and  very  severe  con 
test,  drove  him   from  this  apparently  impregnable  position, 
immediately  under  the  guns  of   the  castle  of   Chapultepec. 
Drum's  section,  and  the  battering  guns  under  Capt.  Huger, 
advanced  to  the  enemy's  position,  and  the  captured  guns  of  the 
enemy  were  now  opened  on  his  retreating  forces,  on  which  they 
continued  to  fire  until  beyond  their  reach.     While  this  work 
was  in  progress  of  accomplishment  by  the  center  and  right,  the 
troops  on  the  left  were  not  idle.     Duncan's  battery  opened  on 
the  right  of  the  enemy's  line,  up  to  this  time  engaged;  and 
the  second  brigade,  under  Col.  Mclntoshj  was  now  ordered  to 

*  Gen.  Worth's  Report. 


494  CONQUEST    OF    MEXICO! 

assault  the  extreme  right  of  the  enemy's  line.  The  direction 
of  this  brigade  soon  caused  it  to  mask  Duncan's  battery,  the 
h're  of  which,  for  the  moment,  was  discontinued;  and  the 
brigade  moved  steadily  on  to  the  assault  of  Casa  Mata,  which, 
instead  of  an  ordinary  field  entrenchment,  as  was  supposed, 
proved  to  be  a  strong  stone  citadel,  surrounded  with  bastioned 
entrenchments  and  impassable  ditches — an  old  Spanish  work, 
recently  repaired  and  enlarged.  When  within  easy  musket 
range,  the  enemy  opened  a  most  deadly  fire  upon  the  advanc 
ing  troops,  which  was  kept  up,  without  intermission,  until  the 
gallant  men  reached  the  very  slope  of  the  parapet  of  the  work 
that  surrounded  the  citadel.*  By  this  time  a  large  proportion 
of  the  command  was  either  killed  or  wounded,  among  whom 
were  the  three  senior  officers  present,  Brevet-Col.  Mclntosh, 
Brevet  Lieut.-Col.  Scott,  of  the  fifth  infantry,  and  Major  TV  aite, 
eighth  infantry;  the  second  killed,  and  the  first  and  last  des 
perately  wounded.  Still,  the  fire  from  the  citadel  was  unabated. 
In  this  crisis  of  the  attack,  the  command  was  momentarily 
thrown  into  disorder,  and  fell  back  on  the  left  of  Duncan's 
battery,  where  they  rallied.  As  the  second  brigade  moved  to 
the  assault,  a  very  large  cavalry  and  infantry  force  was  discov 
ered  approaching  rapidly  upon  the  left  flank,  to  re-enforce  the 
enemy's  right.  As  soon  as  Duncan's  battery  was  masked,  as 
before  mentioned,  supported  by  Andrews's  voltigeurs,  of  Cad- 
walader's  brigade,  it  moved  promptly  to  the  extreme  left  of  the 
line  to  check  the  threatened  assault  on  this  point.  The  ene 
my's  cavalry  came  rapidly  within  canister  range,  when  the 
whole  battery  opened  a  most  effective  fire,  which  soon  broke 
the  squadrons  and  drove  them  back  in  disorder.  During  this 
fire  upon  the  enemy's  cavalry,  Major  Simmer's  command 
moved  to  the  front,  and  changed  direction  in  admirable  order, 
under  a  most  appalling  fire  from  the  Gasa  Mata.  This  move 
ment  enabled  his  command  to  cross  the  ravine  immediately  on 
the  left  of  Duncan's  battery,  where  it  remained,  doing  noble 
service  until  the  close  of  the  action.  At  the  very  moment  the 
cavalry  were  driven  beyond  reach,  the  American  troops  drew 
back  from  before  the  Casa  Mata,  and  enabled  the  guns  of  Dun- 
*  Gen.  Worth's  Report. 


OK,  THE  BORDER  WARS  OF  TWO  CENTURIES.        495 

can's  battery  to  re-open  upon  this  position,  which,  after  a 
short  and  well-directed  tire,  the  enemy  abandoned.  The  guns 
of  the  battery  were  now  turned  upon  the  retreating  columns, 
and  continued  to  play  upon  them  until  beyond  reach.  The 
Mexicans  were  now  driven  from  every  point  of  the  field,  and 
their  strong  lines,  which  had  certainly  been  defended  well,  were 
in  Worth's  possession.  In  fulfillment  of  the  instructions  of  Gen. 
Scott,  the  Casa  Mata  was  blown  up,  and  such  of  the  captured 
ammunition  as  was  useless  to  the  Americans,  as  well  as  the 
cannon-moulds  found  in  El  Molinos  del  Rev,  were  destroyed. 
After  which,  Worth's  command,  under  the  orders  of  the 
general -in- chief,  returned  to  quarters  at  Tacubaya,  with  three 
of  the  enemy's  four  guns,  as  also  a  large  quantity  of  srnal] 
arms,  with  gun  and  musket  ammunition,  and  exceeding  eight 
hundred  prisoners,  including  fifty-two  commissioned  officers. 
*By  the  concurrent  testimony  of  prisoners,  the  enemy's  force 
exceeded  fourteen  thousand  men,  commanded  by  Gen.  Santa 
Anna  in  person.  His  total  loss,  killed  (including  the  second 
and  third  in  command,  Gens.  Valdarez  and  Leon),  wounded, 
and  prisoners,  amounted  to  three  thousand,  exclusive  of  some 
two  thousand  who  deserted  after  the  rout.  Worth's  command, 
re-enforced  as  before  stated,  only  reached  three  thousand  one 
hundred  men  of  all  arms.  The  contest  continued  two  hours, 
and  its  severity  was  painfully  attested  by  the  heavy  loss  of 
American  officers,  non-commissioned  officers,  and  privates, 
including  in  the  first  two  classes  some  of  the  brightest  orna 
ments  of  the  service. 

But  why  horrify  the  reader  with  all  the  bloody  details  of  this 
siege?  A  series  of  battles  of  forty-eight  hour's  continuance 
followed  Worth's  triumph  at  Molinos  del  Eey,  after  which,  on 
the  fourteenth  of  September,  1847,  Gen.  Scott's  glorious  army 
hoisted  the  fiag  of  the  United  States  on  the  walls  of  the 
National  Palace  of  Mexico.  Immediately  on  entering  the 
Palace,  the  following  order  was  issued: 

"  The  general-in-chief  calls  upon  his  brethren  in  arms  to 
return  both  in  public  and  private  worship,  thanks  and  gratitude 
to  God  for  the  signal  triumphs  which  they  have  recently 

*  Gen.  Worth's  Report. 


496  CONQUEST  OF  MEXICO: 

achieved  for  their  country.  Beginning  with  the  nineteenth  of 
August,  this  army  has  gallantly  fought  its  way  through  the 
fields  and  forts  of  Contreras,  San  Antonio,  Churubusco,  Molinos 
del  Rey,  Chapultepec  and  the  gates  of  San  Casone  and  Tacu- 
baya  or  Belen,  into  the  Capital  of  Mexico.  When  the  very 
limited  numbers  who  have  performed  these  brilliant  deeds  shall 
have  become  known,  the  world  will  be  astonished  and  our  own 
countrymen  filled  with  joy  and  admiration.  But  all  is  not  yet 
done.  The  enemy,  though  scattered  and  dismaj^ed,  has  still 
many  fragments  of  his  late  army  hovering  about  us,  and,  aided 
by  an  exasperated  population,  he  may  again  reunite  in  treble 
our  numbers,  and  fall  upon  us  to  advantage  if  we  rest  inactive 
on  the  security  of  past  victories."  *  * 

Retiring  from  the  capital,  Gen.  Santa  Anna  collected  several 
fragments  of  his  army,  and  laid  siege  to  Puebla,  which  was 
poorly  garrisoned.  The  siege  was  prosecuted  with  considerable 
vigor  for  twenty-eight  days,  and  nobly  repulsed  by  the  com 
mander,  Col.  Childs,  who  had  been  left  to  guard  the  place  with 
a  feeble  garrison.  And  here,  without  following  Gens.  Scott 
and  Butler  through  all  the  war  of  detail  that  completed  the 
conquest  of  Mexico,  or  the  military  and  diplomatic  disputes 
that  finally  terminated  in  a  peace  between  that  country  and 
the  United  States,  we  will  return  to  the  main  current  of  our 
narrative,  from  which  I  have  so  widely  diverged — the  wars  with 
the  Indians. 


CHAPTEK    LXII. 

WAKS  WITH  THE  INDIANS  IN  NEW  MEXICO  —  THE  MASSACRE  OF  THE 
WHITE  FAMILY — BRUTALITY  OF  THE  APACHES  —  THE  WARS  WITH 
UTAHS  AND  AP ACHES  —  THE  SETTLEMENTS  IN  NEW  MEXICO  IN 
VADED  BY  HOSTILE  INDIANS  —  A  BRILLIANT  COMPANY  —  SEVEN 
BATTLES  —  PEACE. 

LET  us  now  return  to  New  Mexico,  which  has  become  a 
part  of  our  own  truly  great  nation.  "No  sooner  had  the 
United  States  forces  occupied  that  territory  than  the  neigh 
boring  Indians  raised  the  hatchet  in  defiance.  The  insolence 
of  the  Mexican  settlers  had  wrought  hard  upon  their  native 
thirst  for  vengeance,  and  the  presence  of  an  American  mili 
tary  force  irritated  their  rage  to  fury.  At  this  time,  1848-9, 
Col.  Beall  was  commanding  the  United  States  forces  in  New 
Mexico,  and  had  established  his  headquarters  at  Taos.  The 
Indians  with  whom  he  had  to  deal  were,  for  the  most  part, 
Apaches,  who,  among  all  the  western  tribes  have  given  the 
United  States  government  the  most  trouble.  They  were 
never  to  be  trusted.  In  war  they  were  treacherous,  in  peace 
they  were  always  finding  cause  for  new  quarrels.  But 
we  must  not  suppose  that  these  constant  outbreaks  were 
always  without  a  reason — a  cause  sometimes  founded  in 
just  complaint.  The  savages  were  not  always  to  blame. 
They  were  not  responsible  for  their  creation,  and  it  is  unrea 
sonable  to  suppose  that  they  should  have  put  themselves  to 
death,  with  a  view  to  accommodating  American  pioneers — 
or  even  to  quietly  submit  to  having  their  best  hunting 
grounds  taken  from  them  without  making  a  faint  resistance. 
The  Indian  had  a  right  to  make  war  upon  the  Americans; 
his  only  wrong  was  in  not  conquering  them — a  wrong  for 
which  his  race  has  suffered  total  extermination.  As  a  rule, 
32  (497) 


498  TROUBLE    WITH    THE    WESTERN    INDIANS! 

the  Indians,  and  more  especially  the  western  tribes,  have  been 
held  to  a  strict  account  for  their  depredations  upon  the  whites. 
No  one  should  complain  of  this,  not  even  the  Indians  them 
selves.  Unhappily,  on  the  contrary,  those  who  have  been 
appointed  over  them  in  official  position  by  the  United  States 
government,  have  not  been  held  to  a  strict  account  for  their 
depredations  upon  the  savages.  But  the  savages  had  no  repre 
sentatives  in  Congress;  they  had  orators,  but  no  statesmen, 
and  the  story  of  their  wrongs  will  die  with  them,  unless  a 
jealous  nation  shall  perpetuate  it  in  history. 

The  Apaches  were  an  obstinate  race  of  Indians.  They  were 
brave,  too,  for  the  chief  source  of  their  ruin  has  been  the 
battle-field.  Long  before  the  United  States  troops  entered 
New  Mexico,  these  fierce  natives  had  been  a  terror  to  the 
Spanish  settlers  there.  They  had  invaded  the  settlements  from 
every  quarter,  and  it  required  every  exertion  of  the  Mexicans 
to  hold  them  in  check.  For  ten  long  years  the  Apaches  had 
at  frequent  intervals,  invaded  the  settlements  of  this  interior 
Mexican  state  with  furious  onset,  spreading  the  terrors  of  massa 
cre  throughout  the  peaceful  villages.  But  now,  in  1848,  their 
progress  was  barred  by  the  arms  of  a  superior  foe. 

No  sooner  had  Col.  Beall  been  appointed  to  the  office  already 
mentioned,  than  he  became  possessed  of  the  conviction  which 
has  ever  invaded  the  breasts  of  United  States  officers  on  attain 
ing  a  similar  position — that  the  only  sure  plan  of  making 
peace  with  the  Indians  was  to  exterminate  them.  With  thi? 
righteous  determination  he  despatched  a  junior  officer  with  3 
strong  force,  with  orders  to  pursue  the  Apaches,  overtake 
them,  and  punish  them.  The  order  was  obeyed,  and  the  expe 
dition  started.  This  time,  however,  providence  had  defended 
the  savages.  The  snow  was  too  deep  for  the  pursuit,  and  the 
gallant  army  returned  to  Taos.  But  Col.  Beall  was  dissatisfied, 
and  after  listening  to  the  report  of  his  subordinate  officer  he 
replied:  "  that  there  was  no  such  word  as  impracticability  in 
the  soldiers  vocabulary,  and  that  nothing  ought  to  be  impossi 
ble  for  the  first  regiment  of  United  States  Dragoons  to  accom 
plish."  Col.  Beall  took  the  detachment  under  his  own  imme 
diate  command,  and  with  the  famous  Kit  Carson  as  guide,  he 


OK,    THE    BORDER    WARS    OF   TWO    CENTURIES.  499 

set  out  for  the  country  of  the  Apaches.  It  was  a  long  and 
fatiguing  march,  and  required  all  the  courage  and  persever 
ance  of  the  men  and  animals,  but  the  rugged  mountains  were 
crossed,  and  fruitless  days  spent  in  the  valley  beyond  in  the 
search  for  the  enemy.  At  length,  when  signs  of  Indians  were 
no  where  to  be  found,  the  dragoons  turned  their  faces  home 
ward,  but  as  they  were  slowly  making  a  difficult  mountain 
pass,  known  as  the  Sangre  de  Christo,  a  village  of  the  hostile 
Indians  suddenly  appeared  before  them.  A  charge  was 
ordered,  but  the  tired  animals  could  make  so  little  progress  in 
the  deep  snow  that  all  the  savages,  except  two  old  chiefs,  made 
their  escape  in  safety.  Col.  Beall  gave  these  men  a  severe 
"talk"  and  dismissed  them,  after  which  his  tired  dragoons 
were  permitted  to  return  to  Taos. 

It  was  not  long  before  the  military  commander  of  New  Mex 
ico  received  intelligence  that  his  Apache  enemies  had  committed 
another  wicked  murder,  the  details  of  which  are  heartrending. 
A  Santa  Fe  merchant  had  been  to  the  United  States  for  the 
purpose  of  purchasing  a  supply  of  goods.  On  his  return  the 
train  was  escorted  by  a  small  force  of  men.  The  prairies  and 
mountains  had  been  crossed  in  safety,  and  the  caravan  was 
nearing  Santa  Fe,  when  Mr.  White,  thinking  that  all  danger 
had  been  passed,  drove  in  advance  with  his  private  carriage,  in 
which  he  was  accompanied  by  his  wife  and  child.  A  few  men 
brought  up  the  immediate  rear  as  an  escort.  He  had  proceeded 
but  a  few  miles  when  he  was  attacked  by  a  band  of  Apaches. 
The  Indians  had  concealed  themselves  in  the  rocks  on  either 
side  of  the  trail,  and  as  the  carriage  neared  their  hiding  places 
they  poured  forth  a  volley  upon  the  travelers  with  terrible 
effect.  Every  man  in  the  escort,  including  Mr.  White,  fell 
pierced  by  Indian  bullets.  But  Mrs.  White  and  her  child  were 
reserved  for  the  horrors  of  captivity. 

As  soon  as  the  news  of  this  disaster  reached  New  Mexico,  a 
command  was  organized  for  the  purpose  of  pursuing  the  Indi 
ans,  and,  if  possible,  rescuing  Mrs.  White.  In  due  time  this 
party  arrived  at  the  place  where  the  butchery  had  been  con 
summated.  Here  were  many  evidences  of  Indian  cruelty,  but 
the  exasperated  party  did  not  wait  long  to  examine  these. 


500  TROUBLE    WITH    THE    WESTERN    INDIANS. 

Finding  aie  trail,  they  pursued  the  savages  for  twelve  days 
before  corning  up  with  them.  During  the  march  they  met 
many  evidences  which  convinced  them  that  Mrs.  White  was 
still  living.  At  the  camping  grounds  of  the  savages  were 
found  several  remnants  of  her  dress,  which  appeared  to  have 
been  torn  from  her  in  a  struggle  with  her  captives.  At  length 
the  enemy  was  in  full  view.  At  this  critical  point  the  Amer 
icans  stopped  to  hold  a  consultation  as  to  the  best  mode  of 
attacking  the  savages.  This  was  a  fatal  mistake,  for  had  they 
charged  upon  the  enemy  Mrs.  White  might  have  been  rescued 
alive.  Yet  there  was  little  to  be  regretted.  Her  person  was 
so  fearfully  mutilated  that  she  could  not  have  long  survived 
the  shock.  The  position  of  her  body  showed  that  a  bullet  had 
pierced  her  heart  while  attempting  to  escape  to  her  friends, 
whom  she  had  observed.  Her  child  had  fallen  a  prey  to  the 
merciless  tomahawk,  many  days  before. 

In  this  affair  the  Americans  succeeded  in  killing  but  three 
warriors,  wounding  several  others,  and  capturing  the  camp 
equippage.  On  their  return  they  were  overtaken  by  a  terrible 
snow  storm,  from  which  one  of  their  men  perished. 

But  it  will  be  impossible  to  mention  all  the  outbreaks  which 
have  characterized  the  border  wars  between  the  settlers  of  New 
Mexico  and  the  Apache  Indians,  in  this  volume.  I  have  space 
only  to  describe  some  of  the  more  important  battles  of  this 
war.  When  Kit  Carson  was  appointed  to  the  position  of 
Indian  Agent  at  Taos,  in  New  Mexico,  the  Apaches  were  at  the 
height  of  their  discontent,  and  with  every  day  came  reports  of 
their  lawless  acts.  The  settlers  in  Northern  New  Mexico  had 
been  driven  from  their  homes,  robbed  and  murdered,  and  the 
savage  invaders,  gloating  over  their  success,  were  fast  becoming 
bolder  in  their  attacks.  Lieut.  Bell,  of  the  Second  Kegiment 
of  United  States  dragoons,  was  now  sent  against  these  Indians. 
After  a  short  march  he  came  upon  them  on  the  Red  river,  and 
at  once  made  an  attack.  At  first  the  savages  returned  their 
fire,  but  the  soldiers  made  repeated  charges,  and  penetrated 
through  and  through  the  Indian  ranks.  They  were  compelled 
to  fall  back  and  retreat.  In  this  battle  the  Apaches  lost  many 
warriors.  Among  the  slain  was  their  principal  chief,  whose 


OR,    THE    BORDER    WARS    OF    TWO    CENTURIES.  501 

death  was  a  severe  blow  to  the  tribe.     The  Americans  lost  two 
soldiers  killed,  and  several  seriously  wounded. 

Not  more  than  ten  days  after  this  battle  news  was  received 
at  Taos  that  a  strong  band  of  Apache  warriors  was  encamped 
in  the  mountains,  not  twenty  miles  distant.  This  report  was 
soon  confirmed  by  the  hostile  appearance  of  these  Indians 
among  the  settlements,  which  resulted  in  one  of  the  most 
thrilling  battles  ever  fought  by  American  soldiers  against  the 
Apaches.  It  was  as  follows:  Lieut.  Davidson  (now  Lieuteri- 
ant-Colonel  of  the  Tenth  United  States  cavalry),  with  a 
command  of  sixty  men  belonging  to  the  First  regiment  of 
United  States  dragoons,  started  out  to  repulse  the  savage 
invaders.  He  marched  to  the  Embuda  mountains,  where  he 
came  upon  the  enemy.  The  Indians  were  prepared  for  the 
assault,  having  taken  a  strong  position.  The  strength  of  the 
Apaches  in  this  contest  was  two  hundred  and  forty  warriors, 
and  the  advantages  of  their  position  seemed  to  defy  approach. 
After  a  consultation  with  his  officers,  Lieut.  Davidson  concluded 
to  make  an  attempt  to  draw  the  savages  from  their  position  by 
proposing  to  hold  a  talk  with  them.  This  plan  failed,  and  he 
next  resolved  to  hazard  an  attack.  He  ordered  his  men  to 
dismount,  and  leaving  the  horses  in  charge  of  a  small  guard, 
the  soldiers  began  the  ascent  of  the  mountain  for  the  purpose 
of  reaching  the  stronghold  of  the  enemy.  They  succeeded  in 
dislodging  the  savages,  with  the  loss  of  five  of  their  men 
killed,  notwithstanding  they  met  with  a  desperate  resistance; 
but  when  the  brave  soldiers  reached  the  top  of  the  mountain, 
they  found,  to  their  great  disappointment,  that  instead  of  taking 
to  flight,  the  Indians  were  surrounding  them.  Lieut.  Davidson 
now  faced  his  little  command  about  and  commenced  the  return 
march,  with  a  view  of  saving  their  horses.  During  this  inarch 
both  soldiers  and  Indians  fought  with  commendable  courage. 
The  latter  obstinately  contested  every  inch  of  the  ground,  but 
the  former,  after  a  severe  struggle,  secured  the  animals.  How 
ever,  the  fight  did  not  end  here.  The  Indians  became  bolder 
at  seeing  the  weakness  of  the  Americans,  and,  confident  in  the 
superiority  of  their  own  numbers,  they  continued  the  pursuit 
with  great  energy.  When  the  horses  had  been  reached,  the 


502  TROUBLE    WITH    THE    WESTERN    INDIANS! 

soldiers  faced  about  and  threw  back  a  volley  at  their  pursuers, 
but  the  Indians  were  so  well  secured  behind  trees  that  the  balls 
were  spent  in  vain.  At  this  point  Lieut.  Davidson  ordered  a 
retreat.  Seeing  this  the  savages  took  new  courage,  and  charged 
down  the  mountain,  yelling  the  war  whoop,  and  rushing  upon 
the  soldiers.  The  latter  beat  them  off  with  their  guns,  but 
the  Indians  pursued  the  retreating  party  with  such  boldness, 
that,  by  the  time  they  reached  the  road  in  the  valley  at  the  foot 
of  the  mountain,  twenty  of  their  men  had  been  killed,  and 
nearly  all  the  survivors  wounded.  Thus  two  hundred  and  forty 
Apaches  had  driven  back  sixty  soldiers,  killing  one-third  of 
them,  and  wounding  nearly  every  one  who  escaped  death. 

When  the  news  of  this  disaster  reached  Taos,  the  inhabitants 
became  greatly  excited.  An  expedition  was  immediately 
formed  for  the  purpose  of  bringing  in  the  dead  bodies  of  the 
fallen  soldiers,  in  which  both  Americans  and  Mexicans  freely 
volunteered.  On  reaching  the  field  the  dead  were  found,  but 
the  bodies  were  horribly  mutilated  and  stripped  of  all  clothing. 

'No  sooner  had  this  expedition  returned  to  Taos  than  a  large 
body  of  American  troops  were  made  ready  to  pursue  and 
punish  the  Apaches,  who  had  gained  a  victory  over  Lieut. 
Davidson's  command.  This  expedition  was  commanded  by 
Col.  Cook,  of  the  second  regiment  of  United  States  dragoons. 
Besides  the  regulars,  Col.  Cook  employed  for  this  expedition 
some  forty  men  selected  from  the  Mexican  and  Pueblo  Indians. 
These  were  to  be  used  as  spies,  on  account  of  their  familiarity 
with  Indian  habits.  They  were*  commanded  by  James  H. 
Quinn,  a  well  known  and  prominent  citizen  oi  New  Mexico. 

Col.  Cook's  command  inarched  from  Taos,  ten  miles  north 
to  a  stream  known  as  Arroya  Hondo,  and  thence  to  the  Rio 
del  Norte.  The  fording  of  this  river  was  attended  with  many 
difficulties,  but  was  executed  in  a  gallant  manner  by  the 
soldiers.  On  the  opposite  shore  new  difficulties  were  presented. 
In  their  front  rose  a  precipice  at  least  six  hundred  feet  in 
height.  Up  the  zigzag  trail  in  this  rocky  bank,  the  soldiers 
bent  their  course,  and  after  a  tedious  effort  they  mounted  the 
summit  and  commenced  their  journey  over  a  rough  country,  in 
which  they  continued  for  six  davs  before  the  Indians  were 


OK,  THE  BORDER  WARS  OF  TWO  CENTURIES.        503 

overhauled.  The  band  of  Apaches  had  been  traveling 
slowly,  and  their  animals  were,  consequently,  in  good  spirits, 
while,  on  the  contrary,  the  horses  of  the  Americans  were  nearly 
exhausted.  Thus  when  their  strength  was  most  needed,  it  was 
too  far  spent  to  be  of  much  service.  The  Indians  discovered 
their  pursuers  in  time  to  make  their  escape,  not  however, 
without  losing  many  of  their  warriors  and  most  of  their  camp 
equipage.  Thus,  after  a  long  and  wearisome  march,  the 
soldiers  were  compelled  to  return,  without  rendering  their 
enemies  the  justice  they  so  richly  deserved. 

Soon  after,  another  expedition  against  the  Apaches  was 
undertaken  by  Major  Brooks,  of  the  Third  Regiment  of  United 
States  dragoons.  He  had  no  difficulty  in  discovering  the  trail 
of  the  enemy,  but  it  soon  led  him  into  the  country  of  the 
Utahs,  where  it  was  crossed  and  re-crossed  by  the  trails  of  the 
Utahs  until  his  guides  could  not  tell  the  Apache  from  the 
Utah  trail.  The  result  of  this  was  that  his  command,  after 
being  on  the  march  fifteen  days,  was  compelled  to  return  with 
out  accomplishing  anything. 

But  these  hostile  Indians  wrere  not  permitted  to  escape 
without  further  punishment.  Another  expedition  was  made 
ready  and  placed  under  the  command  of  Major  Carlton,  of  the 
First  Eegiment  of  United  States  dragoons.  The  march  was 
taken  up,  and  in  due  time  the  trail  was  discovered  which  led 
to  the  Indian  encampment  on  "  Fisher's  Peak  "  in  the  Raton 
mountains.  Climbing  to  the  summit,  they  routed  the  Indians 
with  a  heavy  loss,  capturing  about  forty  horses  and  nearly  all 
their  camp  equipage. 

But  these  details  soon  resulted  in  a  formidable  Indian  war. 
Outrages  had  been  committed  upon  the  Utahs,  and  this  nation 
waited  only  the  distribution  of  their  annuities  before  joining 
the  Apaches  against  the  settlements.  And  now  the  forests  of 
New  Mexico  were  filled  with  hostile  savages,  who  were  pre 
paring  to  rush  upon  the  villages,  painted  for  battle.  Travelers 
were  waylaid  and  murdered,  towns  were  attacked  and  the 
inhabitants  murdered  or  made  captives.  Thus  matters  con 
tinued  until  every  settlement  in  New  Mexico  was  filled  with 
consternation.  Terror  seized  the  defenseless  inhabitants,  but 


504  TROUBLE    WITH    THE    WESTERN    INDIANS: 

there  was  no  way  open  for  mercy  in  flight,  for  the  isolated 
towns  of  this  territory  were  far  away  from  a  place  of  refuge. 
Indian  depredations  were  continued  until  nearly  half  the  horses, 
mules,  cattle  and  sheep  in  the  territory  were  captured  by  the 
savages. 

The  Utahs,  by  whose  strong,  fierce  warriors  the  Apaches  had 
been  re-enforced,  were  led  to  battle  by  their  renowned  war 
chief  Blanco,  who  had  become  famous  in  all  the  west  for  great 
bravery  and  skill  in  war.  Being  thus  strengthened,  the  savages 
set  the  United  States  forces  at  defiance.  At  Fort  Massachu 
setts,  in  northern  New  Mexico,  affairs  soon  became  critical.. 
It  was  impossible  to  leave  the  fort  without  falling  into  the 
merciless  hands  of  the  lurking  savages,  and  the  towns  for 
many  miles  around  disappeared  in  smoke  and  flame,  while  the 
inhabitants  either  perished  under  the  tomahawk,  or  were 
made  prisoners.  At  length  the  fort  became  an  object  of  con 
quest,  and  the  savages  congregated  in  the  neighboring  forest 
for  the  purpose  of  laying  plans  for  the  destruction  of  the  little 
garrison.  Every  precaution  was  taken  by  the  troops  to  save 
the  fort.  Breastworks  were  thrown  up  on  the  block  house 
attached  to  the  fort,  so  that  the  soldiers  could  be  well  protected 
in  case  of  an  attack.  Sentinels  were  posted  in  these,  and  the 
the  guards  were  doubled.  Preparations  were  also  made  against 
fire,  and  every  step  calculated  to  ensure  safety  was  taken,  and 
it  was  well  that  these  precautionary  measures  were  taken,  for 
it  was  afterwards  discovered  that  the  savages  remained  in  the 
vicinity  of  the  fort  several  days,  waiting  in  vain  for  an  oppor 
tunity  to  attack  it. 

It  was  not  possible  that  this  state  of  affairs  should  long  con 
tinue  without  some  opposition  on  the  part  of  the  United  States 
authorities  in  JSTew  Mexico.  The  Governor  issued  a  proclama 
tion  calling  upon  the  people  to  volunteer  for  the  purpose  of 
defending  their  lives  and  property,  and  of  repelling  the  savages. 
The  call  was  promptly  responded  to,  and  in  a  few  days  six  com 
panies,  each  containing  eighty  volunteers,  were  mounted  and 
equipped.  The  troops  had  the  power  to  elect  their  own  officers, 
by  and  with  the  advice  and  consent  of  the  Governor.  Each 
man  furnished  himself  with  a  horse,  and  was  to  receive  thirty 


OR,    THE    BORDER    WARS    OF    TWO    CENTURIES.  505 

dollars  per  month  from  the  government  for  his  services.  Mr, 
Ceran  St.  Train,  of  Taos,  was  selected  as  the  leader  of  the  vol 
unteers,  having  the  rank  of  Lieutenant-Colonel  conferred  upon 
him  by  the  Governor.  His  appointment  was  received  by  the 
people  with  approval,  for  with  such  a  force,  and  with  so  brave 
and  judicious  a  commander,  they  felt  that  they  were  to  be 
delivered  from  the  constant  and  increasing  hostilities  of  the 
Indians.  Early  in  February,  1855,  Col.  T.  T.  Fauntleroy 
arrived  at  Taos  from  Fort  Union,  a  post  not  very  far  distant, 
in  that  Territory.  By  orders  from  the  "War  Department,  Col. 
Fauntleroy  had  been  appointed  to  the  chief  command  of  the 
whole  expedition.  His  command,  when  completed,  consisted 
of  four  companies  of  Mexican  volunteers,  two  companies  of 
dragoons,  one  company  of  artillery,  who  were  performing  duty 
as  a  rifle  corps,  and  one  company  of  spies.  The  other  two 
companies  of  volunteers  were  sent  out  to  protect  some  of  the 
frontier  towns  from  further  Indian  depredations.  The  artillery 
company  was  not  mounted,  but  succeeded  in  keeping  up  with 
the  horses  when  the  mountains  had  been  reached. 

With  Kit  Carson  as  guide,  the  troops  under  Col.  Fauntleroy 
set  out  for  Fort  Massachusetts.  Beaching  this  post,  they  wasted 
no  time,  but  continued  in  the  direction  of  the  hostile  Indians. 
The  march  from  Fort  Massachusetts  to  the  mountains  by 
the  route  of  the  great  canon  of  the  Rio  Grande  del  Norte,  was 
attended  with  many  hardships,  which  were  not  decreased  by 
its  continuation  to  the  Saquachi  Pass,  bordering  the  valley  of 
San  Luis.  At  this  point  the  main  trail  of  the  Indians  was 
discovered,  and  subsequently  the  Indians  themselves.  The 
latter  were  in  their  war  dress,  about  two  hundred  and  fifty 
strong,  and  on  seeing  the  advance  company  of  spies,  arrayed 
themselves  in  battle  order  to  receive  them.  The  spies  pre 
tended  to  be  arranging  for  an  attack,  when  really  they  were  only 
holding  the  attention  of  the  savages  until  the  volunteers  should 
arrive.  In  the  meantime  the  great  war  chief,  Blanco,  was  seen 
riding  to  and  fro  in  front  of  his  lines,  giving  orders,  and  appar 
ently  in  high  hope  of  victory.  When  the  main  body  had 
advanced  to  the  proper  point,  being  still  unobserved  by  the 
savages  they  prepared  for  the  charge.  In  a  moment  more  the 


506  TROUBLE    WITH    THE    WESTERN    INDIANS'. 

bugle  sounded  the  command,  and  away  dashed  the  enthusiastic 
soldiers,  eager  for  the  battle.  As  they  galloped  in  sight  the 
Indians  saw  the  truth  of  their  situation,  and  turned  to  fly,  but 
for  many  of  them  it  was  too  late.  In  a  few  minutes  the  sol 
diers  were  among  them,  and  the  work  of  slaughter  commenced. 
The  savages  wasted  .no  time  to  return  the  fire,  but  kept  up  the 
flight,  their  ranks  thinning  by  the  steady  fire  of  the  volunteers 
•as  they  advanced  along  the  valley.  The  running  fight  was  con 
tinued  for  nearly  eight  miles,  when  the  Indians  who  had  not 
fallen  escaped  to  the  mountains.  On  the  following  morning 
the  volunteers  made  preparations  and  started  in  pursuit  of  the 
Indians,  which  they  kept  up  for  several  days.  Finally  they 
discovered  the  enemy,  and  after  a  hard  fight  they  routed  them, 
-a  second  time,  with  severe  loss.  Having  thus  thoroughly  pun 
ished  these  hostile  Indians,  the  whole  command  returned  to 
Fort  Massachusetts.  In.  this  campaign  Col.  Fauntleroy's  little 
army  suffered  no  loss  beyond  a  few  slightly  wounded.  The 
Mexicans  had  shown  themselves  worthy  so  brave  a  commander, 
and  had  executed  his  orders  with  a  firmness  and  gallantry  truly 
commendable. 

The  command  remained  at  this  post  for  several  months, 
recruiting  their  tired  and  weary  animals,  and  preparing  for  a 
new  campaign.  When  the  preparations  had  been  completed, 
the  soldiers  were  divided  into  two  parties,  one  under  Ool.  St. 
Yrain,  and  the  other  under  Col.  Fauntleroy.  The  latter  com 
mander  proceeded  to  the  headwaters  of  the  Arkansas,  where  he 
-came  upon  a  fresh  trail,  which  led  directly  to  a  large  village  of 
Apaches  and  Utahs,  which  was  discovered  by  the  Americans, 
whose  presence  was  unobserved  by  the  Indians.  When  the 
command  reached  an  eminence  commanding  a  view  of  the  vil 
lage,  its  occupants  were  engaged  in  a  war  and  scalp  dance, 
making  such  hideous  noises  that  they  did  not  hear  the  sound 
of  the  approaching  soldiers.  They  were  having  a  merry  time, 
not  dreaming  of  danger,  when  a  volley  of  rifle  balls  was  poured 
in  upon  them,  striking  down  many  of  the  foremost  partici 
pants.  The  surprise  was  complete,  and  so  benumbed  with  fear 
and  consternation  were  the  savages  that  they  knew  not  which 
way  to  turn  for  flight.  Many  of  their  bravest  warriors  were 


OK,    THE    BOEDER    WARS    OF    TWO    CENTURIES.  507 

.shot  down  before  the  real  danger  was  understood.  The  sur- 
vivers  flew  to  the  woods  for  refuge,  leaving  everything  behind. 
A  few  of  the  warriors,  however,  seized  their  rifles  and  returned 
the  fire  of  the  soldiers,  killing  two,  and  severely  wounding  four 
others. 

In  this  contest  our  soldiers  won  a  splendid  victory  for  peace, 
for  the  lesson,  although  severe,  proved  a  lasting  reminder  to 
those  forgetful  savages.  In  this  affair  the  Indians  lost  all  their 
provisions,  ammunition,  horses,  and  camp  equipage,  besides 
a  large  stock  of  valuable  furs.  It  was  the  severest  blow  the 
Utahs  and  Apaches  ever  received  at  the  hands  of  the  United 
States  government,  and  was  richly  deserved. 

Not  satisfied  with  this  victory,  Col.  Fauntleroy  pursued  a 
trail  which  led  to  a  village  in  which  the  celebrated  Blanco 
resided.  Coming  upon  this,  the  savages  were  routed  with  a 
heavy -loss  of  their  best  warriors;  and  so  hotly  were  they  pur 
sued  that  the  brave  Blanco  came  out  upon  a  rock  in  the 
mountain  side  and  asked  the  white  chief  in  the  plain  below  to 
grant  him  a  "  talk."  He  said  his  men  were  tired  of  war,  and 
were  anxious  to  conclude  a  lasting  peace  with  their  white 
brethren.  In  another  moment  a  ball  went  whizzing  by  his 
head,  which  had  been  discharged  from  a  Mexican's  rifle  for  the 
purpose  of  dispatching  him,  but  which  had  missed  its  object. 
Blanco  disappeared  suddenly.  After  scouring  the  country  for 
many  miles  around,  and  severely  chastising  the  Indians  where- 
ever  they  could  be  found,  Col.  Fauntleroy  returned  to  Fort 
Massachusetts,  where,  to  his  great  satisfaction,  he  learned  that 
Col.  St.  Yrain,  who  had  been  sent  out  as  before  mentioned, 
had  also  encountered  several  strong  bands  of  Indians,  and  dis 
persed  them  all  with  a  severe  chastisement. 

I  ought,  perhaps,  at  this  point,  to  explain  that  the  Fort 
Massachusetts  here  referred  to  is  not  the  one  occupied  at  the 
present  time.  The  one  spoken  of  here  was  abandoned  some 
years  ago,  and  another  bearing  the  same  name  was  erected  six 
miles  from  the  original  site,  on  the  river  Trinchera. 

Cols.  Fauntleroy  and  St.  Yrain  had  thus  terminated  a  bril 
liant  Indian  campaign.  The  Utahs  and  Apaches  had  been 


508  TROUBLE    WITH    THE    WESTERN    INDIANS! 

engaged  in  seven  battles,  and  had  been  routed  as  many  times 
with  the  loss  of  all  their  camp  equipage  and  over  five  hundred 
horses.  Being  thus  defeated  and  punished  on  every  hand,  they 
sued  for  peace,  which  was  granted  them  in  a  grand  council  held 
at  Santa  Fe. 


CHAPTEK    LXIII. 

~THE  NAVAJO  INDIANS  JOIN   THE   REBELS  —  THEIR  HOSTILE  ATTITUDE 

—  CARSON  LEADS   AN  ARMY  AGAINST  THEM  — TEN  THOUSAND  INDI 
ANS    TAKEN  PRISONERS  —  ADVOCATES   OF   THE    NEW   RESERVATION 
POLICY  —  THE  MILITARY  DIVISION  OF  THE  MISSOURI  —  ITS  EXTENT 

—  CONDITION  OF  THE  TRIBES  IN  THIS  DIVISION  IN  1866. 

IN  1860,  and,  in  fact,  during  the  whole  of  the  civil  war  in 
the  United  States,  Indian  affairs  in  New  Mexico  were  unset 
tled.  Many  of  the  strongest  bands  became  the  allies  of  the 
Texans,  and  invaded  the  settlements  that  were  supposed  to  be 
friendly  to  the  Union,  without  mercy.  Perhaps,  among  the 
tribes  which  thus  assumed  a  hostile  attitude,  the  Navajo  Indi 
ans  were  the  most  troublesome.  Indeed,  for  more  than  ten 
years  they  had  defied  the  United  States  government,  and  now, 
allied  with  the  rebels,  they  were  unusually  bold  and  dangerous. 
Their  warriors  numbered  into  the  thousands,  and  were  consid 
ered  as  formidable  enemies.  Soon  after  the  War  of  the  Rebel 
lion  broke  out,  two  thousand  picked  men  were  placed  under 
the  command  of  Kit  Carson,  then  Colonel  of  Yolunteers,  and 
ordered  to  march  against  these  hostile  Indians.  Carson's  com 
mand  performed  this  service  in  a  very  satisfactory  manner. 
Driving  the  Indians  into  a  narrow  ravine,  and  disposing  of  his 
forces  so  as  to  command  every  approach,  Carson  effected  the 
surrender  of  ten  thousand  Indians,  which  is  said  to  be  the 
largest  single  capture  of  Indians  ever  known.  For  this  gallant 
service  Kit  Carson  was  breveted  with  the  rank  of  Brigadier- 
General  of  Yolunteers.  Soon  after,  the  captured  Indians  were 
placed  on  a  reservation  on  one  of  the  tributaries  of  the 
Arkansas  river,  and,  at  a  later.,  day,  under  Gen.  Sherman's 
management,  the  same  Indians  were  removed  to  a  reservation 
in  their  own  country,  where  they  still  remain,  though  reduced 
in  numbers,  and  fallen  from  their  primitive  state. 

(509) 


510  TROUBLE   WITH    THE    WESTERN    INDIANS! 

This  splendid  victory  over  the  savages  most  hostile  to  the 
people  of  New  Mexico,  put  an  end  to  the  formidable  Indian 
wars  in  that  territory,  with  one  or  two  exceptions,  which  I  have 
yet  to  mention. 

But  with  the  termination  of  the  war  with  the  Sioux,  a 
change  in  the  Indian  policy  was  felt  to  be  much  needed,  both 
by  the  government  and  the  people,  as  well  as  by  the  Indians- 
themselves.  Many  of  iny  readers  will  remember  the  appeal 
sent  out  by  Bishop  Whipple,  of  Minnesota,  in  which  he  said: 
"  There  is  not  a  man  in  America  who  ever  gave  an  hour's  calm 
reflection  to  this  subject,  who  does  not  know  that  our  Indian 
system  is  an  organized  system  of  robbery,  and  has  been  for 
years  a  disgrace  to  the  nation.  It  has  left  savage  men  without 
governmental  control;  it  has  looked  on  unconcerned  at  every 
crime  against  the  law  of  God  and  man;  it  has  fostered  savage 
life  by  wasting  thousands  of  dollars  in  the  purchase  of  paint, 
beads,  scalping-knives  and  tomahawks ;  it  has  fostered  a  system 
of  trade  which  robbed  the  thrifty  and  virtuous  to  pay  the 
debts  of  the  indolent  and  vicious;  it  has  squandered  the  funds 
for  civilization  and  schools;  it  has  connived  at  theft;  it  has 
winked  at  murder;  and  at  last,  after  dragging  the  savage  down 
to  a  brutishness  unknown  to  his  fathers,  it  has  brought  a  har 
vest  of  blood  to  our  own  door." 

This  appeal  met  with  a  hearty  support  in  all  parts  of  the 
United  States,  and  led  to  the  petition  from  the  Episcopal 
bishops  and  clergy  of  the  Northern  States  to  the  President,  in 
which  the  following  timely  suggestions  were  set  forth : 

"  First — That  it  is  impolitic  for  our  government  to  treat  a 
heathen  community,  living  in  our  borders,  as  an  independent 
nation,  but  that  they  ought  to  be  regarded  as  our  wards. 

"  Second — That  it  is  dangerous  to  ourselves  and  to  them,  to 
leave  these  Indian  tribes  without  a  government,  not  subject  to 
our  laws,  and  when  every  corrupt  influence  of  the  border 
would  inevitably  foster  a  spirit  of  revenge  leading  to  murder 
and  war. 

"  Third — That  the  solemn  responsibility  of  the  care  of  a 
heathen  race  requires  that  the  agents  and  servants  of  the  govern 
ment  who  have  them  in  charge,  shall  be  men  of  eminent 


OK,    THE    BOKDER    WARS    OF    TWO    CENTURIES.  511 

fitness,  and  in  no  case  should  such  offices  be  regarded  as  a 
reward  for  political  service. 

"  Fourth — That  every  feeling  of  honor  and  of  justice 
demands  that  the  Indian  funds  which  we  hold  for  them  as  a 
trust,  shall  be  carefully  expended  under  some  well  devised  sys 
tem  which  will  encourage  their  efforts  toward  civilization. 

"  Fifth — That  the  present  system  of  Indian  trade  is  mis 
chievous  and  demoralizing,  and  ought  to  be  so  amended  as  to 
protect  the  Indian  and  wholly  to  prevent  the  possibility  of  the 
sale  of  the  patrimony  of  the  tribe  to  satisfy  individual  debts. 

"  Sixth — That  it  is  believed  that  the  history  of  our  dealings 
with  the  Indians  has  been  marked  by  gross  acts  of  injustice 
and  robbery,  such  as  could  not  be  prevented  under  ;he  present 
system  of  management,  and  that  these  wrongs  have  often 
proved  the  prolific  cause  of  war  and  bloodshed. 

**>****«  We  feel  that  these  results  cannot  be 
secured  without  much  careful  thought,  and,  therefore,  request 
you  to  take  such  steps  as  may  be  necessary  to  appoint  a  com 
mission  of  men  of  high  character,  who  have  no  political  ends 
to  subserve,  to  whom  may  be  referred  this  whole  question,  in 
order  that  they  may  devise  a  more  perfect  system  for  the 
administration  of  Indian  affairs,  which  shall  redress  these 
wrongs,  preserve  the  honor  of  the  government  and  call  down 
upon  us  the  blessings  of  God." 

in  these  sentiments  the  press  of  the  country,  for  the  most 
part,  heartily  concurred,  and  during  President  Grant's  first 
term  of  office,  the  commission  asked  for  in  the  foregoing  peti 
tion,  was  appointed,  but  not  until  great  evils  had  grown  out  of 
the  old  policy,  as  we  shall  see. 

We  must  now  go  back  a  few  years  and  bring  forward  the 
history  of  the  wars  between  the  United  States  and  the  Indians 
in  regular  order.  At  the  close  of  the  war  of  the  rebellion  in 
1865-6,  the  whole  territory  of  the  United  States  was  divided 
into  five  great  military  districts.  The  first  of  these  to  which 
onr  attention  is  directed,  and  which  has,  for  many  years,  been 
the  center  of  border  warfares,  is  styled  the  Military  Division 
of  the  Missouri.  This  military  division  embraced,  in  1866, 
the  vast  region  from  the  Mississippi  river  to  the  Rocky  Moun- 


512  TROUBLE    WITH    THE    WESTERN    INDIANS! 

tains,  and  from  the  south  border  of  New  Mexico  to  the  British 
line  on  the  north.  In  speaking  of  the  condition  of  this 
important  and  extensive  tract  of  territory  in  1866,  Gen.  W.  T. 
Sherman  said:  "  The  land  on  the  eastern  border  is  fertile  and 
well  adapted  to  settlement,  but  the  western  parts  are  a  prairie, 
with  good  grasses,  but  generally  devoid  of  trees  or  minerals, 
are  subject  to  droughts,  and  are  not  inviting  to  settlers.  Next 
in  order  are  the  mountainous  Territories  of  Montana,  Utah, 
Colorado  and  New  Mexico,  composed  of  high  plateaus  and 
mountains,  containing  minerals  of  every  kind,  with  forests  of 
timber  and  numerous  valleys  susceptible  of  high  cultivation, 
either  by  means  of  the  ordinary  rains,  or  the  more  certain  sys 
tem  of  irrigation  that  has  been  begun  within  a  comparatively 
recent  period,  and  has  been  pushed  with  an  energy  and  success 
that  promises  the  best  results.  These  new  and  mountain  ter 
ritories  present  a  most  interesting  feature  in  our  future 
development  as  a  nation,  and  are,  in  my  judgment,  worthy  the 
liberal  and  fostering  care  of  the  general  government.  Between 
these  mountain  territories  and  those  of  the  river  border  lie  the 
great  plains  of  America,  which  have  been  well  mapped  and 
described  by  the  hundreds  of  explorers  that  have  traversed 
them  from  the  time  of  the  expeditions  of  Pike,  and  Lewis  and 
Clark,  as  early  as  1803,  until  the  present  moment.  These  plains 
can  never  be  cultivated  like  Illinois,  never  be  filled  with  inhab 
itants  capable  of  self-government  and  self-defense  as  against 
Indians  and  marauders,  but  at  best  can  become  a  vast  pasture- 
field,  open  and  free  to  all  for  the  rearing  of  herds  of  horses, 
mules,  cattle  and  sheep.  The  mountain  territories  seem  to  be 
more  rapidly  improving  and  assuming  a  condition  of  self-pro 
tection  and  defense,  because  the  people  can  acquire  fixed 
habitations  and  their  property  is  generally  grouped  in  valleys 
of  some  extent,  or  in  localities  of  mines  capable  of  sustaining 
a  people  strong  enough  to  guard  themselves  against  the  preda 
tory  bands  of  nomadic  Indians.  Still,  they  occupy  at  this 
time  an  isolated  position,  presenting  a  thinly  settled  frontier 
in  every  direction,  with  a  restless  people  branching  out  in 
search  of  a  better  place,  or  of  better  mines.  To  defend  them 
perfectly  is  an  utter  impossibility,  and  all  we  can  do  is  to  aid 


OR,    THE    BORDER    WARS    OF    TWO    OENTURIP3S.  515 

the  people  in  self-defense,  until  in  time  they  can  take  care  of 
themselves,  and  to  make  the  roads  by  which  they  travel  or 
bring  their  stores  from  the  older  parts  of  our  country  as  safe  as 
the  case  admits  of." 

A  review  of  the  condition  of  the  Indians  in  this  military 
division  in  1866,  will  afford  us  a  good  starting  point  for  an 
account  of  the  wars  that  followed.  The  wandering  and  war 
like  Sioux,  who  inhabited  the  country  from  Minnesota  to 
Montana,  and  down  as  far  as  the  Arkansas,  had,  for  the  pre 
vious  ten  years,  been  committing  acts  of  hostility,  that  have 
been  pronounced  as  impossible  to  foresee  or  to  prevent.  In 
like  manner,  the  Arapahoes  and  Oheyennes,  Kiowas,  Camanches 
and  Apaches,  Navajoes  and  Utahs,  though  supposed  to  have 
been  restricted  to  reservations,  were,  in  1866,  unsettled,  dissat 
isfied  and  beginning  to  assume  a  hostile  attitude. 

With  this  unpleasant  condition  of  Indian  affairs  in  the 
military  division  of  the  Missouri,  something  must  be  done, 
and  General  Sherman  was  called  upon  for  his  advice.  He 
proposed  to  restrict  the  Sioux  north  of  the  Platte,  west  of  the 
Missouri  river  and  east  of  the  route  to  Montana  which  leads 
from  Fort  Laramie  to  Virginia  City,  by  .way  of  Forts  Reno, 
Philip,  Kearney,  Smith,  etc.  All  Sioux  found  out  of  this 
reservation,  without  a  proper  pass  from  the  military  authori 
ties,  were  to  be  duly  punished.  He  further  proposed  to  restrict 
the  Arapahoes,  Cheyennes,  Camanches,  Kiowas,  Apaches  and 
Navajoes  south  of  the  Arkansas  and  east  of  Fort  Union. 

It  will  be  observed  that  Sherman's  policy  would  leave  to 
settlers  the  exclusive  use  of  the  wide  belt,  east  and  west, 
between  the  Platte  and  the  Arkansas,  in  which  lie  the  two 
great  railroads,  and  over  which  at  that  time,  passed  all  the 
travel  to  the  mountain  territories.  The  Indian  wars  of  the 
previous  year  had  been  of  such  a  character  as  to  require  such 
steps  as  General  Sherman  recommended,  which  led  to  the 
hearty  co-operation  of  the  war  department  with  his  plan. 
Yet  after  all,  when  we  consider  the  causes  of  Indian  hostility 
at  this  period,  a  feeling  of  sympathy  is  awakened.  And  it  is 
unecessary  to  turn  away  from  official  reports  to  find  good 
grounds  for  this  feeling.  Gen.  Pope,  in  reporting  from  Fort 
33 


5M  TROUBLE    WITH    THE    WESTERN    INDIANS! 

Union,  New  Mexico,  in  1866,  speaks  of  the  condition  of  the 
Indians  in  his  department  as  follows:  "The  condition  and 
feeling  of  the  Ute  Indians  are  unsatisfactory,  not  to  say  alarm 
ing.  In  addition  to  other  causes  of  trouble,  the  southern 
bands  of  these  Indians  are  suffering  for  food,  many  of  them, 
indeed,  are  in  a  starving  condition.  Venison  has  become  very 
scarce,  and  in  the  several  attempts  they  have  made  to  supply 
their  actual  necessities  by  hunting  buffalo  on  the  plains,  they  have 
been  beaten  in  fight  by  their  hereditary  enemies,  the  Camanches, 
Kiowas,  Cheyennes,  and  Arapahoes,  and  driven  back  to  the 
mountains.  The  Indian  department  has  refused  to  supply 
them  even  with  the  scantiest  food,  and  it  is  neither  the  busi 
ness  of  the  military,  nor,  in  fact,  as  matters  stand,  is  it  in  their 
power  to  supply  these  deficiencies.  In  this  state  of  things, 
the  Utes  are  compelled  either  to  starve  to  death  or  supply  their 
pressing  wants  by  depredating  upon  the  herds  and  nocks  of 
the  nearest  settlements.  These  depredations,  although  trifling 
in  the  quantity  of  stock  taken,  occasion,  of  course,  great  dis 
satisfaction  and  uneasiness  among  the  settlers,  and  have  led  to 
various  violent  acts  which  will  very  soon  culminate  in  open 
and  extensive  hostilities,  unless  something  is  done  to  remedy 
this  deplorable  condition  of  things.  The  Indians  are  anxious 
to  be  at  peace  as  they  have  always  been,  but  they  must  kill  a 
few  cattle  and  sheep  now  and  then,  or  starve.  For  such  acts 
I  can  not  consider  them  at  war." 

Here  is  a  case,  which  has  hundreds  of  parallel  cases  in  the 
history  of  the  American  aborigines,  where  the  Indians,  having 
been  deprived  of  their  hunting  grounds,  brought  upon  them 
selves  an  avalanche  of  American  bayonets  for  stealing  the 
cattle  and  sheep  of  the  settlers  to  prevent  starvation.  While 
at  the  same  time  the  government  refused  to  provide  them  the 
means  of  subsistence. 


CHAPTEK    LXIY. 

INDIAN  TROUBLES  IN  THE  MILITARY  DIVISION  OF  THE  MISSOURI  is 
1867  —  THE  HORRIBLE  MASSACRE  AT  FORT  PHIL.  KEARNEY  —  INDIAN 
OUTBREAKS  IN  MONTANA — OUTRAGE  AT  SMOKY  HILL,  AND  ALONG 
THE  ROUTE  TO  CALIFORNIA  —  THE  PEACE  COMMISSION  POLICY  — 
INACTIVITY  OF  THE  MILITARY. 

ABOUT  the  close  of  the  year  1866,  a  wagon  train  started 
from  Fort  Phil.  Kearney — one  of  the  outposts  established  the 
previous  year  to  protect  the  wagon  road  leading  from  the  North 
Platte  to  the  new  mining  territory  of  Montana — after  timber 
for  the  saw  mill,  and  had  proceeded  but  a  short  distance,  with 
an  armed  escort,  when  firing  was  heard,  and  the  alarm  given 
that  the  train  was  attacked  by  Indians. 

At  this  time  Col.  H.  C.  Carrington  was  commanding  at 
Fort  Kearney,  and  he  immediately  sent  out  a  detachment  of 
forty-nine  men  under  the  command  of  Capt.  W.  J.  Fetterman, 
with  orders  to  overtake  the  train,  escort  it  back  to  the  fort  in 
safety,  but  not  to  pursue  the  enemy.  Lieut.  Grummond,  with 
twenty-seven  men,  of  the  Second  cavalry,  was  afterwards  dis 
patched  to  report  to  Capt.  Fetterman,  and  reiterate  the  orders 
he  had  already  received.  The  detachment  was  joined  by  Capt. 
Brown  and  two  citizens,  making,  in  all,  three  commissioned 
officers,  seventy-six  enlisted  men,  and  two  citizens.  This 
detachment,  instead  of  going  to  the  threatened  train,  diverged 
very  considerably  to  the  right,  crossed  Big  Piney  creek,  and 
passed  over  a  high  piece  of  ground  that  covered  them  from 
view. 

Soon  after,  sharp  firing  was  heard  from  that  direction,  which 
lasted  about  half  an  hour.  Hearing  this,  Col.  Carrington 
dispatched  Capt.  Ten  Eyck  with  a  small  detachment,  with 
orders  to  hasten  to  Fetterman's  assistance.  He  at  once  set  out, 

(515) 


516  TROUBLE    WITH    THE    WBSTBBN    TNUIANS: 

but  arrived  too  late  to  be  of  any  service,  except  to  obtain  the 
dead  and  mutilated  bodies  of  the  unfortunate  detachment. 
Every  man  in  Fetterman's  detachment  was  shot  down,  not  one 
escaping  death.  In  the  distance  Capt.  Ten  Eyck  observed 
about  two  thousand  Indians  retreating  in  good  order.  He 
collected  the  bodies  of  the  dead  and  carried  them  back  to  the 
fort,  where  they  were  properly  buried.  The  wagon  train 
also  returned  to  the  post  in  safety,  and  the  Indians  disappeared. 

Subsequent  accounts  from  the  Indians  indicated  that  they 
had  expected  to  draw  out  and  murder  the  whole  garrison,  but 
their  loss  in  the  conflict  with  Capt.  Fetterman  was  such  that 
they  abandoned  any  further  efforts.  During  the  same  winter 
a  strong  detachment  was  sent  against  these  Indians,  but  the 
weather  was  so  severe  that  the  command  was  forced  to  return 
without  accomplishing  anything.  The  Indians  who  perpe 
trated  this  bold  massacre  were  the  Sioux. 

With  the  opening  of  the  spring  of  186T,  Indian  affairs  in 
the  Military  Division  of  the  Missouri  assumed  an  unpleasant 
attitude.  Large  bands  of  hostile  Sioux  and  Crows  were  pour 
ing  down  upon  the  settlements  in  the  valley  of  the  Gallatian, 
and  the  inhabitants  were  fleeing  for  their  lives.  About  the 
same  time,  the  Indians,  both  from  the  north  and  the  south, 
began  a  systematic  attack  upon  the  Platte  route,  while  along 
the  Arkansas  river  route  to  New  Mexico,  and  the  Smoky  Hill 
route  to  California,  bands  of  Cheyennes,  Kiowas,  and  Arapa- 
hoes  had  boldly  notified  the  commanding  officers  of  posts,  and 
stage-drivers,  and  agents,  that  as  soon  as  the  grass  grew  they 
would  insist  on  their  withdrawal  from  these  roads.  These 
Indians  were  also  joined  by  strong  bands  of  Ogalalla  and 
Brule  Sioux,  and  were  pushing  preparations  for  general  hos 
tilities,  having  already  commenced  the  work  by  committing 
several  cold-blooded  murders. 

Gen.  Hancock,  with  a  suiall  detachment,  marched  against 
these  Indians  early  in  the  spring  of  1867,  and  after  dispersing 
them  burnt  the  principal  villages  of  the  Cheyennes  and  Sioux 
on  the  Pawnee  Fork.  But  for  the  most  part  during  the  year 
1867,  only  a  defensive  Indian  war  was  prosecuted,  in  order  to 
co-operate  with  the  new  Peace  Commission  policy  which  had 


OR,    THE    BORDER    WARS    OF    TWO    CENTURIES.  517 

been  commenced.  Therefore,  as  no  decisive  blow  was  struck 
against  the  hostile  Indians  that  year,  murders  and  massacres 
were  of  frequent  occurrence,  and  the  settlers,  from  Montana  to 
New  Mexico,  and  from  the  Mississippi  to  the  Rocky  Moun 
tains,  were  wrought  up  to  a  state  of  exceeding  alarm.  The 
military  authorities  in  the  West,  particularly  Gen.  Sherman, 
were  exasperated  with  the  slow  and  uncertain  movements  of 
the  Commissioners,  and  with  the  constant  outbreaks  of  the 
Indians,  which,  for  the  most  part,  went  unpunished.  Even 
the  bold  band  of  hostile  Sioux  which  had  massacred  the  detach 
ment  under  Fetter  man,  were  still  roaming  at  large,  committing 
new  depredations,  and  boasting  of  the  scalps  they  had  taken. 
While  at  Smoky  IJill,  and  all  along  the  road  to  California,  the 
various  bands  of  the  Cheyennes,  Kiowas  and  Arapahoes,  joined 
by  the  Ogalallas  and  Brule  Sioux,  were  daily  committing 
depredations,  such  as  horse  stealing,  murdering  pioneer  settlers, 
and  carrying  women  and  children  into  a  barbarous  captivity. 
And  yet,  in  the  face  of  all  these  outrages,  the  military  were 
held  inactive,  being  ordered  riot  to  engage  and  punish  the 
Indians  unless  a  formidable  Indian  war  should  be  thrust  upon 
them.  Thus  it  will  be  seen  that  however  much  good  was  des 
tined  to  come  out  of  the  policy  of  a  Peace  Commission,  while 
that  Board  was  deliberating  at  St.  Louis,  trying  to  solve  the 
Indian  question,  thousands  of  hostile  savages  were  invading 
the  settlements  of  the  West  from  countless  directions,  and 
murdering  the  defenseless  inhabitants,  with  but  a  defensive 
opposition,  which,  was  incapable  of  extending  itself  to  but  few 
of  the  settlements. 


CHAFTEE    LXY. 

WARS  WITH  THE  INDIANS  IN  THE  MILITARY  DIVISION  OF  THE  MISSOURI  — 
OPERATIONS  OF  THE  PEACE  COMMISSION  —  COUNCILS  WITH  THE 
INDIANS  —  CONGRESS  FAILS  TO  CO-OPERATE  —  A  FORMIDABLE  INDIAN 
WAR  —  BREAKING  OUT  OF  HOSTILITIES — MURDER,  MASSACRE  AND 
HORROR  —  A  CHAPTER  OF  OUTRAGES. 

WE  will  continue  for  the  present  to  follow  out  the  military 
operations  in  the  division  of  the  Missouri,  which,  as  I  have 
already  observed,  included  that  vast  extent  of  territory  between 
the  Mississippi  and  the  Rocky  Mountains,  and  the  southern 
boundary  of  New  Mexico,  and  the  northern  boundary  of  Mon 
tana.  At  the  time  of  which  I  write,  1867-8,  the  division  was 
under  the  command  of  Lieut.-Gen.  Sherman,  and  was  divided 
into  three  departments,  the  Missouri,  the  Platte,  and  the 
Dakota,  commanded  respectively  by  Gen.  Sheridan,  Augur, 
and  Terry.  As  stated  in  a  previous  chapter  the  military  in 
this  whole  division  had  been  instructed  to  prosecute  only  a 
defensive  war,  in  order  to  offer  all  possible  advantages  to  the 
plans  of  the  new  Peace  Commissioners.  Indeed,  the  move 
ments  of  the  United  States  forces  in  this  territory  were  subject 
to  the  direction  of  that  Board.  The  Commissioners,  after 
long  and  careful  deliberation,  had  unanimously  agreed  to 
remove  all  the  Indians  in  Sherman's  division,  on  reserva 
tions  as  far  removed  as  possible  from  white  settlements  and 
lines  of  travel,  and  that  they  should  be  maintained  at  the  cost 
of  the  United  States  until  they  could  partially  or  wholly  pro 
vide  for  themselves.  The  two  principal  reservations  indicated 
by  the  commission  were  north  of  the  State  of  Nebraska,  and 
west  of  the  Missouri  river,  and  south  of  the  State  of  Kansas 
and  west  of  the  Arkansas.  This  general  plan  was  justified  by 
the  facts  existing  at  the  time,  and  its  wisdom  has  been 
demonstrated  by  subsequent  events. 

(518) 


OK,  THE  BORDER  WARS  OF  TWO  CENTURIES.        519 

For  the  purpose  of  obtaining  the  consent  of  the  Indians  to 
this  plan,  the  peace  commission,  during  the  fall  and  winter  of 
186T,  and  the  spring  and  summer  of  1868,  held  councils  with 
all,  or  nearly  all  the  tribes  east  of  the  Rocky  Mountains, 
making  liberal  provision  for,  and  presents  to  all  who  came  to 
the  appointed  places  of  council,  according  to  the  forms  and 
ceremonies  to  which  they  were  long  accustomed.  Formal 
written  treaties  were  made  with  each  separate  tribe,  signed 
with  due  formality,  and  transmitted  to  the  United  States  for 
ratification. 

It  is  believed  by  many  that  the  bloody  war  which  followed 
in  1868  might  have  been  avoided  had  the  Congress  of  the 
United  States  promptly  co-operated  with  the  peace  commis 
sion,  but  for  some  reason  this  matter  was  overlooked.  The 
treaties  with  the  Cheyennes,  Arapahoes,  Kiowas,  Camanches, 
Navajoes,  and  Crows  were  duly  confirmed,  but  those  writh  the 
various  tribes  of  the  Sioux,  Snakes,  etc.,  wrere  not  acted  upon. 
But  the  worst  blow  of  all  was  the  failure  of  Congress  to  take 
action  upon  the  chief  proposition  of  the  commissioners,  viz.: 
that  which  related  to  the  setting  apart  the  two  reservations 
already  spoken  of,  and  providing  governments  therefor,  which 
was  designed  to  precede  any  of  the  treaties,  and  which  was  the 
vital  principle  of  them  all.  It  hardly  admits  of  doubt  that 
this  want  of  prompt  action  led,  in  a  great  measure,  to  the 
formidable  war  with  the  Cheyennes,  Arapahoes,  Kiowas,  and 
Camanches  in  1868. 

This  war  took  place  in  the  department  of  the  Missouri, 
which  was  then  under  the  immediate  command  of  Gen.  Sheri 
dan,  being  a  part  of  the  military  division  of  the  Missouri, 
under  the  chief  command  of  Lieut.-Gen.  Sherman.  The 
hostilities  of  the  Indians  began  with  the  opening  of  spring, 
and  although  Gen.  Sheridan  did  all  in  his  power  to  promote 
peace,  the  Kiowos,  Camanches,  Arapahoes  and  Cheyennes 
continued  their  depredations  without  intermission.  Their 
promises  were  kept  only  while  they  were  in  council.  And  it 
was  impossible  to  place  any  reliance  upon  their  engagements. 
About  the  fourth  of  July  the  Kiowas  and  Camanches  arrived 
at  Fort  Larned,  and  demanded  rations,  making  many  threats 


520  TROUBLE    WITH    THE    WESTERN    INDIANS: 

of  what  they  would  do  should  they  be  refused.  To  prevent 
an  outbreak,  Gen.  Sheridan  ordered  rations  to  be  issued  to- 
them,  which,  together  with  the  presence  of  a  large  cavalry 
force,  kept  them  quiet. 

Soon  after,  orders  were  issued  to  distribute  the  regular 
annuities  to  the  Cheyennes,  withholding  guns,  pistols,  and 
ammunition.  This  incensed  the  Indians,  who  told  the  agent 
in  a  very  insolent  manner,  while  the  teams  were  hauling  the 
goods  to  their  camp,  that  he  could  haul  them  back  again,  as 
they  would  have  nothing  unless  they  were  given  their  fire 
arms  and  ammunition.  The  agent  sent  for  the  wagons  and 
had  them  returned  to  Fort  Earned.  This  took  place  in  the 
latter  part  of  July,  1868. 

Early  in  August,  a  mixed  party  of  Cheyennes,  Arapahoes 
and  Sioux,  organized  a  war  expedition,  and  proceeded  from 
their  camp  on  Pawnee  creek,  to  the  Saline  valley  settlements^ 
north  of  Fort  Harker.  They  were  kindly  received  by  the 
farmers  living  on  the  outskirts  of  the  settlements,  and  given 
coffee,  etc.  After  throwing  the  coffee  into  the  faces  of  the 
women  serving  it  to  them,  because  it  was  given  to  them  in  tin 
cups,  they  commenced  the  robbery  of  the  houses,  and  insulting 
the  women  in  a  brutal  manner.  After  committing  countless 
acts  of  crime  among  the  settlers  in  the  Saline  valley,  they 
crossed  over  to  the  settlements  on  the  Solomon,  where  they 
were  also  kindly  received  and  served  with  coffee, 'but  where 
they  repeated  the  hostile  and  barbarous  acts  which  they  had 
perpetrated  in  the  former  place.  In  the  latter  town  they  mur 
dered  thirteen  men  and  two  women.  At  this  point  they 
divided,  a  small  party  passing  over  to  the  Republican,  where 
they  also  murdered  several  of  the  settlers.  The  larger  party 
returned  to  the  settlements  of  the  Saline,  where  they  again 
commenced  to  murder  peaceful  settlers.  Fortunately,  however,. 
Col.  Benteen,  with  his  company  of  the  seventh  cavalry,  which 
had  marched  rapidly  from  Zarah,  arrived,  routed  the  Indians 
and  ran  them  about  ten  miles. 

In  speaking  of  this  situation  in  our  Indian  history,  Lieut.- 
Gen.  Sheridan,  in  his  report,  says:  "Lieut.  Beecher,  who 
was  with  his  scouts  on  Walnut  creek,  hearing  there  was  trouble 


OK,    THE    BORDER    WARS    OF   TWO    CENTURIES.  521 

on  the  Solomon  and  Saline,  but  without  knowing  its  nature, 
dispatched  Comstock  and  Grover  to  the  camp  of  Turkey  Leg, 
on  the  Solomon,  to  be  ready  to  explain,  in  case  the  white  people 
were  at  fault.  They  were  ordered  out  of  Turkey  Leg  camp, 
and  were  followed  by  a  party  of  seven  Indians,  professing 
friendship;  and  while  conversing  with  them  were  both  shot 
in  the  back — Comstock  killed  instantly,  and  Grover  badly 
wounded;  but  by  lying  on  the  ground,  making  a  defense  of 
Comstock's  body,  he  kept  the  Indians  off,  and  made  his  escape 
in  the  darkness  of  the  night.  From  this  time  out,  and  almost 
before  information  could  be  communicated  by  the  Indian  run 
ners,  people  were  killed  and  scalped  from  the  Cimarron  river, 
south  of  the  Arkansas,  to  the  Republican,  and  from  the  settle 
ments  on  the  Solomon  and  Saline  west  of  the  Rocky  Mountains; 
stock  run  off,  trains  burned,  and  those  accompanying  them,  in 
some  cases,  thrown  into  the  flames  and  consumed.  The  most 
horrible  barbarities  were  perpetrated  on  the  dead  bodies  of 
these  victims  of  savage  ferocity.  There  was  no  provocation 
on  the  part  of  the  white  people  during  the  whole  summer, 
although  some  of  them  had  to  abandon  their  ranches.  Friendly 
issues  were  made  at  the  military  posts  to  the  Indians  visiting 
them,  and  large  issues  made  by  the  Indian  department  of 
rations  and  goods." 

As  if  to  make  matters  worse,  the  Indian  agent,  after  order 
ing  the  wagons  containing  the  Cheyenne  annuities  back  to 
Fort  Larned,  immediately  afterwards  distributed  them  to  these 
Indians,  with  arms  and  ammunition.  They  had  already  been 
insulted  by  the  refusal  to  their  demand  for  arms  and  ammuni 
tion  a  short  time  previous,  and,  goaded  on  by  their  principal 
medicine  man,  they  were  soon  in  the  front  ranks  of  the  most 
hostile  tribes.  Lieut.-Gen.  Sheridan,  in  closing  his  report,  in 
1868,  says:  "  I  am  of  the  belief  that  these  Indians  require  to 
be  soundly  whipped  and  the  ringleaders  in  the  present  trouble 
hung,  their  ponies  killed,  and  such  destruction  of  their  prop 
erty  as  will  make  them  very  poor.  These  Indians  are  now 
rich  in  houses,  stock  and  other  property  suitable  for  their  com 
fort  in  their  manner  of  life.  From  my  best  information,  the 
Cheyennes  and  Arapahoes  will  average  from  twenty  to  two 


522  TROUBLE    WITH    THE    WESTERN    INDIANS! 

hundred  horses  to  a  lodge  of  six  persons.  Most  of  this  stock 
has  been  accumulated  in  their  periodical  wars.  Before  wars 
became  a  source  of  profit  to  them,  they  had  to  pack  their  dogs 
in  moving  from  place  to  place.  They  are  now  so  independent, 
that  whether  we  shall  have  our  people  murdered,  our  mail  lines 
and  lines  of  communication  interrupted,  our  soldiers  living  in 
dug-outs  from  Hays  to  Denver,  and  from  the  mouth  of  the 
Little  Arkansas  to  Pueblo,  and  large  expense  periodically 
incurred  by  the  government,  without  any  adequate  chastise 
ment,  seems  to  depend  on  the  mere  whim  of  the  savages." 

It  would  be  difficult  to  imagine  the  extent  of  alarm  and 
anxiety  that  was  felt  by  the  settlers  in  the  broad  extent  of 
country  included  in  the  Military  Division  of  the  Missouri,  in 
1868.  Many  exaggerated  reports  were  on  foot,  but,  for  the 
most  part,  the  thrilling  accounts  borne  on  the  tongues  of  run 
ners  were  only  too  true.  Gen.  Sheridan's  headquarters  at  Fort 
Hays  was  constantly  besieged  with  startling  reports,  such  as 
these : 

On  the  twenty-fifth  of  August,  Acting  Governor  Hall,  of 
Colorado,  reported  by  telegraph  that  over  two  hundred  Indians 
were  devastating  Southern  Colorado.  On  the  same  day,  the 
same  person  telegraphed  to  Gen.  Sheridan  as  follows:  "The 
Arapahoes  are  killing  settlers,  destroying  ranches  in  all  direc 
tions.  For  God's  sake  give  me  authority  to  take  soldiers  from 
Fort  Reynolds.  The  people  are  arming  and  will  not  be 
restrained."  A  few'  hours  later  and  the  same  gentleman 
reported  that  he  was  surrounded  by  hostile  Indians.  Stages 
were  stopped,  stock  was  being  taken,  and  the  people  were 
organizing  volunteer  companies  to  avenge  the  atrocities  com 
mitted. 

But  these  were  not  all;  for  not  an  hour  passed  which  did 
not  bring  the  news  of  some  new  disaster.  Let  us  glance  at  the 
authentic  reports  as  they  came  to  Gen.  Sheridan's  headquar 
ters  at  Fort  Hays,  between  the  twenty-eighth  of  August  and 
the  twenty -first  of  October,  1868.*  Mr.  Powers  (wood  and  hay 
contractor)  and  party,  were  attacked  by  a  body  of  Indians, 
three  of  their  number  being  killed,  and  all  their  stock  driven  off*. 

*  Gen.  Sheridan's  Keport,  1808. 


OR,    THE    BOEDER    WARS    OF    TWO    CENTURIES.  523 

Mr.  Stickney,  station  keeper  at  Kiowa  Springs,  traveling 
with  one  man  in  a  wagon,  about  dark,  was  attacked  by  fifteen 
or  twenty  Indians,  and  the  wagon  and  live  mules  captured. 
Mr.  Stickney  was  wounded.  The  mules  were  wild  and  ran 
away.  Night  coming  on  they  made  their  escape. 

The  sergeant  at  Lake  station  reports  two  employees  driven 
in,  and  also  station  keeper  and  stock  tender  at  Reed's  Spring 
driven  off  from  station,  and  forty  head  of  stock  run  off  from 
Kiowa  station. 

Gen.  Penrose,  commanding  Fort  Lyon,  reports  on  the  twenty- 
third,  at  mid-day,  a  band  of  Cheyennes  at  Bent's  Fort,  twrenty 
miles  distant  from  Fort  Lyon,  drove  off  fifteen  head  of  horses 
and  mules  and  four  head  of  beef  cattle.  On  the  twenty-fourth 
Indians  chased  the  stage  from  the  east  back.  He  also  states 
from  reports,  that  the  Denver  stage  line,  the  Smoky  Hill,  and 
between  Forts  Lyon  and  Dodge,  are  overrun  by  hostile  Indians. 
On  the  twenty- second  of  August  a  train  of  thirteen  wagons, 
belonging  to  Senor  Don  Ramirez,  was  attacked  by  seventy-five 
or  one  hundred  Indians,  eighteen  miles  from  the  Arkansas 
river,  the  oxen  killed  and  the  train  destroyed,  the  men  in 
charge,  twelve  in  number,  escaping  to  Fort  Lyon  in  the  dark 
ness  of  night. 

Lieut.  T.  A.  Riley,  fifth  infantry,  reports  that  Indians  ran 
off  two  hundred  horses  belonging  to  the  Kansas  Stage  Com 
pany  and  the  United  States  Express  Company,  and  that  the 
stage  line  is  interrupted. 

J.  H/ Jones,  agent  of  stage  line,  reports  one  woman  and  a 
diild  killed  and  scalped,  and  thirty  head  of  stock  run  off  by  a 
body  of  Indians  west  of  Lake  station. 

A  wagon  guarded  by  four  men  of  the  seventh  cavalry  was 
attacked  by  a  large  body  of  Indians  near  Little  Coon  creek. 
Three  of  the  men  were  badly  wounded.  One  of  their  number 
bravely  volunteered  to  go  to  Fort  Dodge  for  aid,  giving  his 
arms  to  his  comrades,  saying,  "Here,  boys,  you  want  them 
more  than  I  do."  They  were  finally  relieved  by  a  party  from 
Fort  Dodge  under  Lieut.  Wallace,  of  the  third  infantry. 

Brevet  Lieut.-Col.  J.  G.Tilford,  commanding  Fort  Reynolds, 
reports  four  persons  killed  near  Colorado  City.  He  is  in  great 


524:  TROUBLE    WITH    THE   WESTERN    INDIANS! 

need  of  cavalry  to  pursue  hostile  Indians.  A  large  body  of 
Indians  attacked  the  station  at  Hugo  Springs,  firing  on  the 
guards  and  circling  round,  but  were  repulsed. 

A  body  of  Indians  drove  off  five  head  of  stock  from  the 
station  at  Hugo  Springs,  and  then  went  off  and  burned  Willow 
Springs.  The  commanding  officer  of  Fort  Reynolds  urges,  in 
consequence  of  Indian  depredations  and  outrages,  that  the 
troops,  and  especially  the  cavalry  at  that  post,  be  not  reduced. 
The  settlers  are  clamorous  and  excited,  and  ask  for  arms  and 
ammunition,  but  he  has  none  to  give  them.  He  believes  that 
if  the  troops  were  withdrawn  the  settlements  would  be 
devastated. 

The  Hon.  Schuyler  Colfax  telegraphs  from  Denver:  "  Hostile 
Indians  have  been  striking  simultaneously  at  isolated  settle 
ments  of  Colorado  for  a  circuit  of  over  two  hundred  miles. 
Men,  women,  and  children  have  been  killed  and  scalped  daily, 
and  hundreds  of  thousands  of  dollars  of  property  stolen. 
These  atrocities  haye  been  mainly  near  the  three  great  lines 
of  travel  from  this  focal  point.  *  *  •  »  The  Territory  has 
no  means  to  put  volunteers  in  the  field,  and  is  literally  defense 
less,"  and  suggests  that  a  strong  cavalry  force  be  sent  there, 
and  that  a  supply  of  arms  and  ammunition  be  sent  the  terri 
torial  authorities. 

Col.  H.  C.  Bankhead,  commanding  Fort  Wallace,  reports  that 
a  body  of  Indians,  twenty-five  in  number,  killed  and  scalped 
two  citizens  one  arid  a  half  miles  west  of  Sheridan.  The  same 
party  drove  off  between  severity  and  eighty  head  of  mules  from 
Clark  &  Co.'s  train  at  the  hay  carnp  on  Turkey  creek. 

Maj.  Douglas  forwards  the  report  of  Lieut.  D.  W.  Walling- 
ford,  seventh  cavalry,  sent  out  to  assist  a  wood  train  of  thirty- 
five  wagons,  said  to  be  attacked  at  Cimarron  crossing,  twenty- 
eight  miles  west,  and  fifty  men  with  it.  He  had  been  fighting 
Indians  for  four  days ;  had  two  men  and  two  horses  killed,  and 
seventy -five  head  of  cattle  run  off,  and  a  great  many  mules 
wounded.  Five  and  a  half  miles  further  west  the  remains  of 
a  train  of  ten  wagons  that  had  been  captured  and  burned  were 
found.  Nothing  but  the  iron  work  remained.  There  were 
fifteen  persons  with  it,  supposed  to  have  been  killed,  and  their 


OR,    THE    BORDER    WARS    OF    TWO    CENTURIES.  525 

todies  burned  with  the  train,  as  the  peculiar  stench  and  large 
quantity  of  bones  found  among  the  debris  indicated. 

Mr.  C.  W.  M.  Ruggles,  of  Sheridan,  reports  that  the  Indians 
burned  a  ranch  and  killed  its  occupants  six  miles  from  Sheri 
dan,  on  the  road  to  Wallace.  The  same  ranch  was  also  burned 
two  weeks  before  and  had  been  rebuilt. 

Gen.  Penrose  reports  two  men  killed  and  one  wounded  of  L 
troop,  seventh  cavalry,  in  a  fight  with  hostile  Indians. 

Capt.  Butler,  commanding  Fort  Wallace,  reports  the  stage 
fired  into  by  Indians  four  miles  east  of  Lake  station.  On  the 
first  of  September  three  men  were  killed  by  a  band  of  Indians 
four  miles  east  of  Eeed's  Spring  station. 

Clark  &  Co.,  hay  contractors,  telegraph  that  they  have  lost 
eighty-one  head  of  stock,  and  will  have  to  give  up  contract 
unless  protected. 

Gen.  Nichols,  traveling  to  Fort  Keynolds,  was  attacked  by 
Indians,  but  they  drew  off  when  they  saw  the  arms  of  the 
guard.  They  then  ran  off  the  stock  of  Thompson  and  McGee, 
opposite  Bent's  Old  Fort,  then  made  a  raid  on  a  house  at  Point 
of  Eocks,  and  ran  off  four  head  of  stock. 

Ellis  station  was  burned  and  one  citizen  killed.  Gen.  Sully 
reports  two  killed  and  one  wounded  of  his  command. 

Col.  Bankhead  reports  that  a  body  of  fifteen  Indians  fired 
into  the  Mexican  ranch,  four  miles  east  of  Big  Timbers  station. 

Acting  Governor  Hall,  of  Colorado,  telegraphs  :  "  Indians 
more  numerous  and  bold  than  ever  before.  It  is  impossible  to 
protect  the  families  and  property  of  the  people  and  fight  them 
at  the  same  time.  We  now  find  ourselves  helpless,  exposed 
daily  to  assaults,  accompanied  by  horrid  butcheries." 

Gen.  Hazen  reports  attack  on  Fort  Zarah  by  about  one 
hundred  Indians,  who  were  driven  off.  They  then  attacked  a 
provision  train,  killed  one  teamster  and  secured  the  mules  from 
four  teams;  then  attacked  the  ranch  eight  miles  below,  and 
drove  away  all  the  stock. 

Gen.  Sully  reports  attack  by  Indians  on  a  train  between 
Earned  and  Dodge.  Three  citizens  were  killed  and  three 
wounded,  and  over  fifty  mules  run  off. 

Maj.  Douglas    reports:     "On  Thursday  Indians   appeared 


526  TROUBLE    WITH    THE    WESTERN    INDIANS! 

under  cover  of  a  thick  fog,  wounded  a  Mexican  at  Lime  Kilnr 
three  miles  off;  then  attacked  a  train  about  ten  miles  down  the 
road,  killed  two  men  and  wounded  two;  destroyed  stores  and 
ran  off  stock." 

Gen.  Penrose  reports  three  hundred  Indians  on  Purgatory  > 
on  the  seventh  instant.  They  killed  one  Mexican  and  ran  off  a 
quantity  of  stock. 

Brevet-Maj.  E.  A.  Belger  reports  a  party  of  Indians  near  Ells 
worth  City.  They  killed  one  man  and  several  are  missing. 

Lieut.  Kaiser,  third  infantry,  reports  that  a  party  of  Indians 
surrounded  and  drove  off  six  horses  and  two  mules  from  citi 
zens  near  Zarah. 

Gen.  Penrose  reports  a  train  attacked  by  Indians  at  Sand 
creek,  who  ran  off  the  cattle  and  captured  Mrs.  Blinn  and  her 
child.  These  Indians  were  led  by  Satanta,  chief  of  the  Kiowas. 

Col.  Royall  reports  attack  by  Indians  on  his  camp  on  Prairie 
Dog  creek,  killing  one  man,  wounding  one,  and  running  off' 
twenty-six  horses. 

Col.  Bankhead  reports  Col.  Carpenter's  command  of  tenth 
cavalry  attacked  by  four  hundred  Indians  on  Beaver  creek. 
Three  men  wounded  and  two  horses  killed. 


OHAPTEK     LXYI. 

WINTER  CAMPAIGN  OF  LIEUT. -GEN.  SHERIDAN  IN  1868 — A  BRILLIANT 
TRIUMPH  OVER  THE  INDIANS  EAST  OP  THE  ROCKY  MOUNTAINS  — 
SURRENDER  OF  THE  TRIBES  —  THEY  ARE  PLACED  ON  THE  RESERVA 
TIONS —  THE  WAY  OPENED  FOR  THE  LABORS  OF  THE  PEACE  COM 
MISSION. 

To  MEET  this  hostile  force  of  Indians  that  was  now  sweeping 
all  before  them,  Gen.  Sheridan  had  but  one  thousand  two  hun 
dred  cavalry,  and  about  one  thousand  four  hundred  infantry, 
and  this  force  was  distributed  throughout  New  Mexico,  Indian 
Territory,  Kansas,  Upper  Arkansas  and  the  State  of  Missouri 
as  garrisons  to  the  different  military  posts.  "  With  this  small 
force,"  says  Gen.  Sheridan,  "for  offensive  operations,  it  was 
impossible  to  accomplish  a  great  deal  in  so  extensive  a  country. 
The  Indian,  mounted  on  his  hardy  pony,  and  familiar  with 
the  country,  was  about  as  hard  to  find,  so  long  as  the  grass 
lasted,  as  the  Alabama  on  the  ocean." 

With  the  accession  to  the  ranks  of  the  hostile  Indians  of 
the  Kiowas  and  Camanches,  the  Indian  forces  opposed  to  Gen. 
Sheridan's  command  amounted  to  six  thousand  warriors.  This 
force  being  altogether  too  strong  to  be  operated  against  suc 
cessfully  with  Sheridan's  little  army,  he  called  upon  the  Gov 
ernor  of  Kansas  for  a  regiment  of  one  thousand  two  hundred 
cavalry,  which  was  promptly  responded  to. 

Gen  Sheridan,  who  had  now  assumed  the  duties  of  com- 
mandcr-in-chief  of  the  Military  Division  of  the  Missouri,  in 
place  of  Gen.  Sherman,  made  preparations  in  the  fall  of  1868 
for  a  winter  campaign.  This  was  a  bold  undertaking,  but 
through  great  effort  proved  abundantly  successful  and  resulted 
in  subduing  the  most  important  Indian  tribes.  It  is  not 
difficult  to  judge  of  the  fruits  of  the  peace  commission  had 

(527) 


£28  TROUBLE    WITH    THE    WESTERN    INDIANS.' 

this  campaign  not  been  made.  All  attempts  at  effecting  a 
peace  must  have  been  futile. 

In  speaking  of  the  condition  of  affairs  which  led  to  his 
great  winter  campaign  Lieut. -Gen.  Sheridan  says: 

"  The  Indians,  commencing  about  the  tenth  of  August,  had 
distributed  themselves  in  small  parties  along  the  western  line 
of  the  settlements  in  Kansas,  and  the  eastern  line  of  settle 
ments  in  Colorado,  and  the  lines  of  travel  up  Smoky  Hill 
river  to  Denver,  and  on  the  Arkansas  river  and  Santa  Fe 
roads,  driving  in  the  settlers,  stopping  all  commercial  traffic, 
murdering  many  defenseless  persons  in  the  most  brutal  man 
ner,  and  escaping  from  the  troops  sent  against  them  by  travel 
ing  at  night,  or  by  the  swiftness  of  their  hardy  grass-fed 
ponies.  This  kind  of  work  they  expected  to  keep  until  the 
approach  of  winter,  when  the  inclemency  of  the  weather  would 
give  them  ample  security,  and  they  could  live  on  their 
plunder,  glory  in  the  scalps  taken  and  the  debasement  of  the 
poor  unfortunate  women  whom  they  held  as  prisoners. 

"  The  experience  of  many  years  of  this  character  of  Indian 
depredations,  with  security  to  themselves  and  families  in  the 
winter,  had  made  them  very  confident  and  bold;  especially 
was  this  true  of  the  previous  summer  and  winter.  So  boldly 
had  this  system  of  murder  and  robbery  been  carried  on,  that 
not  less  than  eight  hundred  people  had  been  murdered  since 
June,  1862  —  men,  women  and  children.  To  disabuse  the 
minds  of  the  savages  of  this  confident  security,  and  to  strike 
them  at  a  period  at  which  they  were  the  most  if  not  entirely 
helpless,  became  a  necessity,  and  the  general-in-chief  then  in 
command  of  this  division  authorized  a  winter  campaign,  and 
at  or  about  the  same  time  directed  that  the  reservation  set 
apart  for  the  Kiowas  and  Camanches  at  the  Witchita  Moun 
tains  should  be  considered  a  place  of  refuge,  where,  if  the 
savages  would  go  and  submit,  they  would  be  exempt  from  the 
operations  of  the  troops.  The  authority  for  this  winter  cam 
paign  was  received  October  9,  1868.  At  this  time  the  opera 
tions  of  the  Indians  had  been  mostly  transferred  to  the  line 
of  the  Arkansas  river  and  Santa  Fe  road,  owing  to  the  opera 
tions  of  troops  under  Col.  Forsyth,  Gen.  Bradley,  and  Gen. 


OR,    THE    BOEDER    WARS    OF    TWO    CENTURIES.  529 

Carr,  north  of  the  Smoky  Hill  river  and  on  the  Republican, 
as  well  as  to  the  near  approach  of  winter,  which  caused  the 
savages  to  work  in  the  direction  of  their  families,  then  sup 
posed  to  be  on  the  headwaters  of  the  Red  river,  immediately 
south  of  the  Antelope  Hills." 

Preparations  were  made  and  Sheridan's  forces  concentrated 
at  Camp  Supply.  From  this  point  it  was  expected  that  the 
main  column  would  strike  the  Indians  either  on  the  head 
waters  of  the  "Washita  or  still  further  south,  on  the  Sweet 
Water  and  other  branches  of  the  Red  river.  Gen.  Sheridan 
arrived  at  Camp  Supply  on  the  twenty-first  of  ISTovember, 
where  he  found  the  troops  under  Gen.  Sully  engaged  in  the 
construction  of  a  block-house,  wells,  and  store-house,  for  the 
protection  of  the  supplies.  In  speaking  of  the  progress  of 
his  campaign  from  this  point,  Lieut.-Gen.  Sheridan  says: 

"  A  furious  snow  storm  commenced  on  the  same  evening, 
which  continued  during  the  night  and  next  day,  making  the 
situation  very  gloomy,  especially  on  account  of  the  non-arrival 
of  the  Nineteenth  Kansas,  which  I  had  expected  would  have 
reached  Camp  Supply  about  the  same  time  as  myself.  This 
was  a  great  disappointment  to  me,  as  I  had  expected  to  unite 
this  regiment  with  the  Seventh  Cavalry  and  launch  them  both 
on  the  Indians,  whom  I  still  supposed  to  be  just  south  of  the 
Antelope  Hills.  This  disappointment  was  further  increased 
by  the  appearance  of  Indians  on  the  distant  hills  as  I  came 
down,  just  north  of  Bluff  Creek,  and  the  discovery  of  a  large 
fresh  trail  by  Sully 's  command  —  traveling  due  north;  and  I 
thought  the  discovery  of  the  troops  would  cause  the  Indians 
south  of  Antelope  Hills  to  take  to  flight.  I  therefore,  on  the 
second  day  after  my  arrival  at  Camp  Supply,  directed  Gen. 
Ouster  to  move  his  regiment,  storm  or  no  storm,  on  the  morn 
ing  of  the  twenty- third  of  November.  This  order  was 
responded  to  with  alacrity  by  the  officers  and  men  of  the  Sev 
enth  Cavalry,  and  on  the  morning  of  the  twenty- third  the 
regiment  moved  at  daylight,  although  the  snow  continued  to 
fall  with  unabated  fury. 

"  On  the  evening  of  the  twenty-sixth,  Gen.  Ouster  struck 
the  trail  of  the  war  party  before  alluded  to  as  having  passed 
34 


530  TKOUELE    WITH    THE    WESTERN    INDIANS! 

north,  and  which  had  been  seen  by  Sully's  command,  and  some 
of  the  same  party  had  been  seen  by  my  escort,  near  Bluff 
Creek.  This  war  party  was  composed,  as  I  afterward  learned 
from  Indians,  of  Black  Kettle's  band  of  Cheyennes;  also  other 
Cheyennes  and  Arapahoes.  They  had  been  north,  killed  the 
mail  curriers  between  Dodge  and  Lamed,  an  old  hunter  at 
Dodge,  juid  two  of  my  expressmen,  whom  I  had  sent  back 
with  letters  from  Bluff  Creek  to  Dodge.  As  soon  as  Custer 
struck  the  trail  he  corraled  his  wagons,  left  a  small  escort  with 
them,  and  followed  the  Indian  trail,  which  was  very  fresh  and 
well  marked  in  the  deep  snow,  until  it  led  into  Black  Kettle's 
village.  The  next  morning,  before  daylight,  the  Osage  Indian 
trailers  discovered  the  village  and  stock  of  the  Indians,  and 
notified  Custer,  who  at  once  made  the  most  admirable  disposi 
tion  of  his  command  for  the  attack  and  capture  of  the  village. 
At  dawn  the  attack  was  made,  the  village  captured  and  burned, 
eight  hundred  horses  or  ponies  killed  in  accordance  with  my 
positive  orders,  arid  one  hundred  and  three  warriors  killed, 
and  fifty-three  women  and  children  captured. 

"  While  this  work  was  going  on,  all  the  Indians,  for  a  dis 
tance  of  fifteen  miles  down  the  Washita,  collected  and  attacked 
Custer.  These  Indians  were  Cheyennes,  Camanches,  Kiowas, 
and  Apaches;  but  were  driven  down  the  stream  for  a  distance 
of  four  or  five  miles,  when,  as  night  was  approaching,  Custer 
withdrew  and  returned  to  a  small  train  of  provisions  which  he 
had  directed  to  follow  up  his  movements.  Our  loss  at  the 
attack  on  the  village  was'Capt.  Louis  M.  Hamilton,  and  three 
men  killed,  and  three  officers  and  eleven  men  wounded;  but, 
unfortunately,  Major  Elliott,  of  the  regiment,  a  very  gallant 
and  promising  young  officer,  seeing  some  of  the  young  boys 
escape,  followed,  with  the  sergeant-major  and  fifteen  men,  to 
capture  and  bring  them  in;  after  capturing  them,  and  while 
on  their  way  back  to  the  regiment,  they  were  surrounded  and 
killed.  It  occurred,  I  think,  in  this  way:  Elliott  and  his 
party  followed  the  boys  shortly  after  the  attack  on  the  village, 
taking  a  course  due  south  and  nearly  at  right  angles  to  the 
Washita  river,  which  was  here  very  small  ;  after  traveling 
south  one  mile  and  a  half  from  the  village,  a  very  small  branch 


OK,    THE    BORDER    WARS    OF    TWO    CENTURIES.  531 

of  the  Washita  was  crossed,  and  an  open  prairie  reached ;  on 
this  prairie  the  boys  were  captured  and  were  being  brought 
back,  when  the  party  was  attacked  by  Indians  from  below, 
numbering  from  one  thousand  to  fifteen  hundred;  it  fought 
its  way  back  toward  the  small  creek  before  named  until  within 
rifle  range  of  the  creek,  when  it  was  stopped  by  the  Indians 
having  taken  position  in  the  bed  of  the  creek,  and  picking  oif 
the  men,  who  had  formed  a  little  circle,  around  which  their 
dead  and  horribly  mutilated  bodies  were  found.  No  one,  so 
far  as  I  could  learn,  of  those  back  with  the  regiment,  knew  of 
their  having  followed  the  Indian  boys ;  no  one  heard  the  report 
of  their  guns,  and  no  one  knew  of  their  exact  fate  until  they 
,were  discovered,  some  two  weeks  afterward." 

On  the  thirteenth  of  November,  the  Nineteenth  Kansas 
arrived  at  Camp  Supply,  after  a  long  and  tedious  journey  in 
which  the  regiment  lost  its  way,  being  thereby  delayed.  The 
blow  that  Ouster  had  struck  was  a  hard  one  and  fell  on  the 
guiltiest  of  all  the  bands  —  that  of  Black  Kettle.  It  was  this 
band,  says  Gen.  Sheridan,  that,  without  provocation,  had  mas 
sacred  the  settlers  on  the  Saline  and  Solomon,  and  perpetrated 
cruelties  too  fiendish  for  recital. 

But  Gen.  Sheridan  was  not  satisfied  with  this  victory,  but 
continued  the  pursuit  of  the  Indians  until  every  hostile  band 
in  his  division  surrendered  themselves.  In  this  work  Gen. 
Sheridan  and  the  officers  and  soldiers  under  him  rendered  then 
country  a  service  which  we  cannot  commend  too  highly. 
During  the  summer  preceding  his  campaign,  while  the  peace 
commission  was  deliberating  as  to  the  best  means  of  civiliz 
ing  and  christianizing  the  Cheyennes,  Camanches,  Kiowas, 
Apaches,  Arapahoes  and  Sioux,  these  Indians  were  committing 
merciless  depredations  upon  the  settlements  between  the  Mis 
sissippi  and  the  Rocky  Mountains  with  the  full  hope  that  the 
severity  of  winter  would  protect  them  from  just  punishment; 
but,  as  we  have  seen,  they  were  disappointed  in  this  hope. 
Many  of  their  warriors  paid  the  penalty  of  their  crimes  by 
their  lives  upon  the  battle-field,  while  the  others  were  forced 
to  submission  and  compelled  to  retire  to  their  reservations. 
Thus,  through  the  courage  and  foresight  of  Gen.  Sheridan  the 


532  TROUBLE    WITH    THE   WESTERN    INDIANS: 

Indians  were  thoroughly  conquered  and  the  way  opened  for 
that  long,  and,  in  many  respects,  prosperous  peace  which  has 
followed.  The  Indians  east  of  the  Rocky  Mountains  have 
given  the  government  but  little  trouble  since  this  campaign,  the 
Western  settlements  have  been  protected  from  a  barbarous 
invasion,  women  and  children  have  been  shielded  from  a  fiend 
ish  captivity,  and  the  Indians  themselves  have  fared  much 
better  than  when  dependent  upon  depredations  for  the  means 
of  subsistence.  For  this  brilliant  service  Lieut.-Gen.  P.  H. 
Sheridan  has  his  reward  in  the  respect  and  esteem  in  which 
he  is  held  by  the  whole  people  of  the  United  States. 


CHAPTEE    LXYII. 

INDIAN  TROUBLES  WEST  OF  THE  ROCKY  MOUNTAINS  —  HORRIBLE  MAS 
SACRE  OF  INDIANS  —  DIFFICULTIES  OF  MAKING  WAR  ON  THE  SAVAGES 
IN  THE  WlLDS  OF  THE  WEST — THE  PEACE  COMMISSIONERS  IN  ARI 
ZONA  AND  CALIFORNIA  —  CURIOUS  SPEECHES  OF  CHIEFS. 

LET  us  now  turn  our  attention  to  the  wars  with  the  Indians 
west  of  the  Rocky  Mountains,  and  more  particularly  in  Ari 
zona.  Here,  too,  we  find  the  good  results  of  the  labors  of  the 
Peace  Commissioners,  but  not  without  being  preceded  by  the 
evils  consequent  upon  a  change  in  the  Indian  policy.  Perhaps 
the  new  peace  policy  met  with  more  opposition  among  the 
white  settlers  west  of  the  Rocky  Mountains  than  in  Sheridan's 
military  division,  east  of  them.  In  the  former  country  the 
pioneers  of  civilization  who  had  suffered  all  manner  of  hard 
ships  and  cruelties  at  the  hands  of  the  savages,  seemed  to  look 
upon  them  with  a  feeling  of  revenge.  This  revenge  often 
found  vent  in  open  hostilities,  and  sometimes  in  massacres  that, 
for  cruelty,  equalled  the  deeds  of  the  Indians  themselves.  In 
1871  a  number  of  Apaches  were  murdered  on  their  reservation 
in  Arizona,  by  whites,  there  being  no  cause  for  the  outrage 
beyond  past  hostilities.  Lieut.  R.  E.  Whiteman,  of  the  United 
States  army,  and  commander  at  the  post  near  which  the  mas 
sacre  took  place,  gives  a  very  good  account  of  the  affair  in  his 
report:  "  Many  of  the  men  whose  families  had  all  been  killed, 
when  I  spoke  to  them  and  expressed  sympathy  for  them,  were 
obliged  to  turn  away,  unable  to  speak,  and  too  proud  to  show 
their  grief.  The  women  whose  children  had  been  killed  or 
stolen  were  convulsed  with  grief,  and  looked  to  me  appealingly, 
as  though  I  was  their  last  hope  on  earth.  Children  who,  two 
days  before,  had  been  full  of  fun  and  frolic,  kept  at  a  distance, 
expressing  wondering  horror.  I  did  what  I  could ;  1  fed  them, 

(533) 


534  TROUBLE    WITH    THE    WESTERN    INDIANS: 

and  talked  to  them,  and  listened  patiently  to  their  accounts.  I 
sent  horses  into  the  mountains  to  bring  in  two  badly- wounded 
women,  one  shot  through  the  left  lung,  and  one  with  an  arm 
shattered.  These  were  attended  to,  and  are  doing  well,  and 
will  recover.  Their  camp  was  surrounded  and  attacked  at  day 
break.  So  sudden  and  unexpected  was  it,  that  no  one  was 
awake  to  give  the  alarm,  and  I  found  quite  a  number  of  women 
shot  while  asleep  beside  their  bundles  of  hay,  which  they  had 
collected  to  bring  in  on  that  morning.  The  wounded  who 
were  unable  to  get  away,  had  their  brains  beaten  out  with 
clubs  or  stones,  while  some  were  shot  full  of  arrows  after  having 
been  mortally  wounded  by  gunshot.  The  bodies  were  all 
stripped.  Of  the  whole  number  buried,  one  was  an  old  man 
and  one  a  well-grown  boy  —  all  the  rest,  women  and  chil 
dren.  Of  the  whole  number  killed  and  missing,  about  one 
hundred  and  twenty -five,  eight  only  were  men.  It  has  been 
said  that  the  men  were  not  there;  they  were  all  tnere.  On  the 
twenty-eighth,  we  counted  one  hundred  and  twenty-eight  men, 
a  small  number  being  absent  for  mescal,  all  of  whom  have 
since  been  in.  I  have  spent  a  good  deal  of  time  with  them, 
since  the  affair,  and  have  been  astonished  at  their  continued 
unshaken  faith  in  me,  and  their  perfectly  clear  understanding 
of  their  misfortune.  They  say:  '  We  know  there  a  great  many 
white  men  and  Mexicans  who  do  not  wish  us  to  live  at  peace. 
We  know  that  the  Papagos  would  not  have  come  out  after  us 
at  this  time  unless  they  had  been  persuaded  to  do  so.'  What 
they  do  not  understand  is,  while  they  are  at  peace,  and  are  con 
scious  of  no  wrong  intent,  that  they  should  be  murdered  by 
government  arms  in  the  hands  of  Papagos  and  Mexicans. 
One  of  the  chiefs  said:  '  I  no  longer  want  to  live;  my  women 
and  children  have  been  killed  before  my  face,  and  I  have  been 
unable  to  defend  them.  Most  Indians  in  my  place  would  take 
a  knife  and  cut  his  throat,  but  I  will  live  to  show  these  people 
that  all  they  have  done,  and  all  they  can  do,  shall  not  make  me 
break  faith  with  you,  so  long  as  you  will  stand  by  us  and  defend 
us,  in  a  language  we  know  nothing  of,  to  a  great  governor  we 
never  have,  and  never  shall,  see.'  About  their  captives  they 
say:  'Get  them  back  for  us;  our  little  boys  will  grow  up 


OK,    THE    BORDER    WARS    OF    TWO    CENTURIES.  535 

slaves,  and  our  girls,  as  soon  as  they  are  large  enough,  will  be 
diseased  prostitutes,   to  get  money  for  whoever  owns  them 
Our  women  work  hard,  and  are  good  women,  and  they  and  our 
children  have  no  diseases." 

The  extract  from  Lieut.  Whiteman's  report  will  not  be  read 
without  feelings  of  pity  f<$r  the  savages  who  were  so  shamefully 
treated.  Yet  after  all,  they  had  visited  a  more  cruel  and  bar 
barous  torture,  and  a  more  wicked  death,  upon  the  unfortunate 
whites  who  had  from  time  to  time  fallen  into  their  hands,  and 
although  this  fact  does  not  justify  the  lawless  course  taken 
in  this  massacre,  it  redcces,  to  some  extent,  the  just  indignation 
against  the  perpetrators. 

We  have  an  additional  account  of  this  horrid  affair  from  the 
pen  of  one  of  the  post  surgeons  attached  to  Lieut.  Whiteman's 
command.  He  says:  u Lieut.  Whiteman  ordered  me  to  goto 
the  Indian  camp  to  render  medical  assistance,  and  bring  down 
any  wounded  I  might  find.  I  took  twelve  men  (mounted)  and 
a  wagon,  and  proceeded  without  delay  to  the  scene  of  the  mur 
der.  On  my  arrival  I  found  that  I  should  have  but  little  use 
for  wagon  or  medicine;  the  work  had  been  too  thoroughly 
done.  The  camp  had  been  fired,  and  the  dead  bodies  of  some 
twenty-one  women  and  children  were  lying  scattered  over  the 
ground;  those  who  had  been  wounded  in  the  first  instance  had 
their  brains  beaten  out  with  stones.  Two  of  the  best  looking 
of  the  squaws  were  lying  in  such  a  position,  and  from  the 
appearance  of  the  genital  organs  and  of  their  wounds,  there 
can  be  no  doubt  that  they  were  first  ravished  and  then  shot 
dead.  Nearly  all  of  the  dead  were  mutilated.  One  infant  of 
some  ten  months  was  shot  twice,  and  one  leg  hacked  nearly  off. 
While  going  over  the  ground  we  came  upon  a  squaw  who  was 
unhurt,  but  we  were  unable  to  get  her  to  come  in  and  talk,  she 
not  feeling  very  sure  of  our  good  intentions.  Finding  nothing 
further  could  be  done,  I  returned  to  the  post  and  reported  the 
state  of  affairs  to  Lieut.  Whiteman,  commanding  post." 

It  will  be  impossible,  in  view  of  the  space  now  left  for  the 
-completion  of  this  volume,  to  enter  into  a  narrative  of  all  the 
petty  wars*  with  the  Indians  on  the  Pacific  slope.  From  the 
earliest  settlement  of  the  country  by  the  Mexicans,  and  at  a 


536  TROUBLE    WITH    THE    WESTERN    INDIANS: 

little  later  period  by  the  Americans,  down  to  the  Modoc  warr 
there  was  a  continuous  war  with  the  Indian  tribes,  among  the 
most  prominent  of  which  were  the  Apaches,  Klamaths,  Modocs, 
and  other  bands.  In  this  country,  which  was  so  well  adapted 
to  the  Indian  mode  of  fighting,  it  was  almost  impossible  to- 
defeat  the  savages,  no  matter  how  string  the  force  commanded 
against  them.  They  could  retreat  to  the  mountain  recesses,  in 
chasms,  or  among  the  dark  passes  in  the  lava  beds,  where- 
American  troops  found  it  impossible  to  follow.  And  if,  by 
dint  of  struggle  and  sacrifice,  the  summit  was  gained,  or  the 
chasm  penetrated,  it  only  opened  a  field  of  new  dangers,  and 
exposed  them  to  the  deadly  fire  of  a  barbarous  enemy,  which 
could  not  be  effectually  returned. 

But  the  surging  tide  of  such  a  war  was  kept  up  on  the 
Pacific  slope  for  many  years.  Long  before  Col.  Fremont  pene 
trated  this  country  with  his  hardy  mountaineers,  the  sharp 
report  of  the  unerring  rifle  was  heard  among  the  wastes,  telling 
of  the  death  of  some  lurking  savage,  or  unfortunate  trapper. 
Bands  of  hostile  Indians,  painted  for  the  battle,  ranged  over 
the  deserts,  on  mountain  summits,  or  among  the  deep  recesses 
of  the  wild,  uneven  country,  watching  the  slow  progress  of 
immigrant  trains,  and  pouncing  upon  them  as  soon  as  a  favora 
ble  opportunity  presented  itself,  murdering  the  men,  plundering 
the  train,  and  carrying  the  women  and  children  into  a  barbar 
ous  captivity.  The  pen  refuses  to  write  of  the  horrors  which 
surrounded  these  captive  women.  Their  sufferings  were  often 
beyond  description,  and  always  replete  with  the  most  barbarous- 
acts. 

But  after  many  years  of  war  between  these  Indians  and  the 
whites,  with  victories  first  for  civilization  and  then  for  barbar 
ity,  the  peace  commission  went  among  them  to  hold  sacred 
councils,  and  promote  the  reservation  policy.  The  head  chiefs 
of  tribes  were  invited  to  meet  the  disciples  of  peace,  and,  actu 
ated  by  the  hope  of  receiving  liberal  presents  and  of  deliverance- 
from  the  poverty  and  bondage  into  which  a  long  and  cruel  war 
had  forced  them,  they  came  in  great  numbers  to  shake  the 
white  chiefs  by  the  hand,  and  tell  the  story  of  their  wrongs. 

The  deliberations  between  the  commissioners  and  the  Indi- 


OR,    THE    BORDER    WARS    OF    TWO    CENTURIES.  53T 

ans  were  sometimes  full  of  interest,  and  many  of  the  ablest 
speeches  of  the  chiefs  are  worthy  of  preservation  in  this  vol 
ume,  as  they  will  present  to  the  world,  to  a  great  degree,  the 
condition  of  the  Indians  at  the  present  day.  Howlish-Wam- 
po,  head  chief  of  the  Cayuse,  after  listening  to  the  address  of 
the  commissioner,  replied  in  these  words:  "  You  talked  with 
a  good  heart  when  you  told  me  that  you  believed  in  God.  I 
thought  that  was  good;  that  is  my  heart,  too,  while  I  stand 
upon  this  ground.  What  you  have  spoken  this  people  have 
heard;  all  understand  what  you  have  said.  You  came  here  to 
ascertain  what  is  our  mind.  This  reservation  is  marked  out 
for  us.  We  see  it  with  our  eyes,  and  our  hearts,  we  all  hold 
it  with  our  bodies  and  with  our  souls.  Right  out  here  are  my 
father  and  mother,  and  brothers  and  sisters,  and  children,  all 
buried ;  I  am  guarding  their  graves.  My  friend,  this  reserva 
tion,  this  small  piece  of  land,  we  look  upon  it  as  our  mother — 
as  if  she  were  raising  us.  You  come  to  ask  me  for  my  land. 
It  is  like  as  if  we,  who  are  Indians,  were  to  be  sent  away  and' 
get  lost.  I  look  upon  all  sides.  On  the  outside  of  the  reser 
vation  I  see  your  houses;  they  have  windows,  they  are  good. 
You  are  bringing  up  your  children  well.  What  is  the  reason 
you  white  men  who  live  near  the  reservation  like  my  land,  and 
want  to  get  it?  You  must  not  think  so.  My  friends,  you 
must  not  talk  too  strong  about  getting  my  land.  I  like  my 
land,  and  will  not  let  it  go.  You  have  been  asking  my  heart 
about  the  reservation.  This  is  my  heart." 

Wenap-snoot,  of  the  Umatillas,  said:  "Our  red  people 
were  brought  up  here,  and  some  one  had  to  teach  them  as  they 
grew.  Those  who  were  taught  grew  up  well.  I  believe  the 
man  who  understands  and  follows  the  way  he  is  taught,  grows 
up  well.  I  learned  from  the  way  in  which  I  was  brought  up, 
and  I  am  going  to  have  my  children  taught  more,  and  they 
will  grow  up  better  than  I  am.  When  my  father  and  mother 
died,  I  was  left  here.  They  gave  me  rules,  and  gave  me  their 
lands  to  live  upon.  They  left  me  to  take  care  of  them  after 
they  were  buried.  I  was  to  watch  over  their  graves.  I  do  not 
wish  to  part  with  my  land.  I  have  felt  tired  working  on  my 
land,  so  tired  that  the  sweat  dropped  off  me  on  the  ground. 


538  TROUBLE    WITH    THE    WESTERN    INDIANS! 

Where  is  all  that  Governor  Stevens  and  Gen.  Palmer  said?  I 
am  very  fond  of  this  land  that  is  marked  out  for  me,  and  the 
rest  of  the  Indians  have  no  more  room  for  their  stock  than 
they  need,  and  I  do  not  know  where  I'd  put  them  if  I  had  to 
confine  myself  to  a  small  piece  of  ground;  should  I  take  only 
.a  small  piece  of  ground,  and  a  white  man  sit  down  beside  me, 
I  fear  there  would  be  trouble  all  the  time." 

A  chief  called  William,  spoke  in  these  words:  "  God  is 
my  Heavenly  Father;  you  are  my  father  from  Washington. 
If  you  look  at  our  houses  you  will  see  they  are  very  poor.  I 
tell  you  we  are  very  poor;  see  the  tools  we  work  with  (exhib 
iting  a  stone  hammer  and  other  Indian  tools);  it  is  with  these 
we  have  to  build  our  houses;  we  use  a  stone  for  a  hammer. 
We  are  almost  all  dead,  but  we  are  glad  to  see  you.  One  of 
our  employers  treats  us  like  dogs;  he  uses  us  like  slaves.  I 
tell  you  the  truth,  he  struck  an  Indian  on  the  face,  and  the 
blood  gushed  out.  You  tell  us  to  talk  freely,  and  I  do  so. 
The  whites  cheat  us,  and  some  of  our  agents  cheat  us.  I  speak 
to  you;  I  talk  in  the  presence  of  the  God  who  made  us.  I 
talk  to  you  as  my  father.  I  am  glad  to  see  you;  I  came  from 
one  of  these  tribes.  I  have  no  land  now.  I  am  a  poor  old 
man.  God  made  me;  the  whites  took  our  land.  Here  is  my 
•country  below  this  reservation;  near  it  is  the  Tulalip.  I  want 
a  paper  to  keep  any  white  men  away  when  they  come.  They 
scare  the  old  men  and  want  to  kill  us." 

Billy  Williamson  spoke  in  council  as  follows:  "Since  Mr. 
Meacham  came,  this  summer,  our  eyes  have  been  opened.  Our 
saw-mill  is  almost  done,  and  we  expect  to  have  a  grist-mill 
soon.  Mr.  Brunot  conies  from  Washington,  and  I  want  to 
know  whether  what  I  said  before,  and  that  now,  was  put  on 
paper — did  my  words  go  to  Washington  ?  Then  the  Indians 
were  all  separated;  now  they  are  all  here.  If  you  go  to  see 
their  homes,  you  will  find  many  things  they  made  themselves. 
They  learned  it  from  the  whites  outside.  The  men  on  the  reser 
vation  did  not  learn  us.  When  the  treaty  was  made  we  were 
very  poor.  For  fifteen  years  we  have  been  talking  about  what 
was  needed.  Do  they  know  it  at  Washington?  Some  white 
men  say  we  will  only  get  twenty  acres.  Where  I  came  from  I 


OR,    THE    BOEDER    WARS    OF    TWO    CENTURIES.  539 

had  not  only  twenty  acres,  but  a  hundred.  Everybody  knows 
we  are  poor.  I  had  a  cow  and  a  yoke  of  oxen  long  ago ;  that 
is  all  I  have  now.  I  don't  want  to  lie  .to  God.  I  don't  think  I 
am  a  very  good  man.  I  may  tell  a  lie;  I  am  an  Indian.  I 
speak  the  truth.  I  don't  drink.  I  don't  do  as  Indians  did  in 
old  times;  I  have  quit  that.  We  can't  do  everything  in  a  day. 
If  we  get  our  land,  we  need  cows  and  horses  and  plows  and 
wagons.  Then  we  won't  go  outside;  we  will  stay  here.  There 
are  a  few  half-breeds  here.  I  think  nothing  about  that;  they 
have  families  here.  I  want  to  know  if  money  was  sent  here 
for  us.  Now  we  are  like  white  men.  You  know  about  God; 
so  do  these  Indians ;  I  speak  no  bad  words.  "White  men  and 
Indians  are  all  alike.  Some  Indians  here  have  been  shot  and 
whipped  by  white  men  for  nothing.  Two  of  our  people  are  in 
Salem  penitentiary.  We  want  to  get  them  out;  they  did 
nothing.  White  men  gave  them  whisky  and  got  them  drunk, 
and  now  they  have  got  them  into  the  penitentiary." 

Such  were  the  men  and  such  the  complaints  which  met  the 
members  of  the  Peace  Commission  in  the  far  West,  but  while 
these  speeches  indicate  the  understanding  of  wrongs  perpe 
trated  upon  themselves,  they  also  show  that  these  savages  were 
not  ignorant  of  the  crimes  which  they  themselves  had  com 
mitted.  Thus  while  their  complaints  beget  sympathy  on  the 
one  hand,  they  elicit  indignation  on  the  other. 


CHAPTEK    LXYIII. 

HISTORY  OF  THE  MODOCS  —  HORRIBLE  MASSACRE  OF  A  PARTY  OF  IMMI 
GRANTS —  BEN  WRIGHT'S  VENGEANCE — TERRIBLE  DESTRUCTION  OF 
THE  MODOCS  FROM  STARVATION  —  CANIBALISM  —  THE  RESERVATION 
TROUBLES. 

PEKHAPS  no  other  portion  of  this  narrative  will  be  more 
interesting  to  the  general  reader  than  that  which  now  follows, 
giving  a  history  of  the  Modoc  Indians  and  their  recent  wars 
against  the  whites.  Their  wild  homes  among  the  lava  beds  of 
Arizona  and  Northern  California,  which  have  been  rendered 
famous  by  the  thrilling  sketches  that  have,  from  time  to  time, 
appeared  through  the  newspapers  and  periodicals  of  the  United 
States,  have  added  not  a  little  to  the  interest  felt  in  these 
peculiar  savages.  But  above  all  else,  the  recent  Modoc  war 
has  given  this  tribe  a  world-wide  notoriety. 

The  number  of  this  people  when  in  their  primitive  glory 
and  power,  must  have  been  many  thousands.  The  remains  of 
their  ancient  villages,  found  along  the  shores  of  the  lakes,  the 
streams,  and  the  forest  springs,  go  very  far  to  establish  the  fact 
of  their  former  greatness.  But  this  greatness  has  fallen! 
Their  power  has  passed  away,  and  as  a  nation  they  are  now 
nearly  extinct.  Only  three  or  four  hundred  of  these  brave 
natives  now  live  to  tell  us  the  singular  traditions  of  the  tribe. 
These  will  soon  pass  on  to  oblivion,  in  the  dark,  mysterious 
way  in  which  all  the  red  men  of  the  American  forests  have 
been  driven  by  civilization. 

But  there  have  been  sources  for  the  destruction  of  this  peo 
ple  other  than  that  which  civilization  has  produced.  I  refer 
to  the  deadly  conflicts  which  have  been  waged  upon  them  by 
the  fierce  Indians  in  the  wilds  of  the  neighboring  forests,  vague 
accounts  of  which  have  come  to  us  upon  the  current  of  their 

(540) 


OB,  THE  BOEDER  WAES  OF  TWO  CENTURIES.        54:1 

strange  traditions.  But  these  were  not  more  effective  of  their 
ruin  than  the  wars  which  have  taken  place  between  them  and 
the  early  settlers  of  Northern  California  and  Southern  Oregon. 
They  have  ever  been  an  obstinate,  unconquerable  race,  merci 
less  in  war,  full  of  treachery  and  possessed  of  the  blackest 
stratagem.  ]STor  has  the  romantic  country  in  which  they  built 
their  homes,  failed  in  furnishing  them  every  facility  for  the 
prosecution  of  war  after  their  treacherous  designs. 

As  early  as  184/T  we  find  trains  of  Oregon  immigration  pass 
ing  through  their  country.  The  road  was  a  dangerous  one, 
winding  through  dark  canons,  and  passing  under  precipitous 
cliffs  that  afforded  secure  and  impenetrable  ambuscade.  At 
every  opening  through  the  craggy  cliffs  bands  of  mounted  war 
riors  were  revealed,  who  seemed  to  be  watching  for  a  favorable 
opportunity  to  capture  and  plunder  the  travelers.  If,  per 
chance,  the  train  was  weak,  the  warriors  would  rush  upon  it, 
slaughter  the  immigrants  and  capture  the  supplies.  Such  out 
rages  seem  to  have  been,  for  many  years,  their  chief  occupa 
tion. 

The  first  in  this  dark  catalogue  of  which  I  have  any  well 
authenticated  information  was  in  1852.  In  this  year  a  small 
train,  comprising  only  eighteen  souls,  men,  women  and  children, 
made  an  attempt  to  reach  central  Oregon,  by  the  Ehett  Lake 
route.  Leaving  Pitt  Eiver  they  journeyed  for  several  days 
without  molestation,  not  having  observed  a  single  Indian. 
Reaching  the  eastern  shore  of  Rhett  Lake  they  encamped  under 
a  bluff,  now  called  "  Bloody  Point."  Here  the  weary  travelers 
rested — rested  forever  from  earthly  toils.  They  sat  down 
together  and  began  to  partake  of  some  refreshments,  under  the 
great  rocks  that  hung  in  grandeur  over  them ;  and  scarcely  had 
they  begun  to  congratulate  each  other  upon  the  unexpected 
quiet  of  the  Indian  country,  when  the  air  rung  out  with  the 
deafening  yells  of  ferocious  savages.  In  another  instant  count 
less  painted  Indians  poured  down  from  the  rocks  overhead. 
But  their  bloody  work  was  soon  ended.  Only  one  escaped  to 
tell  the  horrors  of  the  massacre. 

In  reference  to  the  revenge  upon  the  Indians  for  this  terri 
ble  massacre,  William  M.  Turner,  in  an  able  article  in  the 


54:2  TROUBLE    WITH    THE    WESTERN    INDIANS: 

Overland  Monthly,  says:  '-The  men  of  early  times  in  these 
mountains  were  brave  and  chivalrous  men.  In  less  than 
twenty-four  hours,  a  mounted  force  of  miners,  packers,  and 
prospectors — men  who  feared  no  living  thing — were  at  the 
scene  of  the  massacre.  The  remains  of  the  victims  were  found, 
shockingly  mutilated,  lying  in  a  pile  with  their  broken  wagons, 
and  half  charred;  but  not  a  Indian  could  be  found.  It  was 
not  until  the  next  year  that  the  Modocs  were  punished  for  this 
cruel  deed.  An  old  mountaineer  named  Ben  Wright — one  of 
those  strange  beings  who  imagine  that  they  are  born  as  instru 
ments  for  the  fulfillment  of  the  red  man's  destiny — organized 
an  independent  company  at  Yreka,  in  1853,  and  went  into  the 
Modoc  country.  The  Indians  wrere  wary,  but  Ben  was  patient 
and  enduring.  Meeting  with  poor  success,  and  accomplishing 
nothing  but  protection  for  incoming  emigrants,  he  improvised 
an  '  emigrant  train '  with  which  to  decoy  the  enemy  from  the 
cover  of  the  hills  and  ravines.  Winding  slowly  among  the 
hills  and  through  the  sage-plains,  Ben's  canvass  covered  wagons 
rolled  quietly  along,  camping  at  the  usual  watering-places,  and 
apparently  in  a  careless  and  unguarded  way.  Every  wagon 
was  filled  with  armed  men,  anxious  and  willing  to  be  attacked. 
The  ruse  failed,  however;  for  the  keen-sighted  Indians  soon 
perceived  that  there  were  no  women  or  children  with  the  train, 
and  its  careless  movements  were  suspicious.  After  several 
months  of  unsatisfactory  skirmishing,  Ben  resolved  on  a  change 
of  tactics.  Surprising  a  small  party  of  Modocs,  instead  of 
scalping  them,  he  took  them  to  his  camp,  treated  them  kindly , 
and  making  them  a  sort  of  Peace  Commission,  sent  them  with 
olive-branches,  in  the  shape  of  calico  and  tobacco,  back  to  their 
people.  Negotiations  for  a  general  council  to  arrange  a  treaty 
were  opened.  Others  visited  the  white  camp;  and  soon  the 
Modocs,  who  had  but  a  faint  appreciation  of  the  tortuous  ways 
of  white  diplomacy,  began  to  think  that  Ben  was  a  very  harm 
less  and  respectable  gentleman.  A  spot  on  the  north  bank  of 
Lost  River,  a  few  hundred  yards  from  the  Natural  Bridge, 
was  selected  for  the  council.  On  the  appointed  day,  fifty-one 
Indians  (about  equal  in  number  to  Wright's  company) 
attended,  and,  as  agreed  upon  by  both  parties,  no  weapons 


OR,    THE    BORDER    WARS    OF    TWO    CENTURIES.  54:3 

were  brought  to  the  ground.  A  number  of  beeves  had  been 
killed,  presents  were  distributed,  and  the  day  passed  in  mutual 
professions  of  friendship ;  when  Wright — whose  quick,  restless 
eye  had  been  busy — quietly  iilled  his  pipe,  drew  a  match  and 
lit  it.  This  was  the  pre-concerted  signal.  As  the  first  little 
curling  wreath  of  smoke  went  up,  fifty  revolvers  were  drawn 
from  their  places  of  concealment  by  Wright's  men,  who  were 
now  scattered  among  their  intended  victims;  a  few  moments 
of  rapid  and  deadly  firing,  and  only  two  of  the  Modocs  escaped 
to  warn  their  people!  " 

In  giving  a  sketch  of  the  history  of  the  Modocs,  the  same 
writer  says:  "  In  1864,  when  old  Schonchin  buried  the  hatchet 
and  agreed  to  war  with  the  pale-faces  no  more,  he  said,  mourn 
fully:  'Once  my  people  were  like  the  sands  along  yon  shore. 
ISTow  I  call  to  them,  and  only  the  wind  answers.  Four  hun 
dred  strong  young  men  went  with  me  to  the  war  with  the 
whites;  only  eighty  are  left.  We  will  be  good,  if  the  white 
man  will  let  us,  and  be  his  friends  forever.'  And  this  old 
chief  has  kept  his  word — better,  perhaps,  than  his  conquerors 
have  theirs.  The  Modocs  themselves  offer  a  better  reason  for 
the  great  decrease  of  their  people.  They  say  that,  within  the 
memory  of  many  of  this  generation,  the  tribe  was  overtaken  by 
a  famine  that  swept  off  whole  ranches,  and  they  speak  of  it  as 
if  remembered  like  a  fearful  dream.  As  is  usual  with  savages, 
the  chief  labor  of  gathering  supplies  bf  all  kinds,  except  those 
procured  by  fishing  and  the  chase,  devolved  upon  the  Modoc 
women.  Large  quantities  of  llamas  and  wocas  were  already 
harvested,  but  the  predatory  character  of  the  surrounding  tribes 
made  it  dangerous  to  store  their  food  in  the  villages;  and  it 
was  customary  to  cache  it  among  the  sage-brush  and  rocks, 
which  was  done  so  cunningly  that  an  enemy  might  walk  over 
the  hiding-places  without  suspicion.  Snow  rarely  fell  in  this 
region  sufficiently  deep  to  prevent  access  to  the  caches ;  but 
the  Modocs  tell  of  one  winter  when  they  were  caught  by  a  ter 
rible  storm,  that  continued  until  the  snow  was  more  than  seven 
feet  in  depth  over  the  whole  country,  and  access  to  their  win 
ter  stores  impossible.  The  Modocs,  like  all  other  Indians, 
have  no  chronology;  they  do  not  count  the  years,  and  only 


544:  TROUBLE    WITH    THE    WESTERN    INDIANS! 

reckon  their  changes  by  the  seasons  of  summer  and  winter. 
Remarkable  events  are  remembered  only  as  coincident  with  the 
marked  periods  of  life;  and,  judging -from  the  probable  age  of 
the  survivors  of  that  terrible  famine,  it  must  have  occurred 
over  forty  years  ago,  long  before  any  of  the  tribe  had  ever  looked 
upon  the  face  of  a  white  stranger.  These  wild  people  generally 
regard  such  occurrences  with  superstitious  horror;  they  rarely 
speak  of  the  dead,  and  even  long  residence  among  the  whites 
does  not  remove  a  superstition  that  forbids  them  to  mention 
even  a  dead  relative  by  name.  From  those  who  have  lived 
Among  the  whites  since  early  childhood,  the  particulars  of  this 
season  of  suffering  and  desolation  are  obtained;  and  they  say 
that  their  parents  who  survived  it  still  speak  of  that  dreadful 
winter  in  shuddering  whispers. 

u  It  seems  that  the  young  men  of  the  tribe  had  returned, 
late  in  the  season,  from  a  successful  hunt,  when  a  heavy  snow 
storm  set  in;  but  these  people  —  like  children,  in  many 
things  —  had  no  apprehension,  as  their  present  wants  were 
supplied.  But  the  storm  increased  in  fury  and  strength;  the 
snow  fell  in  blinding  sheets,  for  days  and  days,  till  it  had  cov 
ered  bush,  and  stunted  tree,  and  plain,  and  rock,  and  mountain, 
and  every  landmark  was  obliterated.  The  survivors  tell  of  fran 
tic  efforts  to  reach  the  caches:  how  strong  men  returned  to  their 
villages,  weak  and  weary  with  tramping  through  the  yielding 
snow,  in  search  of  the  hidden  stores.  They  tell  how  the  little 
brown  faces  of  the  children,  pinched  with  hunger,  drove  the 
men  out  again  and  again  in  search  of  food,  only  to  return 
empty-handed  and  hopeless ;  how  everything  that  would  sus 
tain  life  —  deer  and  antelope  skins,  their  favorite  dogs  —  even 
the  skins  of  wild  fowl,  used  as  bedding,  were  devoured:  how, 
when  everything  that  could  be  used  as  food  was  gone,  famine 
made  women  out  of  strong,  brave  warriors,  and  a  dreadful 
stillness  fell  upon  all  the  villages.  They  tell  how  death  crept 
into  every  house,  till  the  living  lay  down  beside  the  dead  and 
waited.  After  weeks  of  pinching  hunger,  and  when  in  the 
last  extremity,  an  opportune  accident  saved  the  largest  village 
on  the  south-eastern  extremity  of  Rhett  Lake  from  complete 
extinction.  A  large  band  of  antelopes,  moving  down  from  the 


OR,    THE    BORDER    WARS    OF    TWO    CENTURIES.  545 

hills,  probably  in  search  of  food,  attempted  to  cross  an  arm  of 
the  lake,  only  a  short  distance  from  the  village,  and  were 
caught  in  the  breaking  ice  and  drowned.  Those  who  had  suf 
ficient  strength  left,  distributed  antelope  meat  among  the  fami 
lies,  and  it  was  then  that  the  shocking  fact  was  discovered 
that  some  of  the  starving  people  had  been  driven  to  canni 
balism.  In  one  house,  a  woman  was  found  with  the  half-eaten 
foot  of  her  husband  concealed  beneath  her  bed.  When  whole 
some  food  was  given  her,  she  went  raving  mad,  and  confessed 
that  she  had  killed  him  to  save  her  life  and  the  life  of  her  lit 
tle  one.  The  survivors  tell  how,  when  the  spring  came,  and 
the  grass  grew  green  again  on  the  hills,  this  poor  demented 
creature  was  missing  —  decoyed  away,  perhaps,  by  some  friend 
of  her  husband,  and  murdered.  Some  of  them,  with  that  fond 
ness  for  the  supernatural  so  strong  among  all  savages,  aver 
that,  even  to  this  day,  that  woman's  voice  is  heard  in  mourn 
ful  lamentation,  borne  on  the  night-wind  from  the  rugged 
cliffs  on  the  western  shore  of  the  lake,  often  and  often;  and 
they  tell  of  little  piles  of  rock  raised  by  unseen  hands  along 
the  western  mountain  —  Indian  signs  of  sorrow  and  mourning. 

"All  accounts  agree  that,  at  the  opening  of  spring,  it  was 
found  that  fully  one-half  of  the  people  had  perished,  and  that, 
in  many  houses,  there  was  not  a  single  survivor.  The  details 
of  this  fearful  famine  are  related  so  circumstantially  by  dif 
ferent  narrators,  that  there  can  be  but  little  doubt  of  their 
correctness.  But  the  Modoc  nation,  certainly  once  so  numer 
ous,  is  easily  counted  now,  and  their  days  are  numbered.  The 
spirit  of  the  majority  of  the  tribe  is  broken;  they  are  content 
to  be  cooped  up  within  the  limits  of  their  reservation,  in  a 
country  where  once  they  were  lords,  and  the  superior  race 
claims  their  former  possessions  by  the  right  of  might.  They 
are  part  and  parcel  of  that  problem  —  the  red  race,  created  by 
the  same  power  as  we,  for  God's  own  purposes.  Like  the  rest 
of  the  red  people  they  are  destined  to  speedy  extinction;  and 
the  last  of  the  Modocs,  powerful  as  they  have  been,  will 
probably  be  seen  by  the  present  generation  of  white  men." 

And  now  more  particularly  as  to  the  Modoc  war.  In  1864, 
a  treaty  was  made  with  the  Modocs,  Snakes  and  Klamaths,  by 
35 


546  TROUBLE    WITH    THE    WESTERN    INDIANS! 

which  it  was  agreed  that  these  Indians  would  immediately 
repair  to  a  reservation  set  apart  for  them  in  the  southern  part 
of  Oregon.  The  Snakes  and  Klamaths  moved  on  to  the 
reservation  conformably  to  the  treaty,  as  also  did  a  part  of  the 
Modocs  under  Chief  Schonchin.  A  strong  band  of  these 
Indians  under  Captain  Jack  remained  at  their  old  homes  near 
Clear  Lake,  about  sixty  miles  from  Klamath,  without  being 
seriously  disturbed  until  1869. 


CHAPTEE    LXIX. 

QUARRELS  AMONG  THE  INDIANS  ON  THE  RESERVATION  —  DEPARTURE  OF 
CAPTAIN  JACK  AND  His  BAND  FOR  THE  LAVA  BEDS  —  THE  TROOPS 
PURSUE  THEM  IN  VAIN  —  FATAL  ATTEMPTS  OF  THE  PEACE  COMMIS 
SION  —  MURDER  OF  THE  COMMISSIONERS  —  EXECUTION  OF  THE 
MODOCS. 

IN  THE  year  1869,  Captain  Jack's  band  was  induced  to  go 
onto  the  reservation,  but  these  Indians  had  not  been  long  in 
their  new  quarters  before  the  Klamaths  picked  a  quarrel  with 
them  which  terminated  in  disaster.  These  quarrels  on  the 
reservation  were  laid  before  the  authorities  at  Washington, 
whereupon  orders  were  issued  to  have  the  Modocs  removed 
to  another  part  of  the  reservation  where  they  would  not  come 
in  contact  with  their  enemies,  the  Klamaths;  but,  unfortu 
nately,  this  did  not  put  an  end  to  the  hostilities  on  the  reser 
vation,  and  soon  after  Captain  Jack's  band  resolved  to  depart 
for  their  old  homes  among  the  lava  beds. 

Soon  after  Superintendent  Odeneal  succeeded  in  holding  a 
council  with  Captain  Jack's  band,  when  they  positively  refused 
to  return  to  the  reservation.  The  military  were  now  called 
upon  and  Capt.  Jackson,  of  the  United  States  army,  with 
thirty  men,  was  ordered  to  visit  u  Jack's  "  headquarters  with 
instructions  not  to  fight  except  in  defending  themselves 
against  injury.  Capt.  Jackson  delivered  his  message  to  the 
Modocs,  and  asked  them  to  lay  down  their  arms,  but  they 
refused.  One  of  the  leaders,  Scar-Faced  Charley,  raised  his 
gun,  and  with  an  oath  said  he  would  kill  one  officer  to  begin 
with.  He  fired  at  Lieut.  Boutelle,  who  was  in  front  of  his 
men,  shooting  four  bullet  holes  through  his  coat-sleeve.  This 
led  to  a  battle  which  lasted  about  two  hours,  when  the  Indians 
escaped.  Their  rage  was  now  excited  to  the  highest  pitch,  and 

(547) 


548  TROUBLE    WITH    THE    WESTERN    INDIANS! 

before  the  day  closed  they  murdered  eleven  citizens.  Immedi 
ately  after  they  retired  to  the  celebrated  lava  beds,  whence  they 
were  pursued  by  a  strong  body  of  United  States  troops,  but  to 
no  purpose.  Within  the  secure  retreats  of  this  wild  country 
they  defied  the  strongest  force  of  troops  that  could  be  inarched 
against  them,  many  times  charging  upon  them  from  their 
ambuscades  with  fatal  results,  shooting  down  soldiers,  scalping 
the  fallen  and  then  escaping  within  their  chasm,  hiding  places. 

After  the  troops  had  done  all  they  could  do,  being  still 
unable  to  drive  these  fierce  Indians  from  their  strongholds, 
they  turned  the  matter  over  to  the  peace  commissioners  who 
undertook  to  settle  the  difficulty.  The  commission  appointed 
to  this  duty  consisted  of  Hon.  A.  B.  Meacham,  Chairman; 
Hon.  Jesse  Applegate  and  Samuel  Case,  of  Oregon.  This 
peace  board  commenced  its  negotiations  on  the  twentieth  of 
February,  and  after  holding  several  talks  with  the  leaders  of 
Captain  Jack's  band  they  acknowledged  their  cause  as  hope 
less.  At  length  a  new  commission  was  formed  consisting  of 
Gen.  E.  R  S.  Canby,  the  Kev.  Dr.  E.  Thomas,  a  leading 
Methodist  divine  of  California,  Mr.  A.  B.  Meacham,  Judge 
Rosborough,  of  California,  and  Mr.  Dyer,  of  Oregon. 

Soon  after,  Gen.  Canby  telegraphed  to  Gen.  Sherman  his 
opinion  of  Modoc  affairs  in  which  he  said:  "I  think  that  a 
system  of  gradual  compulsion,  with  an  exhibition  of  the  force 
that  can  be  used  against  them,  if  the  commission  should  again 
fail,  will  satisfy  them  of  the  hopelessness  of  any  further  resis 
tance,  and  give  the  peace  party  sufficient  strength  to  control 
the  whole  band.  Time  is  becoming  of  the  greatest  importance, 
as  the  melting  of  the  snow  will  soon  enable  them  to  live  in 
the  mountains.  This  will  greatly  increase  the  difficulties  we 
have  to  contend  with,  as  they  will  then  break  up  into  small 
parties,  and  can  more  readily  make  their  escape  from  their 
present  location.' 

The  new  peace  commission  received  the  following  instruc 
tions  from  Secretary  Delano,  of  the  Interior  Department: 
"  The  objects  to  be  gained  by  this  Commission  are  these:  First, 
to  ascertain  the  causes  which  have  led  to  the  difficulties  and 
hostilities  between  the  troops  and  the  Indians;  and,  secondly, 


CAPTAIN  JACK,  THE  MODOC  CHIEFTAIN 


OK,    THE    BORDER    WARS    OF    TWO    CENTURIES.  549 

to  devise  the  most  effective  and  judicious  measures  for  prevent 
ing  the  continuance  of  their  hostilities  and  for  the  restoration 
of  peace.  It  is  the  opinion  of  the  Department,  from  the  best 
information  in  its  possession,  that  it  is  advisable  to  remove  the 
Modoc  Indians,  with  their  consent,  to  some  new  reservation; 
and  it  is  believed  that  the  coast  reservation  in  Oregon,  lying 
between  Cape  Lookout  on  the  north  and  Cape  Perpetua  on 
the  south,  and  bounded  on  the  east  by  the  coast  range  of 
mountains,  and  on  the  west  by  the  Pacific  Ocean,  will  be  found 
to  furnish  the  best  location  for  these  Indians.  The  Commis 
sion  will  therefore  be  directed  to  make  an  amicable  arrange 
ment  for  locating  the  Indians  on  some  portion  of  this  reserva 
tion,  provided  it  is  possible  for  it  to  do  so,  and  provided  that 
said  Commission  is  not  of  opinion,  after  fully  investigating 
the  case,  that  some  other  place  is  better  adapted  to  accomplish 
the  purpose  of  the  Department;  in  either  of  which  events  the 
Commission  will,  before  finally  concluding  an  arrangement 
with  the  Indians,  hold  communication  with  the  Commissioner 
of.  Indian  Affairs  and  receive  further  advice. 

"The  Commission  will  in  no  wise  attempt  to  direct  the 
military  authorities  in  reference  to  their  movements.  It  will 
be  at  liberty,  however,  to  inform  the  commanding  officer  of 
the  wish  of  the  Department,  that  no  more  force  or  violence  be 
used  than  in  his  opinion  shall  be  deemed  absolutely  necessary 
and  proper,  it  being  the  desire  of  the  Department  in  this,  as 
well  as  in  all  other  cases  of  like  character,  to  conduct  its  com 
munications  with  the  Indians  in  such  a  manner  as  to  secure 
peace  and  obtain  their  confidence,  if  possible,  and  their  volun 
tary  consent  to  a  compliance  with  such  regulations  as  may  be 
deemed  necessary  for  their  present  and  future  welfare." 

The  new  Commission  succeeded  in  holding  several  "  talks  " 
with  Captain  Jack  and  his  leading  men,  but  at  all  of  these 
they  assumed  a  defiant  attitude,  appearing  in  several  instances 
with  the  scalps  of  their  victims  fastened  to  their  belts.  On 
the  evening  of  the  tenth  of  April,  1873,  Bogus  Charley  visited 
the  camp  of  the  Commissioners,  and  informed  them  that  Cap 
tain  Jack  and  several  others  of  the  band  would  meet  for  a  talk 
at  the  spot  near  the  lake,  about  three-quarters  of  a  mile  from 
the  camD  of  the  Commissioners,  on  the  next  day.  Bogus 


550  TROUBLE    WITH    THE    WESTERN    INDIANS! 

Charley  remained  with  the  Commissioners  all  night,  and  early 
on  the  following  morning  Boston  Charley,  also,  visited  the 
camp,  and  stated  that  Captain  Jack  and  the  others  were  pre 
paring  for  the  council.  In  a  few  hours  after  the  peace  party, 
composed  of  Gen.  Caiiby,  A.  B.  Meacham,  Dr.  Thomas,  Mr. 
Dyer,  Riddle  the  interpreter,  and  his  squaw,  with  Bogus 
Charley  and  Boston  Charley,  went  out  to  the  place  agreed  upon, 
where  they  met  Captain  Jack,  John  Schonchin,  Black  Jim, 
Schack  ISTasty  Jim,  Ellen's  Man  and  Hooker  Jim.  They  had 
no  guns,  but  each  was  provided  with  pistols. 

At  the  place  selected,  the  party  sat  down  in  a  circle,  and  Mr. 
Meacham  commenced  the  talk,  and  told  them  that  the  govern 
ment  and  people  of  the  United  States  wanted  to  do  them  good. 
He,  was  followed  by  Gen.  Can  by  and  Dr.  Thomas,  who  said 
much  that  was  calculated  to  pacify  the  Indians.  When  the 
last  speaker  had  finished,  John  Schonchin  began  a  reply,  but 
he  had  said  but  a  few  words,  when,  as  if  they  were  the  signal 
for  the  attack,  the  work  of  treachery  began.  A  dozen  shots 
were  fired  in  less  than  a  minute,  and  the  massacre  completed. 
The  first  shot  was  fired  by  Captain  Jack  himself,  who  shot  and 
killed  Gen.  Canby.  Mr.  Meacham  was  shot  by  Schonchin,  and 
Dr.  Thomas  by  Boston  Charley.  Mr.  Dyer  barely  escaped, 
being  fired  at  twice.  Riddle,  the  interpreter,  and  his  squaw, 
also  escaped. 

The  troops  immediately  rushed  to  the  spot,  where  they 
beheld  the  dead  bodies  of  Gen.  Canby  and  Dr.  Thomas.  Mr. 
Meacham,  who  was  badly  wounded  by  a  pistol  shot  over  the 
left  eye,  was  taken  back  to  the  camp,  where  he  received  the 
necessary  medical  treatment,  but  the  troops  pushed  forward 
after  the  murderers,  but  the  latter  reached  their  retreats  in  the 
lava  beds  before  they  could  be  overtaken,  and  the  soldiers  were 
forced  to  return  without  vengeance. 

At  this  point  the  reader  will  naturally  inquire  as  to  the  diffi 
culties  which  prevented  the  pursuit  of  these  guilty  Indians. 
To  this  I  will  answer  that  the  retreats  of  these  savages  in  the 
lava  beds  were  utterly  inaccessible  by  troops.  Only  these  cun 
ning  Modocs  knew  the  paths  leading  through  the  fearful  chasms 
in  this  mountainous  country.  A  more  definite  description  of 
this  wild  and  broken  countrv  is  found  in  the  report  of  Dr.  J. 


OR,    THE    BORDER    WARS    OF    TWO    CENTURIES.  551 

S.  Newbury,  geologist,  who  visited  it  in  1849,  with  a  surveying 
expedition.  He  says:  "The  valley  is  bounded  by  walls  of 
more  than  one  thousand  feet  in  height,  composed  of  dark,  lava- 
like  trap  or  red  scoria,  the  interval  between  them  forming  a 
nearly  level  lava  plain,  a  kind  of  congealed  sea,  of  which  the 
surface  was  everywhere  roughened  by  waves,  cooled  while  flow 
ing;  their  crests  black  and  ragged,  the  troughs  containing  a 
little  ash-like  soil,  which  supported  a  tangled  growth  of  sage 
manzanita.  At  numerous  points  of  this  lava  plain  we  passed 
miniature  volcanic  vents  or  chimneys,  which  had  evidently 
been  formed  by  the  bursting  out  of  steam  or  gases  from  below; 
and,  in  more  than  one  instance,  we  noticed  subterranean  gal 
leries  or  caverns  having  a  diameter  of  fifteen  or  twenty  feet,  an 
irregularly  circular  section,  and  extending  indefinitely  in  either 
direction.  The  chimneys  to  which  I  have  referred  probably 
communicated  with  these  passages.  Near  Wright  Lake  occurs 
a  conical  mountain  of  trap  rock,  which  rises  to  a  height  of 
perhaps  fifteen  hundred  feet  from  the  plain  on  which  it  stands. 
The  south  shore  of  this  lake  is  bordered  by  a  mountain  range 
of  nearly  equal  altitude,  which  has  here  a  course  nearly  east 
and  west,  curving  round  toward  the  north.  Its  western  extrem 
ity  terminates  in  bold  headland  on  the  shore  of  Ehett  Lake, 
and  is  connected  by  a  low  ridge  with  similar  hills  lying  north 
of  these  lakes.  This  connecting  ridge  forms  the  barrier 
between  Khett  and  Wright  Lakes,  is  composed  exclusively  of 
trap,  and  bears  on  it  a  conical  hill  of  blood-red  scoria,  which 
has  evidently,  at  no  distant  day,  formed  a  volcanic  vent.  On 
the  eastern  shore  of  the  lake  is  a  conical  hill,  considerably 
removed  from  the  cliffs  referred  to,  but  having  apparently  the 
same  structure.  Following  the  boundary  line  with  its  initial 
point  on  the  twelfth  mile,  we  reach  the  high  divide  of  moun 
tains  overlooking  Goose  Lake,  Avhich,  almost  at  our  feet,  bears 
off  some  twenty  miles  to  the  north  and  south,  with  fertile  bot 
tom  lands  on  its  east  side.  On  the  west  side  steep  ridges  put 
down  bluff  to  the  water's  edge.  Still  further,  the  country  is 
covered  with  juniper  timber.  In  the  distant  horizon,  Ehett 
or  Tule  Lake  is  barely  discernible.  Much  nearer  to  the  south 
west  is  Wright  or  Clear  Lake.  To  the  southward  the  country 


552  TROUBLE    WITH    THE    WESTERN    INDIANS. 

is  streaked  with  sparse  timber,  and  presents  a  more  broken  and 
mountainous  appearance.  To  the  west  southwest  the  great 
Shasta  Butte  towers  with  its  bi-capped  peak,  whitened  with 
eternal  snows.  Passing  west  from  Goose  Lake,  a  measured 
distance  of  forty-four  miles,  the  country  is  timbered  and  cov 
ered  with  masses  of  broken  and  loose  rocks,  cut  in  various 
directions  by  deep  ravines,  through  which  it  would  not  be  pos 
sible  to  operate  with  cavalry.  The  remains  of  many  old  Indian 
fortifications  are  to  be  found  in  this  district,  in  the  erection 
and  location  of  which  much  skill  and  judgment  would  appear 
to  have  been  manifested.  This  region  is  well  watered,  and 
there  are  also  numerous  small  patches  of  meadows,  a  few  acres 
in  extent,  covered  with  luxuriant  grass.  Here  large  numbers 
of  deer  abound,  also  brown  and  grizzly  bears,  and  numbers  of 
c  jackass  rabbits.'  In  the  lakes  and  streams  are  to  be  found  an 
abundance  of  fish." 

In  the  following  May,  Boston  Charley  gave  himself  up  and 
volunteered  to  guide  the  troops  to  Captain  Jack's  stronghold. 
This  led  to  the  capture  of  Captain  Jack  and  his  whole  band,  a 
number  of  whom,  while  being  transported  in  wagons  to  head 
quarters  were  murdered  by  Oregon  volunteers.  These  Indians 
were  held  as  prisoners  until  July,  when  their  trial  took  place, 
which  resulted  in  the  conviction  of  Captain  Jack,  Schonchin, 
Boston  Charley,  Hooker  Jim,  Broncho,  alias  One-Eyed  Jim,  and 
Slotuck,  who  were  sentenced  to  be  hanged.  The  sentences  were 
approved  by  the  President  (with  the  exception  of  Broncho  and 
Slotuck,  whose  sentences  were  commuted  to  hard  labor  for  life), 
and  the  guilty  parties  were  duly  executed  at  Fort  Klamath,  on 
the  third  of  October,  1873.  Thus  ended  the  Modoc  troubles. 

A  good  deal  has  been  said  against  the  execution  of  these  Indi 
ans  by  the  clergy  and  religious  press  of  the  United  States,  but 
time  and  experience  have  shown  that  had  they  been  shot  at  the 
first  outbreak  on  the  reservation,  several  valuable  lives  would 
have  been  saved,  and  a  needless  expenditure  avoided.  No  band 
of  Indians  ever  so  richly  merited  extermination  as  the  Modocs. 
Their  depradations  and  treachery  have  resulted  in  a  loss  to  the 
nation,  in  the  untimely  death  of  Gen.  Canby  and  his  associates, 
which  cannot  soon  be  forgotten. 


CHAPTER    LXX. 

THE  SEMINOLE  WAR  —  EARLY  SETTLERS  OF  FLORIDA  AND  GEORGIA  — 
INDIAN  AND  NEGRO  SLAVERY — DIFFICULTIES  AMONG  THE  CREEKS  — 
SEA  COFFEE'S  BAND  —  SLAVES  FLEE  TO  FLORIDA  —  TREATY  WITH 
THE  CREEKS. 

AND  NOW,  in  conclusion,  let  us  notice  briefly  the  principal 
features  of  the  Seminole  war,  which,  among  the  dark  annals 
of  Southern  border  warfare,  is  the  only  contest  that  deserves 
particular  mention.  This  will  carry  us  back  many  years. 

Florida  was  settled  by  the  Spaniards,  in  1558,  who  were  the 
first  of  the  American  colonists  to  engage  in  the  African  slave 
trade.  The  Carolinas  were  settled  about  the  year  1630,  under 
charters  which  embraced  a  great  portion  of  the  territory  of 
Florida.  This  boundary  conflict  between  the  Spanish  settlers 
in  Florida  and  the  colonists  of  the  Carolinas  soon  led  to  open 
hostilities.  The  Carolinians  also  held  many  slaves,  among 
whom  were  many  Indians  who  resided  in  the  vicinity.  When 
the  boundaries  of  Florida  and  South  Carolina  had  been  estab 
lished,  "*the  colonists  found  themselves  separated  by  the 
territory  now  constituting  the  State  of  Georgia,"  which  at  this 
early  day  was  principally  occupied  by  the  Creek  Indians. 

The  Indian  slaves  belonging  to  the  Carolinians  soon  became 
tired  of  the  restraints  of  bondage,  and  escaped  into  the  country 
of  the  Creeks.  Their  example  was  soon  followed  by  the  Afri 
can  slaves,  who  also  fled  into  Georgia,  and  thence  with  the 
Indian  fugitives  to  the  Spanish  State  of  Florida,  where  they 
soon  became  a  separate  community,  protected  by  Spanish  laws. 
In  1736  the  numbers  of  this  community  were  greatly  increased 
by  the  large  desertions  from  the  Carolinas,  and  many  of  them 
were  formed  into  companies,  and  relied  on  by  the  Floridians  as 
allies  to  aid  in  the  defense  of  that  Territory.  Fostered  by 

*  The  Exiles  of  Florida. 

(553) 


554:  STRUGGLES   WITH    THE    SEMINOLES: 

recognition  and  protection  from  the  Florida  Spaniards,  these 
exiles  soon  increased  in  numbers  and  strength,  and  became 
formidable  enemies  to  their  former  masters. 

In  1738,  the  Colonial  Governor  of  South  Carolina  sent  a 
messenger  to  the  Governor  of  St.  Augustine,  with  a  demand 
for  the  return  of  the  fugitive  slaves  in  Florida,  which  was 
promptly  rejected.  This  was  the  commencement  of  a  long 
and  bloody  struggle  between  these  colonies,  which  soon  led  to 
the  establishment  of  the  colony  of  Georgia.  It  was  thought 
that  this  colony,  being  free,  would  afford  the  planters  of  Caro 
lina  protection  against  the  further  escape  of  their  slaves  from 
service.  These  exiles  were  called  by  the  Creek  Indians, 
"  Seminoles,"  the  same  name  that  was  afterwards  given  to  a 
very  strong  band  of  their  own  nation.  The  name,  in  Indian, 
signifies  "  Runaways." 

Georgia  had  not  been  established  a  decade  when  she  became 
a  slave-holding  colony,  bringing  the  slaves  of  her  planters, 
both  Africans  and  Indians,  into  the  very  neighborhood  of  the 
exiles,  who  had  long  been  free  under  Spanish  laws.  In  1750, 
a  difficulty  arose  among  the  Creek  Indians,  "  which  eventually 
becoming  irreconcilable,  a  chief  named  Sea  Coffee,  with  a  large 
number  of  followers,  left  that  tribe — at  that  time  residing 
within  the  present  limits  of  Georgia  and  Alabama — and  con 
tinuing  their  journey  south,  entered  the  Territory  of  Florida, 
and,  under  the  Spanish  colony  policy,  were  incorporated  with 
the  Spanish  population,  entitled  to  lands  wherever  they  could 
find  them  unoccupied,  and  to  the  protection  of  Spanish  laws." 
From  that  day  Sea  Coffee  and  his  numerous  followers  refused 
to  acknowledge  Creek  authority,  or  be  represented  in  Creek 
councils.  They  elected  their  own  chiefs,  and  in  all  respects 
became  a  separate  tribe,  embracing  the  Michansukies,  with 
whom  they  united.  "  They  settled  in  the  vicinity  of  the  exiles, 
associated  with  them,  and  a  mutual  sympathy  and  respect 
existing,  some  of  their  people  intermarried,  thereby  strength 
ening  the  ties  of  friendship,  and  the  Indians  having  fled  from 
oppression,  and  taken  refuge  under  Spanish  laws,  were  also 
called  the  Seminoles,  or  runaways."* 

*  The  Exiles  of  Florida. 


OR,    THE    BOEDER    WARS    OF   TWO    CENTURIES.  555 

From  the  time  that  Georgia  became  a  slave-holding  colony 
to  the  commencement  of  the  Revolutionary  War,  parties  of 
slaves  in  Georgia  and  in  South  Carolina  were  constantly  leav 
ing  their  masters  and  joining  the  Seminoles  in  Florida.  This 
practice  was  largely  increased  by  the  movements  of  a  strong 
faction  in  Georgia  opposed  to  slavery,  and  led  to  the  exercise 
of  the  greatest  severity  over,  and  suffering  among,  the  slaves. 
However,  the  Seminoles  enjoyed  their  liberty  among  the  Span 
iards  until  after  the  War  of  the  Revolution,  many  of  them 
becoming  rich  in  flocks  and  herds.  At  the  close  of  this  war 
the  authorities  of  Georgia  began  negotiations  with  the  Creeks 
for  the  return  of  their  fugitive  slaves,  which  soon  led  to  hos 
tilities,  and  a  long  series  of  complications  between  the  Federal 
government  and  the  local  government  in  Georgia. 

On  the  first  of  August,  1790,  President  Washington,  through 
the  Secretary  of  War,  Gen.  Knox,  effected  a  treaty  with  the 
Creeks,  who  were  represented  by  all  their  chiefs  and  principal 
men  of  their  tribe  in  'New  York.  The  third  article  of  the 
treaty  stipulated  that:  "The  Creek  nation  shall  deliver,  as  soon 
as  practicable,  to  the  commanding  officer  of  the  troops  of  the 
United  States  stationed  at  Rock  Landing,  on  the  Oconee  river, 
all  citizens  of  the  United  States,  white  inhabitants  or  negroes, 
who  are  now  prisoners  in  any  part  of  said  nation;  and  if  any 
such  prisoners  or  negroes  should  not  be  so  delivered,  on  or 
before  the  first  day  of  June  ensuing,  the  Governor  of  Georgia 
may  empower  three  persons  to  repair  to  the  said  nation,  in 
order  to  claim  and  receive  such  prisoners  and  negroes." 
Although  the  Seminoles  were  not  represented  in  this  council, 
and  were  in  no  way  parties  to  this  treaty,  the  Creeks  proceeded 
to  act  for  them,  and  to  bind  them  to  deliver  their  prisoners 
and  negroes,  or  themselves,  up  to  their  former  persecutors.  It 
was  a  novel  treaty  for  the  fathers  of  our  liberty  to  frame,  and, 
as  we  shall  see,  produced  one  of  the  most  horrid  border  wars 
that  has  ever  been  waged  between  the  United  States  and  the 
Indians. 


OHAPTEE     LXXI. 

THE  SEMINOLE  WAR  —  DIFFICULTIES  WITH  THE  CREEKS — THEIR  INA 
BILITY  TO  RETURN  THE  FUGITIVE  SLAVES — COMPLAINTS  OF  THE 
SLAVEHOLDERS  OF  GEORGIA  —  THE  GEORGIANS  INVADE  FLORIDA  — 
THEIR  DEFEAT  —  CRUELTY  TO  SETTLERS  —  THE  SECOND  INVASION — 
MORE  SUFFERING  —  BRITISH  INTERFERENCE  AND  OCCUPATION  IN 
GEORGIA  AND  FLORIDA  —  THE  FORT  OF  THE  EXILES  —  THE  FORT 
BLOWN  UP  —  GREAT  DESTRUCTION  OF  HUMAN  LIFE  —  COMMENCE 
MENT  OF  THE  FIRST  SEMINOLE  WAR. 

THE  CREEKS  soon  found  it  impossible  to  keep  the  treaty 
which  they  had  made.  The  Seminoles,  of  course,  refused  to 
recognize  or  be  bound  by  it.  They  claimed  to  be  a  separate, 
independent  tribe,  and  declared  that  the  attempt  of  the  Creeks 
and  the  United  States  authorities  to  dictate  what  they  should 
do,  or  should  not  do,  was  an  insult  to  their  dignity,  and  worthy 
only  of  their  contempt.  "  The  Creeks  dared  not  attempt  to 
bring  back  the  exiles  by  force,  and  the  government  of  the 
United  States  was  unwilling  fo  invade  a  Spanish  colony  for  the 
purpose  of  recapturing  those  who  had  escaped  the  bonds  of 
oppression  and  had  become  legally  free."  In  1792,  when  this 
unpleasant  state  of  affairs  existed,  an  agent  by  the  name  of 
Leagrone,  was  sent  to  Florida  for  the  purpose  of  negotiating 
with  the  Spanish  authorities  for  the  return  of  the  fugitive 
slaves.  The  same  person  had  been  agent  to  the  Creeks,  and  he 
well  understood  their  views  in  regard  to  the  treaty.  On  reach 
ing  Florida,  he  found  the  authorities  of  that  province  entirely 
opposed  to  the  surrender  of  any  subjects  of  the  Spanish  crown 
to  slavery.  The  Seminoles  and  the  slaves  who  had  become  a 
part  of  their  community,  were  regarded  as  holding  the  same 
rights  which  the  white  citizens  of  Florida  held;  but  this  was 
not  all.  The  representatives  of  the  King  of  Spain  in  Florida 
encouraged  both  the  Seminoles  and  the  exiles  or  fugitives  to 

(556) 


OR,    THE    BOEDER    WARS    OF    TWO    CENTURIES.  557 

refuse  compliance  with  the  treaty.  Nor  were  the  Creeks  united 
in  support  of  the  treaty.  Those  known  as  the  "  Lower  Creeks," 
or  those  residing  on  the  southern  border  of  Georgia,  were  half 
inclined  to  join  the  Spaniards,  and  McGellivray,  their  princi 
pal  chief,  was  already  raising  his  voice  against  the  United 
States.  "This  man,"  says  Mr.  Giddings,  "exerted  great 
influence  with  the  Indians.  He  was  the  son  of  an  Indian 
trader,  a  Scotchman,  by  a  Creek  woman,  the  daughter  of  a  dis 
tinguished  chief.  He  had  received  a  good  English  education; 
but  his  father  had  joined  the  English  during  the  Revolution, 
and  he,  having  been  offended  by  leading  men  of  Georgia,  had 
taken  up  his  residence  with  the  Indians,  and  became  their  prin 
cipal  chief,  in  whom  they  reposed  implicit  confidence." 

But  the  difficulty  was  not  confined  to  the  Indians  and  the 
United  States.  The  people  of  Georgia  were  dissatisfied  with 
the  treaty,  since  it  ceded  some  valuable  portions  of  their  land 
to  the  Indians,  and  they  were  loud  in  their  expressions  of  con 
tempt  for  the  actions  of  the  Federal  government.  The  agent, 
Leagrone,  writing  from  Georgia  to  the  Secretary  of  War,  uses 
these  words :  "  To  such  lengths  have  matters  gone,  that  they 
•(the  Georgians)  now  consider  the  troops  and  servants  of  the 
United  States,  who  are  placed  among  them,  nearly  as  great 
enemies  as  they  do  the  Indians." 

With  this  condition  of  affairs,  the  Governor  of  Georgia 
raised  and  equipped  a  military  force,  invaded  the  Creeks, 
destroyed  one  of  their  principal  villages,  and  killed  several  of 
their  warriors.  But  notwithstanding,  the  Creeks  were  unable 
to  return  the  fugitive  slaves;  and  in  1794,  President  Washing 
ton,  in  a  special  message  to  Congress,  announced  the  failure  of 
all  efforts  to  maintain  peace  between  the  people  of  Georgia  and 
the  Creek  Indians. 

It  will  be  observed  that  the  slaveholders  of  Georgia  had 
sustained  considerable  loss  by  the  escape  of  their  slaves  to  the 
Seminole  community  in  Florida;  and  now  that  the  United 
States  government  had  failed  to  secure  the  return  of  these  fugi 
tives  by  treaty,  Congress  was  called  upon  to  make  an  appropri 
ation  out  of  the  public  treasury,  to  pacify  these  much-abused 
slaveholders,  but  that  body  was  already  beginning  to  see  the 


558  STRUGGLES    WITH    THE    SEMINOLES: 

evils  of  slavery,  and  wisely  refused  to  make  the  desired  appro 
priation. 

It  would  seem  that  the  Seminoles  had  taken  the  fugitive 
slaves  under  their  immediate  protection,  and  being  themselves, 
at  enmity  with  the  Creeks,  from  whom  they  had  separated, 
they  were  firm  in  their  determination  to  promote  the  liberty 
which  both  they  and  their  brothers,  the  exiles,  were  enjoying 
under  the  Spanish  laws.  From  this  time  until  1811,  the  fugi 
tives  remained  secure  with  their  friends  the  Seminoles  in 
Florida,  although  the  people  and  government  of  Georgia  exer 
cised  constant  effort  to  effect  their  return  to  bondage.  In  the 
last  mentioned  year  a  law  was  passed  by  Congress,  in  secret 
session,  and  approved  by  the  President,  for  taking  possession 
of  Florida. 

But  the  movements  of  the  federal  government  were  too  slow 
to  satisfy  the  Georgians.  "  In  1812,"  says  Mr.  Giddings,  "  the 
Executive  of  Georgia,  apparently  entertaining  the  idea  that  his 
State  was  competent  to  declare  war  and  make  peace,  raised  an 
army,  which,  under  the  command  of  the  Adjutant-General, 
entered  Florida  with  the  avowed  intention  of  exterminating 
the  Seminoles  who  had  so  long  refused  to  surrender  the  exiles; 
while  the  real  object  was  the  recapture  and  re-enslavement  of 
the  refugees.  The  Creeks  of  the  Lower  Town,  however,  took 
sides  with  the  Seminoles,  in  opposing  this  piratical  foray  of 
slave-catchers.  The  army  having  penetrated  a  hundred  miles 
or  more  into  Florida,  found  itself  surrounded  with  hostile  sav 
ages.  Their  supplies  were  cut  off;  the  men,  reduced  almost  to 
a  state  of  starvation,  were  compelled  to  retrace  their  steps,  and, 
with  great  loss,  the  survivors  reached  Georgia.  But  they 
robbed  those  Spanish  inhabitants  who  fell  in  their  way,  of  all 
their  provisions,  and  left  them  to  suffer  for  the  want  of  food. 
Nor  were  the  Georgians  satisfied  with  taking  such  provisions 
as  were  necessary  to  support  life;  they  also  took  with  them  a 
large  number  of  slaves,  owned  by  Spanish  masters,  with  whom 
they  resided." 

Not  long  after  this  the  Legislature  of  Georgia,  impatient 
with  the  inactivity  of  the  Federal  government,  passed  an  act 
for  raising  a  force  "  to  reduce  St.  Augustine,  and  punish  the 


OR,    THE    BORDER    WARS    OF    TWO    CENTURIES.  559 

Indians."  Another  army  of  hunters,  trappers,  vagabonds  and 
men  of  desperate  fortunes,  was  raised;  numbering  five  hun 
dred,  and  Florida  was  again  invaded.  This  expedition  was 
more  successful  than  the  first.  Several  small  Seminole  towns 
were  burned ;  corn-fields  were  destroyed,  and  large  herds  of 
cattle  were  captured.  However,  none  of  the  exiles  were 
captured.  This  state  of  warfare  was  continued  until  1813, 
when  Georgia,  being  unable  to  obtain  any  of  her  fugitive 
slaves,  gave  up  the  contest.  These  transactions  in  the  South 
excited  very  little  attention  at  the  National  Capital,  on  account 
of  the  deeper  interest  felt  in  the  issues  of  the  War  of  1812, 
which,  as  we  have  seen,  was  then  raging.  But  if  the  Ameri 
can  Congress  failed  to  bestow  proper  attention  upon  the  pend 
ing  Seminole  War,  the  British  were  not  wanting  in  their  regard 
for  its  possible  advantages.  In  1814,  a  hostile  fleet  under 
Lord  Cochran,  entered  Chesapeake  Bay.  This  British  com 
mander  issued  a  proclamation,  inviting  all  persons,  including 
slaves,  who  desired  to  leave  the  United  States,  to  go  on  board 
his  Britannic  Majesty's  ships  of  war.  The  proclamation 
offered  them  homes  in  either  of  the  British  West  India  Islands. 
This  act  created  great  alarm  in  Georgia  and  even  in  the 
Carolinas. 

About  the  same  time  two  British  sloops-of-war  and  a  num 
ber  of  smaller  vessels,  suddenly  appeared  in  Appalachicola  Bay, 
when  a  body  of  British  troops  was  landed  under  Lieut.-Col. 
Nichols,  with  the  avowed  intention  of  protecting  the  exiles 
and  the  Seminoles.  This  officer  wasted  no  time  in  furnishing 
them  with  arms  and  ammunition,  which  they  gladly  accepted, 
and,  at  his  call,  fell  into  the  ranks  of  his  army  in  great  num 
bers.  In  November,  he  built  a  strong  fort  on  the  east  side  of 
the  Appalachicola  river,  about  thirty  miles  above  its  mouth. 
This  fort  came  into  the  hands  of  the  Seminoles  and  fugitive 
slaves  in  the  spring  of  1815,  when  the  British  withdrew  from 
the  South,  and  was  afterwards  known  as  the  "  Negro  Fort." 
In  the  same  year,  a  part  of  the  American  army  under  the 
immediate  command  of  Gen.  Gaines,  was  sent  to  the  Georgian 
frontiers  to  maintain  peace  between  the  slaveholders  and  the 
Indians,  and  the  "  Negro  Fort,"  as  well  as  the  fugitives  and 


560  STRUGGLES    WITH    THE    SKMINOLES: 

Sem  moles  who  garrisoned  it,  soon  became  an  object  of  con 
quest.  On  the  sixteenth  of  May,  1816,  Gen.  Jackson  wrote 
<reii.  Gaines,  saying:  "I  have  little  doubt  of  the  fact  that 
this  fort  has  been  established  by  some  villains  for  the  purpose 
of  rapine  and  plunder,  and  that  it  ought  to  be  blown  up 
regardless  of  the  ground  on  which  it  stands;  and  if  your  mind 
should  have  the  same  conclusion,  destroy  it  and  return  the 
stolen  negroes  and  property  to  their  rightful  owners." 

The  receipt  of  this  order  was  all  that  Gen.  Gaines  waited  for. 
He  immediately  despatched  Col.  Clinch,  of  the  regular  troops, 
and  five  hundred  friendly  Creeks,  under  their  favorite  chief 
Mclntosh,  with  two  pieces  of  artillery,  to  blow  up  the  "Negro 
Fort."  A  naval  force  was  sent  to  co-operate  with  Col.  Clinch, 
and  on  the  morning  of  the  twenty-seventh  of  July,  it  anchored 
in  the  river  opposite  the  fort.  The  land  force  had  approached 
to  within  a  few  hundred  yards  of  the  fort  three  days  before, 
and  erected  a  battery  from  which  a  heavy  cannonade  was  con 
stantly  kept  up,  and  now,  joined  by  the  guns  of  the  naval 
re-enforcements  shot  and  shells  were  poured  in  upon  the  poor 
exiles — men,  women  and  children,  to  the  number  of  three  hun 
dred — murdering  them  without  mercy.  There  were  also  about 
forty  Seminole  Indians  in  the  fort. 

In  speaking  of  this  siege,  Mr.  Giddings,  in  his  valuable  little 
book,  says :  "  Mothers  and  children  now  shrieked  with  terror, 
as  the  roar  of  the  cannon,  the  whistling  of  balls,  the  explosion 
of  shells,  the  war-whoops  of  the  savages,  the  groans  of  the 
wounded  and  dying,  foretold  the  sad  fate  which  awaited  them. 
The  stout-hearted  old  men  cheered  and  encouraged  their  friends, 
declaring  that  death  was  to  be  preferred  to  slavery.  The 
struggle,  however,  was  not  protracted.  The  cannon  balls  not 
taking  effect  upon  the  embankments  of  earth,  they  prepared 
their  furnaces  and  commenced  the  fire  of  hot  shot,  directed  at 
the  principal  magazine.  This  mode  proved  more  successful. 
A  ball,  fully  heated,  reached  the  powder  in  the  magazine.  The 
small  size  of  the  fort,  and  the  great  number  of  people  in  it, 
rendered  the  explosion  unusually  fatal.  Many  were  entirely 
buried  in  the  ruins,  others  were  killed  by  falling  timbers,  while 
many  bodies  were  torn  in  pieces.  Limbs  were  separated  from 


OR,    THE    BORDER    WARS    OF    TWO    CENTURIES.  561 

the  bodies  to  which  they  had  been  attached,  and  death  in  all  its 
horrid  forms  was  visible  within  the  doomed  fortress.  Of  three 
hundred  and  thirty-four  souls  within  the  fort,  two  hundred  and 
seventy  were  instantly  killed,  while  of  the  sixty  who  remained, 
only  three  escaped  without  injury.  Two  of  the  survivors — one 
negro  and  one  Indian — were  selected  as  supposed  chiefs  of  the 
allied  forces  within  the  fort.  They  were  delivered  over  to  the 
Indians  who  accompanied  Col.  Clinch,  and  were  massacred 
within  the  fort,  in  presence  of  our  troops;  but  no  report  or 
record  shows  the  extent  of  torture  to  which  they  were  sub 
jected."  Those  who  survived  their  wounds,  were  taken  back 
to  Georgia  and  re-enslaved  —  a  fate  but  little  better  than  that 
of  those  who  had  perished  in  the  ruins  of  the  fort.  The  prop 
erty  captured  by  the  military  in  this  campaign,  amounted  in 
value  to  over  two  hundred  thousand  dollars. 
36 


CHAPTEK    LXXII. 

THE  FIRST  SEMINOLE  WAR  —  MASSACRE  OF  LIEUTENANT  SCOTT  — 
JACKSON'S  ARMY  INVADES  FLORIDA,  AND  BURNS  SEMINOLE  TOWNS  — 
PEACE  —  PURCHASING  SLAVES  FROM  INDIANS  WITH  WHISKY  —  A 
MOVEMENT  TO  REMOVE  THE  SEMINOLES  WEST  OF  THE  MISSISSIPPI  — 
OSCEOLA,  His  WIFE,  HER  FATE,  AND  His  REVENGE  —  THE  MASSA 
CRE  AT  FORT  KING  —  Louis,  THE  GUIDE  —  TERRIBLE  MASSACRE  AT 
THE  GREAT  WAHOO  SWAMP. 

THE  MASSACRE  of  exiles  and  Seminoles  at  the  "  Negro  Fort " 
led  to  the  first  formidable  Seminole  war,  in  which  the  surviving 
fugitives  joined.  Early  in  the  spring  and  summer  of  18 IT, 
Gen.  Gaines's  scouts  brought  in  the  intelligence  that  the  Sem 
inoles  and  exiles  were  preparing  for  the  contest,  they  having 
purchased  arms  and  ammunition  from  the  Spanish  and  British 
merchants,  and  being  then  undergoing  the  necessary  drill. 
Gen.  Gaines  also  began  active  preparations.  Thus  matters 
continued  until  November,  when  a  boat  belonging  to  the 
United  States  was  ascending  the  Appalachicola  river  with  sup 
plies  for  Fort  Scott,  "  under  the  escort  of  a  Lieutenant  and 
forty  men,  in  company  with  a  number  of  women  and  children." 
As  soon  as  the  fugitives  and  Seminoles  became  aware  of  the 
approach  of  the  convoy,  they  raised  a  band  of  warriors  for  the 
purpose  of  revenging  the  death  of  their  relations  who  perished 
at  the  fort-massacre.  The  party  proceeded  to  the  river,  and 
drawing  this  convoy  into  an  ambuscade,  massacred  Lieut.  Scott 
and  all  his  men  but  six,  and  all  the  children,  and  all  the  women 
but  one.  The  woman  was  carried  to  Suwanee  a  prisoner,  and 
the  six  soldiers  escaped.  Forgetting  the  fort-massacre,  where 
so  many  fugitives  and  Seminoles  were  needlessly  destroyed  by 
the  United  States  troops,  the  American  government,  press  and 
people,  denounced  the  Massacre  of  Lieut.  Scott's  party  as 
wholly  unprovoked.  Gen.  Gaines  was  now  ordered  to  carry 

(562) 


•          OK,  THE  BORDER  WARS  OF  TWO  CENTURIES.        563 

an  offensive  war  into  Florida  for  the  purpose  of  punishing  the 
Seminoles,  and  Gen.  Jackson  was  sent  to  the  field  in  person, 
with  power  to  call  on  the  States  of  Tennessee  and  Georgia  for 
such  militia  as  he  might  deem  necessary  for  the  due  prosecu 
tion  of  the  war.  On  entering  the  field  he  called  on  the  State 
of  Tennessee  for  two  thousand  troops.  Pie  also  organized  a 
very  strong  force  of  Georgia  volunteers.  The  Creek  Indians, 
under  their  favorite  leader,  Mcliitosh,  also  joined  Jackson's 
force  in  large  numbers.  With  this  army  he  moved  upon  the 
Negro  and  Seminole  towns  near  Lake  Mickasukie,  defeating 
the  allied  forces,  burning  about  three  hundred  dwellings,  and 
capturing  a  considerable  supply  of  provisions. 

The  American  army,  under  Gen.  Jackson,  moved  on  to  St. 
Marks,  a  Spanish  fort  situated  on  the  river  of  that  name. 
While  Jackson  was  capturing  this  fort,  the  fugitives  and  Sem 
inoles  concentrated  at  the  "  Old  Town  "  of  "  Suwanee,"  where 
they  prepared  to  meet  the  Americans  in  battle.  In  due  time 
Jackson  approached,  and  after  a  severe  battle,  in  which  the 
negroes  lost  many  dead  upon  the  field,  the  allied  forces  were 
again  defeated.  The  Americans  entered  the  villages  and 
burned  all  the  dwellings  for  several  miles  on  either  hand. 
They  also  captured  three  hundred  women  and  children,  while 
those  belonging  to  the  fugitive  negroes  had  been  prudently 
removed  beyond  reach  of  the  invading  army. 

After  this  battle  Gen.  Jackson,  being  unable  to  follow  the 
exiles  and  Seminoles  into  the  Southern  portions  of  Florida, 
withdrew  with  his  army  to  St.  Mark's,  where  the  trial  and  exe 
cution  of  Arbuthnot  and  Ambrister,  which  has  been  celebrated 
in  history,  took  place.  Soon  after  this  event  Jackson  declared 
the  war  at  an  end,  and  withdrew  from  the  field  to  his  home  in 
Nashville. 

Thus  the  fugitive  negroes,  although  badly  defeated  in  battle, 
were  still  at  liberty,  and  the  vast  expenditure  of  blood  and 
treasure  on  the  part  of  the  United  States  was  unavailing  in  the 
effort  to  re-enslave  them.  This  led  to  many  new  desertions  in 
Georgia,  and  as  a  consequence  of  the  latter,  revived  the  dispo 
sition  of  the  Georgian  slave-masters  to  put  an  end  to  Spanish 
rule  in  Florida.  The  purchase  of  Florida  now  became  the  all- 


564  STRUGGLES    WITH    THE    SEMINOLES  I 

absorbing  theme,  and  in  Februry,  1819,  a  treaty  was  negotiated, 
and  in  consideration  of  five  millions  of  dollars,  Florida  was 
transferred  to  the  United  States,  and  the  Seminoles  and  fugi 
tive  negroes  were  brought  within  the  jurisdiction  of  the  United 
States. 

The  policy  of  removing  the  Seminoles  west  of  the  Missis 
sippi  was  now  introduced,  and  every  means  adopted  to  effect 
their  removal.  Meantime,  slave-catching  parties  invaded  Flor 
ida  and  carried  off  many  of  the  fugitives  into  bondage.  Not 
long  previous  to  the  second  Seminole  war  the  practice  of  pur 
chasing  these  fugitives  from  their  friends,  the  Seminoles, 
was  protected  by  the  authorities,  which  gave  rise  to  inde 
scribable  cruelties.  The  purchase  was  generally  made  with 
whisky  and  false  promises,  and  the  cruelty  with  which  the 
betrayed  negroes  were  treated,  was  truly  shocking.  This 
state  of  things  became  so  notoriously  wicked  that  orders  were 
at  length  issued  to  suppress  the  practice. 

Meanwhile  the  representatives  of  the  United  States  govern 
ment  had  effected  a  treaty  with  the  Seminoles,  in  which  they 
were  made,  through  the  influence  of  intoxicating  liquors  and 
bribery,  to  consent  to  remove  west  of  the  Mississippi,  and 
before  the  treaty  was  ratified  by  the  Senate,  or  approved  by 
the  Seminole  nation,  the  President  issued  an  order  to  the  mili 
tary  for  their  immediate  removal.  As  soon  as  the  Seminole 
chiefs  recovered  from  the  influences  which  had  been  brought 
to  bear  upon  them  at  the  council,  they  denied  having  made 
such  a  treaty,  and  refused  to  remove  from  the  reservations 
which  had  been  assigned  to  them  by  former  treaties.  This  led 
to  the  second  Seminole  war.  The  number  of  fugitive  negroes 
in  Florida  at  this  time,  including  women  and  children,  was 
about  twelve  or  fourteen  hundred. 

The  Seminoles,  who  had  previously  maintained  only  a 
defensive  war,  were  now  excited  to  fury,  and  cruel  depredations 
followed.  "  A  young  and  gallant  warrior,"  says  Mr.  Giddings, 
"  named  Osceola,  was  the  principal  actor  in  one  of  these  scenes. 
He  was  the  son  of  an  Indian  trader,  a  white  man  named 
Powell.  His  mother  was  the  daughter  of  a  Seminole  chief. 
He  had  recently  married  a  woman  said  to  have  been  beautiful. 


OR,    THE    BORDER    WARS    OF   TWO    Ci£NTURIES.  565 

She  was  the  daughter  of  a  chief  who  had  married  one  of  the 
exiles;  but  as  all  colored  people,  by  slave-holding  laws,  are  said 
to  follow  the  condition  of  the  mother,  she  was  called  an  Afri 
can  slave.  Osceola  was  proud  of  his  ancestry.  He  hated 
slavery,  and  those  who  practiced  the  holding  of  slaves,  with  a 
bitterness  that  is  but  little  understood  by  those  who  have  never 
witnessed  its  revolting  crimes.  He  visited  Fort  King  in  com 
pany  with  his  wife  and  a  few  friends,  for  the  purpose  of  trading. 
Mr.  Thompson,  the  agent,  was  present,  and  while  engaged  in 
business,  the  wife  of  Osceola  was  seized  as  a  slave.  Evidently 
having  negro  blood  in  her  veins,  the  law  pronounced  her  a 
slave;  and  as  no  other  person  could  show  title  to  her,  the  pirate 
who  had  got  possession  of  her  body,  was  supposed,  of  course, 
to  be  her  owner.  Osceola  became  frantic  with  rage,  but  was 
instantly  siezed  and  placed  in  irons,  while  his  wife  was  hurried 
away  to  slave-holding  pollution.  He  remained  six  days  in 
irons,  when,  Gen.  Thompson  says,  he  became  penitent,  and 
was  released.  From  the  moment  when  this  outrage  was  com 
mitted,  the  Florida  War  commenced.  Osceola  swore  vengeance 
upon  Thompson  and  those  who  assisted  in  the  perpetration  of 
this  indignity  upon  himself,  as  well  as  upon  his  wife,  and  upon 
our  common  humanity.  *  *  *  Other  Indians  and  exiles 
were  preparing  for  other  important  operations;  but  Osceola 
seemed  intent,  his  whole  soul  was  absorbed,  in  devising  some 
plan  by  which  he  could  safely  reach  Mr.  Thompson,  who  was 
the  object  of  his  vengeance.  He,  or  some  of  his  friends,  kept 
constant  watch  on  the  movements  of  Thompson,  who  was 
unconscious  of  the  danger  to  which  he  was  exposed.  Osceola, 
steady  to  his  purpose,  refused  to  be  diverted  from  his  favorite 
object.  Thompson  was  at  Fort  King,  and  there  were  but  few 
troops  to  protect  that  fortress.  But  Indians  seldom  attempt 
an  escalade,  and  Osceola  sought  an  opportunity  to  take  it  by 
surprise.  With  some  twenty  followers  he  lay  secreted  near  the 
fort  for  days  and  weeks,  determined  to  find  some  opportunity 
to  enter  by  the  open  gate  when  the  troops  should  be  off  their 
guard.  On  the  twenty-eighth,  in  the  afternoon,  as  he  and 
his  followers  lay  near  the  road  leading  from  the  fort  to  the 
house  of  the  sutler,  which  was  nearly  a  mile  distant,  they  saw 


V566  STRUGGLES    WITH    THE    SEMINOLESI 

Mr.  Thompson  and  a  friend  approaching.  At  a  signal  given 
by  Osceola,  the  Indians  fired.  Thompson  fell,  pierced  by  four 
teen  bullets;  Smith  received  about  as  many.  The  shrill  war 
whoop  followed  the  sound  of  the  rifles,  and  alarmed  the  people 
at  the  fort.  The  Indians  immediately  scalped  their  victims, 
and  then  hastened  to  the  house,  where  Mr.  Rogers,  the  sutler, 
and  two  clerks  were  at  dinner.  These  three  persons  were 
immediately  massacred  and  scalped.  The  Indians  took  as  many 
valuable  goods  as  they  could  carry,  and  set  fire  to  the  build 
ing."  Osceola  and  his  companions  escaped,  quite  satisfied 
with  the  vengeance  they  had  wrought,  but  still  not  compensated 
for  the  enslavement  of  Osceola' s  wife. 

At  this  point,  I  have  to  present  to  the  reader  the  name  of 
Louis,  that  intelligent  slave  who  became  so  conspicuous  in  this 
contest.  Major  Dade  had  been  ordered  to  march  with  his  com 
mand  to  Fort  King.  The  distance  to  be  traveled  was  about 
one  hundred  and  thirty  miles,  through  an  unsettled  forest, 
"  much  diversified  with  swamps,  lakes  and  hammocks."  No 
white  person  could  be  found  who  was  able  to  guide  the  com 
mand  over  the  route.  On  making  inquiry  for  a  suitable  guide, 
the  attention  of  Major  Dade  was  directed  to  Louis,  the  slave 
of  a  respectable  Spanish  settler,  who  resided  near  Fort  Brook. 
Louis  was  recommended  by  his  master  as  a  faithful,  trustworthy 
man,  and  was  engaged  to  guide  the  party  over  the  dangerous 
wastes. 

Louis  thought  the  matter  over  long  and  carefully.  He  did 
not  wish  to  betray  his  new  master,  yet  he  felt  deep  sympa 
thy  for  the  exiles,  and  did  not  wish  them  to  be  re-enslaved,  and 
with  that  faith  which  has  enabled  many  a  slave  to  foresee  his 
freedom,  he  believed  that  the  hour  had  come  for  him  to  strike 
an  important  blow.  He  called  some  of  his  most  trustworthy 
friends  together  and  informed  them  that  Major  Dade,  with  his 
troops,  would  leave  Fort  Brook  about  the  twenty-fifth  of 
December,  for  Fort  King,  and  that  he  was  to  act  as  their  guide; 
that  he  would  lead  them  by  way  of  the  Great  Wahoo  Swamp, 
and  pointed  out  the  proper  place  for  an  attack.  This  informa 
tion  was  soon  communicated  to  the  exiles  and  the  Seminoles, 
and  preparations  were  at  once  commenced  among  them  for 


OK,    THE    BORDER    WARS    OF    TWO    CENTURIES.  567 

meeting  the  troops  at  the  point  designated.  Thither  marched 
a  large  force  determined  on  striking  a  fatal  blow  upon  the 
approaching  soldiers.  On  the  twenty-seventh  of  December, 
Dade's  command  had  reached  a  point  within  three  miles  of  the 
Great  Wahoo  Swamp,  where  the  battle  was  to  be  fought. 

Mr.  Griddings  gives  a  very  pleasing  account  of  this  contest 
in  his  noted  little  book  on  the  "  Exiles  of  Florida,"  in  these 
words :  "  At  early  dawn,  the  men  were  paraded,  the  roll  called 
and  the  order  regulating  the  day's  march  given.  They  were 
then  dismissed  for  breakfast,  and  at  eight  o'clock  resumed  their 
march,  and  proceeded  on  their  way  in  the  full  expectation  of 
reaching  their  destination  on  the  evening  of  that  day.  But 
an  insidious  foe  had  been  equally  vigilant.  They  had  left  their 
island  encampment,  with  the  first  light  of  the  morning,  and 
each  had  taken  his  position  along  the  trail  in  which  the  troops 
were  expected  to  march.  Some  thirty  or  forty  yards  dis 
tant  each  man  was  hidden  behind  a  tree,  which  was  to  be  his 
fortress  during  the  expected  action.  A  few  rods  on  the  other 
side  of  the  trail,  lay  a  pond  of  water,  whose  placid  surface 
reflected  the  glittering  rays  of  the  morning  sun.  All  was 
peaceful  and  quiet  as  the  breath  of  summer.  Unsuspicious  of 
the  hidden  death  which  beset  their  pathway,  the  troops  entered 
this  defile,  and  passed  along  until  their  rear  had  come  within 
the  range  of  the  enemy's  rifles,  when,  at  a  given  signal,  each 
warrior  fired  while  his  victim  was  in  full  view  and  unpro 
tected.  One-half  of  that  ill-fated  band,  including  the  gallant 
Dade,  fell  at  the  first  fire.  The  remainder  were  thrown  into 
disorder.  The  officers  endeavored  to  rally  their  men  into  line, 
but  their  enemy  was  unseen,  and  ere  they  could  return  an 
effective  shot,  a  second  discharge  from  the  hidden  foe,  laid  one- 
half  their  remaining  force  prostrate  in  death.  The  survivors 
retreated  a  short  distance  towards  their  encampment  of  the 
previous  night,  and  while  most  of  the  exiles  and  Indians  were 
engaged  in  scalping  the  dead  and  tomahawking  those  who  were 
disabled,  they  formed  a  hasty  breastwork  of  logs  for  their 
defense.  They  were,  however,  soon  invested  by  the  enemy, 
and  the  few  who  had  taken  shelter  behind  their  rude  defenses, 
were  overcome  and  massacred  by  the  exiles,  who  conversed 


568  STRUGGLES    WITH    THE    SEMINOLESI 

with  them  in  English,  and  dispatched  them.  Only  two  indi 
viduals  besides  Louis  the  guide  made  their  escape.  Their 
gallant  commander,  his  officers  and  soldiers,  whose  hearts  had 
beat  high  with  expectation  in  the  morning,  at  evening  lay  pros 
trate  in  death;  and  as  the  sable  victors  relaxed  from  their 
bloody  work,  they  congratulated  each  other  on  having  revenged 
the  death  of  those  who,  twenty  years  previously,  had  fallen  at  the 
massacre  of  Blount's*  Fort.  The  loss  of  the  allied  forces  was 
three  killed  and  five  wounded.  After  burying  their  own  dead, 
they  retired  to  the  island  in  the  swamp,  long  before  nightfall.  To 
this  point  they  brought  the  spoils  of  victory,  which  were 
deemed  important  for  carrying  on  the  war.  Night  had  scarcely 
closed  around  them,  however,  when  Osceola  and  his  followers 
arrived  from  Fort  King,  bringing  intelligence  of  the  death  of 
Thompson  and  Lieut.  Smith,  together  with  the  sutler  and  his 
two  clerks.  There,  too,  was  Louis,  the  guide  to  Dade's  com 
mand.  He  was  now  free!  He  engaged  in  conversation  with 
his  sable  friends.  Well  knowing  the  time  and  place  at  which 
the  attack  was  to  be  made,  he  had  professed  a  necessity  for 
stopping  by  the  wayside  before  entering  the  defile,  thus  sepa 
rating  himself  from  the  troops  and  from  danger.  As  soon  as 
the  first  fire  showed  him  the  precise  position  of  his  friends,  he 
joined  them,  and,  swearing  eternal  hostility  to  all  who  enslaved 
their  fellow-men,  lent  his  own  efforts  in  carrying  forward  the 
work  of  death,  until  the  last  individual  of  that  doomed  regi 
ment  sank  beneath  their  tomahawks.  The  massacre  of  the 
unfortunate  Dade  and  his  companions,  and  the  murder  of 
Thompson  and  his  friends  at  Fort  King,  occurred  on  the  same 
day,  and  constituted  the  opening  scenes  of  the  second  Semi- 
nole  war." 

*  Previously  spoken  of  as  the  "  Negro  Fort." 


CHAPTEE    LXXIII. 

THE  SECOND  SEMINOLE  WAR  —  THE  BATTLE  OF  THE  WITHLACOOCHEE — 
BRAVERY  OF  OSCEOLA  —  THE  SEMINOLES  AND  NEGROES  DEFEATED  — 
GENERAL  GAINES'S  FRUITLESS  CAMPAIGN  —  OSCEOLA  ATTACKS  MICON 
OPT  —  HEILMAN'S  GALLANT  DEFENSE  —  THE  BATTLE  BETWEEN 
PEARCE  AND  OSCEOLA  —  SEVERAL  SEVERE  BATTLES  —  THE  SEMI- 
NOLEB  HARD  TO  CONQUER. 

THESE  massacres  fully  inaugurated  the  second  Seminole  war 
Gen.  Clinch,  with  two  thousand  regulars  and  four  hundred 
Florida  volunteers,  under  Gen.  Call,  advanced  into  Florida,  and 
were  met  at  the  Withlocoochee  by  one  hundred  and  fifty 
» Seminoles  and  fifty  exiles  under  Osceola  and  Halpatter- 
Tustenuggee,  where  a  deadly  battle  ensued  on  the  thirtieth  of 
December.  "  As  Osceola,"  says  Giddings,  "  now,  for  the  first 
time,  engaged  in  battle,  he  felt  anxious  to  distinguish  himself 
by  his  intrepidity.  His  voice  was  heard  on  every  part  of  the 
field,  urging  on  his  troops  to  deeds  of  daring.  Undaunted  by 
the  shrill  war  whoop  and  the  constant  report  of  Indian  rifles, 
and  the  whistling  balls  around  him,  Gen.  Clinch  charged  his 
enemy.  The  allies  fell  back,  and  he  continually  advanced  until 
he  drove  them  from  the  thick  hommock  into  the  open  forest. 
The  gallant  general  coolly  passed  along  the  lines  during  the 
action,  encouraging  his  men,  and  stimulating  them  to  effort  by 
his  presence  and  bravery.  A  ball  passed  through  his  cap,  and 
another  through  the  sleeve  of  his  coat,  to  which  he  paid  no 
attention,  but  continued  to  encourage  his  men." 

But  the  exiles  were  not  wanting  in  bravery.  They  fought 
with  desperation,  and  their  aim  was  fatal.  Eight  of  the  reg 
ular  troops  were  killed,  and  forty  wounded,  of  whom  more 
than  one-third  died  of  their  wounds.  Several  officers  were  also 
wounded.  The  loss  of  the  allied  forces  were  two  negroes  and 

(569) 


570  STRUGGLES    WITH    THE    SEMINOLESI 

one  Indian  killed,  and  three  negroes  and  two  Indians  wounded. 
The  allies  drew  off,  leaving  Gen.  Clinch  in  possession  of  the 
field. 

In  January,  1836,  Maj.-Gen.  Scott  was  ordered  to  the  field 
as  Commanding  General  of  the  army  in  Florida,  with  authority 
to  call  on  the  Governors  of  South  Carolina,  Georgia,  and  Ala 
bama  for  necessary  troops.  Gen.  Eustis,  commanding  at 
Charleston,  South  Carolina,  was  directed  to  repair  at  once  to 
Florida  with  the  forces  stationed  in  that  city  and  Savannah, 
and  with  such  volunteers  as  he  might  require.  On  the  tenth 
of  January  Gen.  Gaines  arrived  in  Florida  from  New 
Orleans  with  a  brigade  of  eleven  hundred  men ;  and  in  a  few 
days,  while  attempting  to  cross  the  Withlacoochee,  encountered 
the  allied  forces  to  a  considerable  number  under  "  Ino,"  and 
Osceola.  Being  driven  from  the  river,  and  being  unable  to 
retreat,  Gen.  Gaines  dispatched  a  messenger  to  Gen.  Clinch, 
who  was  at  Fort  Drane,  directing  that  officer  as  soon  as  pos- 
pible  to  his  relief  with  such  troops  as  he  could  at  the  moment 
bring  with  him,  and  retired  with  his  forces  into  a  pine  barren 
half  a  mile  from  the  river,  where  he  threw  up  a  breastwork  of 
logs  fqr  the  protection  of  his  men,  and  awaited  assistance. 
The  allies  invested  his  camp  for  three  days,  when,  seeing  Gen. 
Clinch's  forces  approaching,  they  dispersed  and  fled. 

Osceola,  after  the  massacre  of  Thompson  and  others  at  Fort 
King,  had  become  very  influential  among  the  Seminoles,  and 
his  bravery  in  the  several  battles  in  which  he  had  been  engaged 
added  much  to  his  good  name  among  the  allies.  He  had  been 
raised  to  the  dignity  of  a  chief,  and  "  he  now  conceived  and 
executed  one  of  the  boldest  movements  ever  made  by  savages 
against  a  fortified  post  manned  by  regular  troops."  On  the 
ninth  of  June,  with  three  hundred  warriors,  about  one-quarter 
of  whom  were  negroes,  he  attacked  the  fort  at  Micanopy, 
which  was  then  defended  by  a  garrison  of  soldiers  equal  in 
numbers  to  his  own  force.  The  fort  was  under  the  command 
of  Major  Heilman.  "  The  assault,"  says  Mr.  Giddings,  "  was 
maintained  with  determined  obstinacy  for  an  hour  and  a  half, 
the  assailants  boldly  facing  the  artillery  which  was  brought  to 


OR,  THE  BOEDER  WARS  OF  TWO  CENTURIES.        5T1 

bear  upon  them,  and  when  they  left  the  scene  of  action,  they 
carried  away  their  dead  and  wounded." 

A  short  time  previous  to  this  battle,  Gen.  Scott  was  with 
drawn  from  the  field  and  Gen.  Jessup  appointed  to  his  place. 
The  latter  had  successfully  effected  the  removal  of  the  Creeks 
from  Georgia  to  their  reservation  in  the  West,  and  it  was 
hoped  by  the  government,  that  he  would  induce  the  Semiiioles 
to  remove  there  also. 

On  the  twelfth  of  August,  Major  Pearce,  being  in  command 
at  Micanopy,  left  that  place  with  one  piece  of  artillery  and  one 
hundred  and  ten  regular  troops,  for  the  purpose  of  attacking 
the  allies  at  Fort  Drane.  In  due  time  he  reached  this  post, 
where  he  met  Osceola  with  about  one  hundred  followers,  ready 
to  meet  him  and  give  him  battle.  After  an  engagement  of  an 
hour  and  a  quarter,  Major  Pearce  was  compelled  to  fall  back, 
and  Osceola,  being  unwilling  to  pursue  him,  he  retreated  to 
Micanopy  with  a  loss  of  one  killed  and  sixteen  wounded. 

"But  the  Indians  and  exiles,"  says  Mr.  Giddings,  "now 
found  themselves  almost  daily  threatened  in  their  own  fast 
nesses.  Along  the  Withlacoochee  were  many  small  villages 
and  plantations  occupied  almost  exclusively  by  exiles.  Large 
crops  of  corn  and  other  vegetables  had  been  raised  there 
during  the  season,  and  it  was  known  that  stores  of  provisions 
were  located  upon  various  islands  surrounded  by  the  swamps 
lying  along  that  river,  and  in  the  great  morass  called  the 
'  Wahoo  Swamp;'  while  it  was  equally  known  that  many 
families  of  the  exiles  were  residing  in  that  vicinity.  It  was 
therefore  deemed  important  to  destroy  those  villages  and 
obtain  the  supplies  which  they  contained.  Gen.  Armstrong, 
with  live  hundred  mounted  men,  while  marching  toward  these 
villages  on  the  fourteenth  of  November,  encountered  a  strong 
force  consisting  of  Indians  and  exiles.  The  conflict  was 
spirited.  In  forty  minutes,  eleven  of  Armstrong's  men  fell 
before  the  deadly  aim  of  the  allies.  He,  however,  drove  them 
from  the  field,  but  they  took  with  them  their  dead  and  wounded. 
This  fact  with  savages  is  regarded  the  only  test  of  success  in 
battle;  they  never  acknowledge  defeat  while  they  hold  posses 
sion  of  their  dead  and  wounded.  But  the  time  drew  near 


572  STRUGGLES    WITH    THE    SEMINOLES: 

when  they  were  constrained  to  acknowledge  a  defeat.  On  the 
eighteenth  of  November,  a  regiment  of  Tennesseeans,  consist 
ing  of  about  five  hundred,  encountered  a  body  of  the  enemy 
whose  numbers  are  not  given  by  any  officer  or  historian 
whom  we  have  consulted.  They  were  posted  in  a  hommock. 
The  Tennesseeans  were  the  assailing  party.  The  battle  con 
tinued  more  than  two  hours,  when  the  allies  fled,  leaving  upon 
the  field  twenty -five  Indians  and  Africans  slain  in  battle;  while 
the  loss  of  the  assailants  was  still  larger.  This  was  the  best 
contested  battle  which  occurred  during  the  campaign  of  1836, 
and  the  first  in  which  the  allies  left  their  dead  in  possession  of 
our  troops.  This  defeat  appears  to  have  taught  the  allies  to  be 
cautious,  and  stimulated  a  desire  to  wipe  out  the  impression 
which  their  defeat  was  calculated  to  make  upon  the  public 
mind.  Gen.  Call  having  formed  a  junction  with  Maj.  Pearce 
of  the  regular  service,  with  nearly  three  hundred  regular 
troops  under  his  command,  making  in  all  more  than  one  thou 
sand  men,  entered  the  Great  Wahoo  Swamp  on  the  twenty- 
first  of  November.  Their  intention  was  to  obtain  the  provisions 
supposed  to  be  deposited  in  the  villages  situated  upon  the 
islands  in  that  extensive  morass.  But  they  were  attacked  soon 
after  entering  the  swamp.  The  fire  at  first  was  principally 
concentrated  upon  the  Creek  Indians,  the  mercenary  troops 
employed  by  Gen.  Jessup.  Major  Pearce  hastened  to  their 
relief.  The  fire  then  became  general.  The  men  were  in  a 
swamp  which  was  nearly  covered  with  water,  and  much  of  it 
with  a  thick  underbrush.  After  maintaining  the  battle  for  a 
time,  the  Indians  fell  back,  crossed  the  river  and  formed 
upon  its  bank,  each  man  protected  by  a  log  or  tree.  The  river 
was  turbid  and  appeared  difficult  to  pass.  As  our  troops 
approached  it,  the  fire  upon  them  was  severe.  Capt.  Moniac, 
of  the  Creek  warriors,  was  killed  while  examining  the  stream 
to  ascertain  if  it  could  be  forded.  Others  were  wounded.  The 
allied  force  appeared  determined  to  make  their  final  stand  upon 
this  stream.  Behind  them  were  their  wives  and  children,  their 
provisions,  their  homes  and  firesides.  Gen.  Call  and  his  troops 
now  obtained  an  opportunity  of  fighting  the  enemy;  a  privi 
lege  which  he  had  long  sought,  though  he  embraced  it  under 


OK,    THE    BORDER    AVARS   OF    TWO    CENTURIES.  573 

-disadvantageous  circumstances.  Our  troops  had  great  induce 
ments  to  advance,  but  the  dangers  corresponded  with  the 
advantages  to  be  gained.  Gen.  Call,  however,  concluded  to 
withdraw;  and  after  sustaining  a  heavy  loss  he  retreated  and 
left  the  allies  in  possession  of  the  field.  They  very  correctly,  feel 
ing  that  their  success  depended  greatly  upon  the  position  they 
had  taken,  did  not  pursue  Gen.  Call,  who,  with  his  whole  force, 
retired  to  Yolusi  to  recruit.  His  loss  was  fifteen  killed  and 
thirty  wounded.  It  is  certain  that  the  allies  manifested  great 
skill  in  selecting  their  place  of  attack,  and  the  position  for  their 
final  stand.  Their  success  greatly  encouraged  them,  and  the 
gallantry  displayed  by  the  exiles  served  to  increase  their  influ 
ence  with  the  Indians.  The  Creek  warriors  had  shown 
themselves  very  efficient  in  this  expedition,  but  they  suffered 
severely;  and  at  no  subsequent  period  did  they  maintain  their 
former  character  as  warriors.  They  had  been  greatly  stimu 
lated  in  this  conflict  with  the  expectation  of  capturing  women 
and  children,  whom  they  expected  to  seize  and  sell  as  slaves. 
But  so  far  as  that  object  was  concerned,  their  warriors  who 
fell  in  this  battle  died  ingloriously,  and  the  result  discouraged 
the  survivors." 


GHAPTEE    LXXIV. 

CONCLUSION  OP  THE  SECOND  SEMINOLE  WAR  —  SEVERAL  BATTLES  — 
GEN.  JESSUP'S  PEACE  POLICY  —  HOSTILITIES  RENEWED  —  SLAVE- 
CATCHING  PARTIES — THE  SEMINOLES  AND  EXILES  PERSUADED  TO  GO 
WEST  —  EFFORTS  TO  SUBJECT  THEM  TO  CREEK  AUTHORITY  —  INVADED 
BY  THE  CREEKS  —  EMIGRATION  OF  THE  EXILES  TO  MEXICO. 

IN  December,  1836,  Gen.  Jessup  entered  the  field  in  person. 
He  had  eight  thousand  troops  well  provided  with  all  materials 
of  war,  which  were,  to  a  great  extent,  concentrated  against  the 
villages  of  the  exiles  on  the  Withlacoochee.  He  directed  a 
battalion  of  mounted  men,  under  Major  Crawford,  accom 
panied  by  two  battalions  of  Creek  Indians,  to  make  a  sudden 
descent  upon  them,  but  most  of  the  settlers,  being  made  aware 
of  the  approach  of  this  force,  made  their  escape  to  the  swamps. 
The  troops,  however,  seized  fifty- two  women  and  children. 

The  next  effort,  however,  was  directed  by  the  allies  against 
Fort  Mellon,  near  Lake  Monroe.  The  forces,  two  hundred  and 
fifty  strong,  were  commanded  by  "Wild  Cat"  and  Louis. 
The  attack  was  made  with  great  determination,  and  continued 
for  three  hours,  but  the  assailants  were  driven  back  by  superior 
numbers.  They  sustained  no  loss,  however,  while  on  the  side 
of  the  Americans,  Capt.  Mellon  was  killed  and  several  others 
mortally  wounded. 

Soon  after  the  allies  were  defeated  at  Ahapopka  Lake,  when 
chief  Osuchee  and  three  warriors  and  nine  exiles  were  killed. 
All  of  their  women  and  children  were  taken  prisoners.  "  *A11 
the  disposable  forces  under  Gen.  Jessup  were  now  put  into 
active  employ.  With  the  main  body  of  the  army  he  pene 
trated  far  into  the  Indian  territory."  At  Tahopkaliga  Lake 
he  captured  seven  hundred  head  of  cattle,  which  afforded  sub- 

*  Exiles  of  Florida. 

(574) 


OR,  THE  BORDER  WARS  OF  TWO  CENTURIES.        575 

sistence  for  his  army.  Near  the  Cypress  Swamp,  the  enemy 
was  attacked  and  all  his  horses  and  baggage  captured,  with 
twenty -five  Indians  and  negroes,  principally  women  and  chil 
dren.  On  the  day  after  the  battle,  one  of  the  prisoners  was 
directed  to  return  to  the  two  principal  chiefs,  Abraham  and 
Alligator,  with  a  message  of  peace,  desiring  them  to  meet  the 
commanding  general  in  council.  The  chiefs  complied,  and 
visiting  the  general's  camp,  arrangements  were  entered  into 
for  holding  a  general  council  at  Fort  Dade,  on  the  eighteenth 
of  February. 

A  successful  excursion  into  the  Indian  country  was  also  made 
by  Lieut.-Col.  Henderson,  with  a  strong  force  of  mounted 
men.  He  captured  twenty-three  negroes,  young  and  old ;  over 
a  hundred  ponies,  with  packs  on  about  h'fty  of  them ;  together 
with  all  their  clothes,  blankets  and  other  baggage.  In  this 
expedition  his  loss  was  two  men  killed  and  five  wounded. 

Hoping  to  get  the  negro  and  Indian  chiefs  to  assemble  in 
council,  Gen.  Jessup  now  ordered  a  cessation  of  hostilities, 
and  on  the  sixth  of  March  a  few  of  their  principal  men  assem 
bled  at  Fort  Dade,  among  whom  were  Halatoochie  and  Jumper. 
After  much  difficulty  a  treaty  was  agreed  upon,  wherein  it  was 
stipulated  that  the  Seminoles  would  go  west  of  the  Mississippi 
provided  their  allies,  the  fugitives,  were  allowed  the  same  priv 
ilege  and  guaranteed  the  same  protection.  "  *  Abraham  now 
entered  upon  the  work  of  inducing  all  his  brethren,  both  Indi 
ans  and  negroes  to  go  to  the  Western  country,  where  they 
could  be  free  from  persecutions.  Those  willing  to  emigrate 
were  to  assemble  within  a  district  of  ten  miles  square,  marked 
out  for  that  purpose,  near  Tampa  Bay.  Many  of  the  Indian 
chiefs  visited  that  station;  spoke  encouragingly  of  the  pros 
pect;  that  the  whole  nation  would  emigrate  at  no  distant  day. 
Even  Osceola,  the  most  inveterate  of  all  the  Seminole  chiefs, 
visited  Fort  Mellon,  avowing  his  intention  to  emigrate;  while 
Abraham  made  report  of  a  like  feeling  among  the  exiles. 
Twenty-six  vessels,  employed  to  transport  the  emigrants  to 
New  Orleans,  were  anchored  in  Tampa  Bay.  Hundreds  of 
Indians  and  negroes  had  reached  the  camp  assigned  to  the 

*  Gidding's  Narrative. 


576  STRUGGLES   WITH   THE    SEMINOLES: 

emigrants,  near  ( Fort  Brooke.'  Their  names  were  duly  reg 
istered;  they  drew  their  rations,  and  made  every  preparation 
to  go  West.  Gen.  Jessup  announced  the  war  at  an  end,  dis 
missed  the  militia  and  volunteers,  and  asked  of  the  Department 
leave  to  retire  from  active  duty." 

But  no  sooner  had  Gen.  Jessup  made  this  report,  than  new 
difficulties  began  to  arise,  which  soon  resulted  in  renewing  hos 
tilities.  The  slave  interest  was  dissatisfied,  and  the  people  of 
Georgia  and  Florida  demanded  the  return  of  their  lost  slaves, 
and  seeing  that  the  fugitives  were  not  to  be  benentted  by  the 
treaty,  the  Seminoles  withdrew  from  Tampa  Bay,  and  the 
exiles  retired  to  their  fastness.  In  renewing  hostilities,  Gen. 
Jessup  appears  to  have  fully  determined  on  carrying  out  the 
designs  of  Gen.  Jackson,  in  1816,  when  he  directed  Gen. 
Gaines  to  "  destroy  the  fort  and  return  the  slaves  to  their 
owners."  From  this  time  forward,  says  Mr.  Giddings,  he 
lent  his  energies,  and  the  power  of  the  army,  to  the  object  of 
capturing  and  returning  slaves.  He  also  changed  his  mode  of 
prosecuting  the  war,  and  adopted  a  series  of  forays  for  the 
capture  and  enslavement  of  the  exiles.  In  the  previous  year 
he  had  entered  into  a  contract  with  the  Creek  Indians,  by 
which  he  stipulated  to  pay  them  a  large  pecuniary  compensa 
tion,  and  to  allow  them  to  hold  all  the  plunder  (negroes)  whom 
they  might  capture,  as  property.  The  same  inducements  were 
held  out  to  the  militia.  The  Ghoctaws  and  Delawares  also 
joined  these  slave-catching  expeditions,  while  their  more 
enlightened  brethren,  the  Cherokees,  refused  to  engage  in  hos 
tilities  towards  the  Seminoles,  but  offered  to  send  a  delegation 
of  their  people  among  them  to  advise  them  to  emigrate  west  of 
the  Mississippi.  John  Ross,  the  half-breed,  was  at  this  time  the 
principal  chief  of  the  Cherokee  nation.  But  it  will  be  impos 
sible,  with  the  limited  space  now  left,  to  follow  out  this  war  of 
detail,  on  the  one  hand,  or  the  negotiations  of  peace  on  the 
other.  The  war  raged  with  fury  until  1843,  up  to  which  time 
more  than  five  hundred  persons  were  seized  and  enslaved.  To 
effect  this,  forty  millions  of  dollars  were  supposed  to  have  been 
expended.  "^Eighty  thousand  dollars  were  paid  from  the 

*  Giclding's  Narrative. 


OR,    THE    BOEDER    WARS    OF   TWO    CENTURIES.  577 

public  treasury  for  the  enslavement  of  each  person,  and  the 
lives  of  at  least  three  white  men  were  sacrificed  to  insure  the 
enslavement  of  each  black  man.  The  deterioration  of  our 
national  morality  was  beyond  estimate,  and  the  disgrace  of  our 
nation  and  government  are  matters  incapable  of  computation. 
The  suffering  of  the  Indians  and  exiles,  amidst  such  prolonged 
persecution,  such  loss  of  life  and  property,  we  cannot  estimate. 
The  friends  and  families  who  were  separated,  the  number  of 
those  who  were  made  wretched  for  life,  the  broken  hearts,  we 
will  not  attempt  to  enumerate.  Nearly  one-half  of  the  whole 
number  were  consigned  to  the  moral  death  of  slavery,  and 
many  to  that  physical  death  which  was  dreaded  far  less  than 
slavery.  After  wandering  in  the  wilderness  thrice  forty  years, 
they  fell  under  the  oppression,  the  persecution,  the  power  of  a 
mighty  nation,  which  boasts  of  its  justice,  its  honor  and  love 
of  liberty.  We  lament  the  sad  fate  of  those  who  died  in  that 
struggle;  but  with  deeper  anguish,  and  far  keener  mortifica 
tion,  we  deplore  the  unhappy  lot  of  those  who  were  doomed  to 
drag  out  a  miserable  existence,  amidst  chains  and  wretchedness, 
surrounded  by  that  moral  darkness  which  hovers  over  the 
enslaved  portion  of  our  fellow-beings  in  the  Southern  States.  " 

The  result  of  this  war  was,  that  the  exiles,  not  re-enslaved 
by  capture,  were  removed  to  the  Cherokee  lands  west  of  the 
State  of  Arkansas.  *  "  They  had  been  removed  from  Florida 
at  great  expense  of  blood  and  treasure,  but  they  were  yet  free 
and  the  object  of  the  administration  had  not  been  attained. 
Conscious  of  the  designs  of  the  Creeks,  the  Seminoles  and 
exiles  refused  to  trust  themselves  within  Creek  jurisdiction. 
They  were  tenants  at  will  of  the  Cherokees,  whose  hospitality 
had  furnished  them  with  a  temporary  home  until  the  govern 
ment  should  fulfill  its  treaty  stipulations,  in  furnishing  them  a 
territory  for  their  separate  use." 

In  this  situation  the  exiles  became  dissatisfied,  and  hostil 
ities  being  apprehended,  a  plan  was  set  on  foot  to  place  them 
under  Creek  authority  on  the  Creek  reservation.  This  nation 
had  several  years  previously  been  removed  to  a  reservation 
west  of  the  Mississippi. 
*  Gidding's  Narrative. 


578  STRUGGLES    WITH    THE    SEMINOLES: 

The  Creeks  and  Seminoles  had  been  separated  for  nearly  a 
century,  and  had  lived  under  governments  entirely  independent 
of  each  other.  But  this  is  not  all.  They  had,  during  this 
time,  often  been  at  war  with  each  other,  and  the  most  deadly 
feuds  had  been  engendered,  and  still  existed  among  them 
"  To  unite  them  with  the  Creeks,  and  blot  the  name  of  i  Sem- 
inole  '  from  the  page  of  their  future  history,  in  order  to  involve 
the  exiles  in  slavery,  had  long  been  a  cherished  object  with  the 
administration  of  our  government.  It  was  now  fondly  hoped 
that  that  object  would  be  accomplished  without  further  diffi 
culty.  But  at  no  period  had  the  Seminole  Indians  regarded 
the  exiles  with  greater  favor  than  they  did  when  remaining  on 
the  territory  assigned  to  the  Creeks.  Although  many  of  them 
had  intermarried  with  the  Seminoles,  and  half-breeds  were  now 
common  among  the  Indians ;  yet  most  of  the  descendants  of 
the  pioneers  who  Hed  from  South  Carolina  and  Georgia  main 
tained  their  identity  of  character,  living  by  themselves,  and 
maintaining  the  purity  of  the  African  race.  They  yet  cher 
ished  this  love  of  their  own  kindred  and  color;  and  when  they 
removed  on  to  the  Creek  lands,  they  settled  in  separate  villages; 
and  the  Seminole  Indians  appeared  generally  to  coincide  with 
the  exiles  in  the  propriety  of  each  maintaining  their  distinct 
ive  character.  During  the  summer  and  autumn  both  Indians 
and  exiles  became  residents  within  Creek  jurisdiction;  and 
the  Executive  seemed  to  regard  the  trust  held  under  the 
assignment  made  at  Indian  Spring,  twenty-four  years  pre 
viously,  as  now  fulfilled.  .Regarding  the  Creeks  as  holding  the 
equitable  or  beneficial  interest  in  the  bodies  of  the  exiles,  under 
the  assignment  from  their  owners  to  the  United  States,  and 
they  being  now  brought  under  Creek  jurisdiction,  subject  to 
Creek  laws,  the  Executive  felt  that  his  obligations  were  dis 
charged,  and  the  whole  matter  left  with  the  Creeks.  This 
opinion  appears  also  to  have  been  entertained  by  the  Creek 
Indians;  for  no  sooner  had  the  exiles  and  Seminoles  located 
themselves  within  Creek  jurisdiction,  than  the  exiles  were 
claimed  as  the  legitimate  slaves  of  the  Creeks.  To  these 
demands  the  exiles  and  Seminoles  replied,  that  the  President, 
under  the  treaty  of  1845,  was  bound  to  hear  and  determine  all 


OK,    THE    BORDER    AVARS    OF   TWO    CENTURIES.  579 

questions  arising  between  them.  The  demands  were,  there 
fore,  referred  to  the  proper  department  for  decision.  But  this 
sitting  in  judgment  upon  the  heaven-endowed  right  of  man 
to  his  liberty,  seemed  to  involve  more  personal  and  moral 
responsibility  than  was  desirable  for  the  Executive  to  assume, 
and  the  claims  remained  undecided.  The  Creeks  became  impa 
tient  at  delay ;  they  were  a  slaveholding  people,  as  well  as  their 
more  civilized  but  more  infidel  brethren,  of  the  slave  States. 
The  exiles,  living  in  their  own  villages  in  the  enjoyment  of 
perfect  freedom,  had  already  excited  discontent  among  the 
slaves  of  the  Creek  and  Choctaw  tribes,  and  those  of  Arkansas. 
The  Creeks  appeared  to  feel  that  it  had  been  far  better  for 
them  to  have  kept  the  exiles  in  Florida,  than  to  bring  them  to 
the  Western  country  to  live  in  freedom.  Yet  their  claims 
under  the  treaty  of  1845,  thus  far,  appeared  to  have  been  dis 
regarded  by  the  President;  they  had  been  unable  to  obtain  a 
decision  on  them;  and  they  now  threatened  violence  for  the 
purpose  of  enslaving  the  exiles,  unless  their  demands  were 
peacefully  conceded.  The  exiles,  yet  confident  that  the  gov 
ernment  would  fulfill  its  stipulations  to  protect  them  and  their 
property,  repaired  in  a  body  to  Fort  Gibson,  and  demanded 
protection  of  Gen.  Arbuckle,  the  officer  in  command.  He  had 
no  doubt  of  the  obligation  of  the  United  States  to  lend  them 
protection,  according  to  the  express  language  of  the  articles  of 
capitulation  entered  into  with  Gen.  Jessep,  in  March,  1837. 
He,  therefore,  directed  the  whole  body  of  exiles  to  encamp 
and  remain  upon  the  lands  reserved  by  the  United  States,  near 
the  fort,  and  under  their  exclusive  jurisdiction,  assuring  them 
that  no  Creek  would  dare  to  set  foot  upon  that  reservation  with 
intentions  of  violence  towards  any  person.  Accordingly  the 
exiles,  who  yet  remained  free,  now  encamped  around  Fort 
Gibson,  and  were  supported  by  rations  dealt  out  from  the 
public  stores.  Soon  as  he  could  ascertain  all  the  facts,  Gen. 
Arbuckle  made  report  to  the  War  Department  relative  to  their 
situation,  and  the  claims  which  they  made  to  protection  under 
the  articles  of  capitulation,  together  with  the  rights  which  the 
Creeks  set  up  to  re-enslave  them.  This  state  of  circumstances 
appears  to  have  been  unexpected  by  the  Executive.  Indeed,  he 


580  STRUGGLES    WITH   THE    SEMINOLES: 

appears  from  the  commencement  to  have  underrated  the  diffi 
culties  which  beset  the  enslavement  of  a  people  who  were 
determined  upon  the  enjoyment  of  freedom ;  he  seems  to  have 
expected  the  negroes,  when  once  placed  within  Creek  jurisdic 
tion,  would  have  yielded  without  further  effort.  But  he  was 
now  placed  in  a  position  which  constrained  him  either  to  repu 
diate  the  pledged  faith  of  the  nation,  or  to  protect  the  exiles 
tn  their  persons  and  property,  according  to  the  solemn  cove 
nants  which  Gen.  Jessup  had  entered  into  with  them.  Yet  the 
President  was  disposed  to  make  further  efforts  to  avoid  the 
responsibility  of  deciding  the  question  before  him.  Gen.  Jes 
sup  had  entered  into  the  articles  of  capitulation,  and  the 
President  appeared  to  think  he  was  competent  to  give  construc 
tion  to  them ;  he  therefore  referred  the  subject  to  that  officer, 
stating  the  circumstances,  and  demanding  of  him  the  substance 
of  his  undertaking  in  regard  to  the  articles  of  capitulation 
with  the  Exiles." 

Gen.  Jessup's  reply  was  that  his  understanding  of  the  treaty 
was  that  the  Seminoles  were  to  be  separate  from  and  independ 
ent  of  the  Creeks  in  every  respect,  and  that  the  Seminole 
negroes  were  to  be  protected  from  slavery.  This  explanation 
prevented  the  Executive  from  handing  the  Seminoles  over  to 
the  Creeks,  and,  for  a  time,  all  remained  quiet.  The  prospect 
that  the  Seminole  negroes  were  to  enjoy  peace  in  their  new 
country,  seemed  very  bright,  until  an  individual,  a  slave-dealer, 
appeared  among  the  Creeks,  and  offered  to  pay  them  one  hun 
dred  dollars  for  each  exile  they  would  seize  and  deliver  to  him, 
he  stipulating  to  take  all  risk  of  title.  "  This  temptation," 
says  Mr.  Giddings,  "  was  too  great  for  the  integrity  of  the 
Creeks,  who  were  smarting  under  their  disappointment,  arid 
the  defeat  of  their  long  cherished  schemes,  of  re-enslaving  the 
exiles.  Some  two  hundred  Creek  warriors  collected  together, 
armed  themselves,  and,  making  a  sudden  descent  upon  the 
exiles,  seized  such  as  they  could  lay  their  hands  upon.  The 
men  and  most  of  the  women  and  children  fled ;  but  those  who 
had  arms  collected,  and  presenting  themselves  between  their 
brethren  and  the  Creeks  who  were  pursuing  them,  prepared  to 
defend  themselves  and  friends.  The  Creeks,  unwilling  to 


\ 

OR,    THE    BOEDER    WARS    OF    TWO    CENTURIES.  581 

encounter  the  danger  which  threatened  them,  ceased  from  fur 
ther  pursuit,  but,  turning  back,  dragged  their  frightened 
victims,  who  had,  been  already  captured,  to  the  Creek  villages, 
and  delivered  them  over  to  the  slave-dealer,  who  paid  them  the 
stipulated  price.  The  Seminole  agent,  learning  the  outrage, 
at  once  repaired  to  the  nearest  Judge  in  Arkansas,  and  obtained 
a  writ  of  habeas  corpus.  The  exiles  were  brought  before  him 
in  obedience  to  the  command  of  the  writ,  and  a  hearing  was 
had.  The  agent  showed  the  action  of  Gen.  Jessup;  the  sanc 
tion  of  the  capitulation  of  March,  1837,  by  the  Executive;  the 
opinion  of  the  Attorney-General,  and  the  action  of  the  Presi 
dent,  deciding  the  exiles  to  be  free,  and  in  all  respects  entitled 
to  their  liberty.  But  the  Judge  decided  that  the  Creeks  had 
obtained  title  by  virtue  of  their  contract  with  Gen.  Jessup; 
that  neither  Gen.  Jessup  nor  the  President,  had  power  to  eman 
cipate  the  exiles,  even  in  time  of  war;  and  the  Attorney- 
General  had  misunderstood  the  law;  that  the  title  of  the  Creek 
Indians  was  legal  and  perfect;  and  they,  having  sold  them  to 
the  claimant,  his  title  must  be  good  and  perfect.  No  sooner 
was  the  decision  announced,  than  the  manacled  victims  were 
hurried  from  their  friends  and  the  scenes  of  such  transcendent 
crimes  and  guilt.  They  were  placed  on  board  a  steamboat, 
and  carried  to  New  Orleans.  There  they  were  sold  to  different 
purchasers,  taken  to  different  estates,  and  mingling  with  the 
tide  of  human  victims  who  are  septeiinially  murdered  upon 
the  cotton  and  sugar  plantations  of  that  State,  they  now  rest 
in  their  quiet  graves,  or  perhaps  have  shared  the  more  unhappy 
fate  of  living  and  suffering  tortures  incomparably  worse  than 
death." 

#####-X-#-K«  There  yet  remained  some  hun 
dreds  of  exiles  in  that  far-distant  territory  unsubdued,  and 
enjoying  liberty.  They  had  witnessed  the  duplicity,  the  treach 
ery  of  our  government  often  repeated,  towards  themselves  and 
their  friends — they  had,  most  of  them,  been  born  in  freedom 
—they  had  grown  to  manhood,  had  become  aged  amidst  per 
secutions,  dangers  and  death — they  had  experienced  the  constant 
and  repeated  violations  of  our  national  ikith;  its  perfidy  was 
no  longer  disguised;  if  they  remained,  death  or  slavery  would 


582  STRUGGLES     WITH    THE    SEMINOLKS: 

constitute  their  only  alternative.  One,  and  only  one,  mode  of 
avoiding  such  a  fate  remained — that  was,  to  leave  the  territory, 
the  jurisdiction  of  the  United  States,  and  flee  beyond  its 
power  and  influence.  Mexico  wa&free/  No  slave  clanked  his 
chains  under  its  government.  Could  they  reach  the  Rio 
Grande  —  could  they  place  themselves  safely  on  Mexican  soil, 
they  might  hope  yet  to  be  free.  A  council  was  held.  Some 
were  connected  with  Seminoles  of  influence.  Those  who  were 
intimately  connected  with  Indian  families  of  influence,  and 
most  of  the  half-breeds,  feeling  they  could  safely  remain  in  the 
Indian  territory,  preferred  to  stay  with  their  friends  and  com 
panions.  Of  the  precise  number  who  thus  continued  in  the 
Indian  country,  we  have  no  certain  information;  but  some 
three  hundred  are  supposed  to  have  determined  on  going  to 
Mexico,  and  perhaps  from  one  to  two  hundred  concluded  to 
remain  with  their  connections  in  the  Indian  country.  Abra 
ham  had  reached  a  mature  age;  had  great  experience,  and 
retained  influence  with  his  people.  Louis  Pacheco,  of  whom 
we  spoke  in  a  former  chapter,  with  his  learning,  his  shrewd 
ness  and  tact,  was  still  with  them,  and  so  were  many  able  and 
experienced  warriors.  Wild  Cat,  the  most  active  and  ener 
getic  chief  of  the  Seminole  tribe,  declared  his  unalterable 
purpose  to  accompany  the  exiles;  to  assist  them  in  their 
journey,  and  defend  them,  if  assailed.  Other  Seminoles  vol 
unteered  to  go  with  them.  Their  arrangements  were  speedily 
made.  Such  property  as  they  had  was  collected  together,  and 
packed  for  transportation.  They  owned  a  few  Western  ponies. 
Their  blankets,  which  constituted  their  beds,  and  some  few 
cooking  utensils  and  agricultural  implements,  were  placed  upon 
their  ponies,  or  carried  by  the  females  and  children;  while  the 
warriors,  carrying  only  their  weapons  and  ammunition,  marched, 
unencumbered  even  by  any  unnecessary  article  of  clothing, 
prepared  for  battle  at  every  step  of  their  journey.  After  the 
sun  had  gone  down  (Sept.  10),  their  spies  and  patrols,  who  had 
been  sent  out  for  that  purpose,  returned,  and  reported  that  all 
was  quiet;  that  no  slave-hunters  were  to  be  seen.  As  the 
darkness  of  the  niglit  was  closing  around  them,  they  com 
menced  their  journey  westwardly.  Amid  the  gloom  of  the 


OK,    THE    BORDER    WARS    OF    TWO    CENTURIES.  583 

evening,  silent  and  sad  they  took  leave  of  their  Western  homes, 
and  fled  from  the  jurisdiction  of  a  people  who  had  centuries 
previously  kidnapped  their  ancestors  in  their  native  homes, 
brought  them  to  this  country,  enslaved  them,  and  during  many 
generations  had  persecuted  them.  Many  of  their  friends  and 
relatives  had  been  murdered  for  their  love  of  liberty  by  our 
government;  others  had  been  doomed  to  suffer  and  languish 
in  slavery — a  fate  far  more  dreaded  than  death.  At  the  period 
of  this  exodus,  their  number  was  probably  less  than  at  the  close 
of  the  Revolution.  When  the  slaveholding  Creeks  learned 
that  the  exiles  had  left,  they  collected  together  and  sent  a  war 
party  in  pursuit,  for  the  purpose  of  capturing  as  many  as  they 
could,  in  order  to  sell  them  to  the  slave-dealers  from  Louisiana 
and  Arkansas,  who  were  then  present  among  the  Creeks, 
encouraging  them  to  make  another  piratical  descent  upon  the 
exiles  for  the  capture  of  slaves.  This  war  party  came  up  with 
the  emigrants  on  the  third  day  after  leaving  their  homes.  But 
Wild  Cat  and  Abraham,  and  their  experienced  warriors,  were 
not  to  be  surprised.  They  were  prepared  and  ready  for  the 
conflict.  With  them  it  was  death  or  victory.  They  boldly 
faced  their  foes.  Their  wives  and  children  were  looking  on 
with  emotions  not  to  be  described.  With  the  coolness  of  des 
peration,  they  firmly  resolved  on  dying,  or  on  driving  back  the 
slave-catching  Creeks  from  the  field  of  conflict.  Their  nerves 
were  steady,  and  their  aim  fatal.  Their  enemies  soon  learned 
the  danger  and  folly  of  attempting  to  capture  armed  men  who 
were  fighting  for  freedom.  They  fled,  leaving  their  dead  upon 
the  field;  which  is  always  regarded  by  savages  as  dishonorable 
defeat.  The  exiles  resumed  their  journey,  still  maintaining 
their  warlike  arrangement.  Directing  their  course  south 
westerly,  they  crossed  the  Rio  Grande,  and  continuing  nearly 
in  the  same  direction,  they  proceeded  into  Mexico,  until  they 
reached  the  vicinity  of  the  ancient  but  now  deserted  town  of 
Santa  Rosa.  In  that  beautiful  climate,  they  found  a  rich,  pro 
ductive  soil.  Here  they  halted,  examined  the  country,  and 
finally  determined  to  locate  their  new  homes  in  this  most 
romantic  portion  of  Mexico.  Here  they  erected  their  cabins, 
planted  their  gardens,  commenced  plantations,  and  resumed 


584:  STRUGGLES    WITH    THE    SEMINOLES: 

their  former  habits  of  agricultural  life.  There  they  yet  remain. 
Forcibly  torn  from  their  native  land,  oppressed,  wronged  and 
degraded,  they  became  voluntary  exiles  from  South  Carolina 
and  Georgia." 

By  the  foregoing  incomplete  sketch  of  the  Seminole  war, 
the  reader  has  been  able  to  understand  some  of  the  hardships 
that  befel  the  Indians  of  the  South  who  attempted  to  shield 
the  negroes  from  slavery.  It  is  useless  to  follow  the  fate  of 
the  Seminoles  farther.  Their  name  was  applied  to  both  Indi 
ans  and  negroes,  and,  although  in  the  Indian  language  it  has  a 
distasteful  significance,  it  has  become  justly  celebrated  in  his 
tory  and  honored  as  belonging  to  a  people  whose  gallant  deeds 
hastened  emancipation.  The  Seminole  negroes  fled  from  a 
tyrannical  bondage,  which  they  could  no  longer  bear,  hoping  to 
find  freedom  and  protection  under  the  Spanish  laws.  In  this 
they  were  actuated  by  one  of  the  noblest  impulses  of  human 
ity — a  desire  for  liberty.  The  Seminole  Indians  fled  into  the 
same  country  on  account  of  their  displeasure  of  their  brothers, 
the  Creek  Indians;  and,  through  a  wise  providence,  became 
instrumental  in  protecting  the  fugitive  negroes  from  re-en 
slavement.  Such  was  the  first  war  against  slavery,  and  to  the 
honor  of  the  savages,  be  it  said,  it  was  waged  by  that  tribe  oi 
Indians  known  as  the  Seminoles. 


CHAPTEE    LXXV. 

THE  INDIAN  WARS  OF  THE  SOUTHERN  STATES  —  TRIBES,  ETC.  —  KING 
TONMOHICHI  AND  HlS  QUEEN — BOSOMWORTH  AND  MARY — A  THRIL 
LING  INCIDENT  —  A  GENERAL  WAR  —  GEN.  JACKSON'S  CAMPAIGN  — 
TERRIBLE  MASSACRES  —  HARD  FOUGHT  BATTLES  —  COMPLETE  SUB 
JUGATION  OF  THE  INDIANS  —  BRAVERY  OF  THE  CELEBRATED  WEATH- 
ERFORD. 

OUR  short  and  somewhat  incomplete  narrative  of  the  Semi- 
nole  war,  has  created  a  demand  for  a  brief  account  of  the 
Indian  tribes  and  Indian  wars  of  the  Southern  States,  and  for 
our  information  in  this  regard  we  will  again  turn  to  Mr. 
Brownell's  "  Indian  Kaces  of  North  and  South  America." 
The  Creeks,  Cherokees,  Choctaws,  Chickasawas,  Catawbas, 
lichees,  etc.,  were,  by  early  English  colonists,  all  held  under  a 
common  name — the  Creeks.  These  tribes  were  pretty  much 
alike  in  all  the  general  characteristics,  and  were  affected  by  the 
same  political  events  and  changes,  and  should,  therefore,  be 
considered  collectively. 

The  Catawbas  dwelt  between  the  Carolinas  and  the  country 
of  the  Cherokees,  and  had,  in  1750,  through  intercourse  with 
the  whites,  become  more  degraded  than  other  tribes  of  the 
same  nation.  They  were  a  numerous  and  warlike  people  when 
South  Carolina  was  first  settled,  numbering  about  fifteen  hun 
dred  warriors;  but  small-pox  and  the  use  of  ardent  spirits 
reduced  them  to  a  few  scattering  bands.  As  mentioned  in  the 
opening  chapter  of  this  volume,  they  were  the  ancient  enemies 
of  the  Six  Nations,  with  whom  they  had  waged  long  and  sav 
age  wars.  One  writer  says  of  these  Indians  that,  "  by  some- 
fatality  they  were  much  addicted  to  excessive  drinking, 
and  spirituous  liquors  distracted  them  so  exceedingly,  that 
they  would  even  eat  live  coals."  The  Upper  Cherokees  inhab 
ited  the  high  and  mountainous  region  of  the  Appalachian 

(585) 


586  THE    SOUTHERN    INDIANS! 

range,  and  that  upon  the  upper  portions  of  the  Tennessee. 
The  lower  tribe  occupied  the  country  around  the  head  waters 
of  the  Savannah  and  Chatahoochee,  to  the  northward  of  the 
Muscogees  or  Creeks  proper.  In  the  year  1735,  they  were 
computed  by  old  traders  to  number  six  thousand  fighting  men. 
They  had  sixty-four  populous  towns.  In  1738,  nearly  half  of 
them  perished  by  small-pox.  Like  all  the  other  untaught 
nations  of  America,  they  were  driven  to  perfect  desperation  by 
the  ravages  of  this  disease.  The  cause  to  which  they  ascribed 
it,  and  the  strange  remedies  and  enchantments  used  to  stay  its 
progress,  are  alike  remarkable.  One  course  was  to  plunge  the 
patients  into  cold  running  water,  the  result  of  which  operation 
was  speedily  fatal.  *A  great  many  killed  themselves;  for, 
being  naturally  proud,  they  are  always  peeping  into  their  look 
ing-glasses — by  which  means,  seeing  themselves  disfigured, 
without  hope  of  regaining  their  former  beauty,  some  shot 
themselves,  others  cut  their  throats,  some  stabbed  themselves 
with  knives,  and  others  with  sharp-pointed  canes;  many  threw 
themselves  with  sullen  madness  into  the  fire,  and  there  slowly 
expired,  as  if  they  had  been  utterly  divested  of  the  native 
power  of  feeling  pain.  One  of  them,  when  his  friends  had 
restrained  these  frantic  efforts,  and  deprived  him  of  his  weapons, 
went  out,  and  taking  a  thick  and  round  hoe-helve,  fixed  one 
end  of  it  in  the  ground,  and  repeatedly  threw  himself  on  it  till 
he  forced  it  down  his  throat!  when  he  immediately  expired. 
f  "  These  tribes  were  formerly  continually  at  war  with  the  Six 
Nations,  at  the  North,  and  with  the  Muscogees  at  the  South; 
but  previous  to  their  war  with  the  English  colonies  they  had 
been  for  some  time  comparatively  at  peace,  and  were  in  a  thriv 
ing  and  prosperous  condition.  They  were  excellently  well 
supplied  with  horses,  and  were  i  skillful  jockies,  and  nice  in 
their  choice.'  The  lower  settlement  of  the  Muscogees  or 
Creeks,  was  in  the  country  watered  by  the  Chatahoochee  and 
Flint;  the  upper  Creeks  dwelt  about  the  head  waters  of  the 
Mobile  and  Alabama  rivers.  Their  neighbors,  on  the  west, 
were  the  Choctaws  and  Chickasaws.  The  Creeks  were  a  nation 

*  Adair's  Narrative. 

f  Brownell's  Indian  Kaoes. 


OR,  THE  BORDER  WARS  OF  TWO  CENTURIES.        587 

formed  by  the  union  of  a  number  of  minor  tribes  with  the 
Muscogees,  who  constituted  the  nucleus  of  the  combinations- 
About  the  middle  of  the  eighteenth  century,  they  were  com 
puted  to  number  no  less  than  three  thousand  five  hundred  men 
capable  of  bearing  arms.  They  had  learned  the  necessity  of 
secluding  those  infected  with  the  small-pox,  so  as  to  avoid  the 
spread  of  the  contagion,  and  their  general  habits  and  usages 
were  such  that  they  were  fast  increasing,  instead  of  diminish 
ing,  like  all  the  surrounding  tribes.  While  the  Floridas  were 
in  possession  of  Spain,  the  Creeks  were  surrounded  by  bellig 
erent  powers,  both  native  and  European,  and  they  appear  to 
have  adopted  a  very  shrewd  and  artful  policy  in  their  inter 
course  with  each.  There  was  a  French  garrison  in  their 
country;  the  English  settlements  lay  to  the  north  and  east,  and 
those  of  the  Spaniards  to  the  south  ;*  and  the  old  sages  of  the 
tribe  being  long  informed  by  the  opposite  parties  of  the  differ 
ent  views  and  intrigues  of  those  foreign  powers,  who  paid 
them  annual  tribute  under  the  vague  appellation  of  presents, 
were  become  surprisingly  crafty  in  every  turn  of  low  politics. 
'The  French  were  very  successful  in  their  efforts  to  conciliate 
the  good-will  of  the  Muscogees,  and  in  alienating  them  from 
the  English.  The  country  of  the  Choctaws  extended  from  that 
-of  the  Muscogees  to  the  Mississippi,  reaching  northward  to 
the  boundaries  of  the  Chickasaws;  the  lower  towns  on  the 
river  were  about  two  hundred  miles  north  of  New  Orleans. 
Adair  gives  these  people  a  very  bad  character,  as  being  treach 
erous,  dishonest,  ungrateful  and  unscrupulous;  but  he  bears 
witness  to  their  admirable  readiness  of  speech.  They  were 
'  ready-witted,  and  endued  with  a  surprising  flow  of  smooth, 
artful  language  on  every  subject  within  the  reach  of  their 
ideas.'  The  strange  custom  of  flattening  the  head,  prevalent 
among  some  other  American  tribes,  obtained  with  the  Choc- 
taws.  The  operation  was  performed  by  the  weight  of  a  bag  of 
sand  kept  upon  the  foreheads  of  the  infants  before  the  skull 
had  hardened.  This  process  not  improbably  affected  the  powers 
of  the  mind;  at  all  events,  Adair  says:  'Their  features  and 
mind  exactly  correspond  together;  for,  except  the  intense  love 
*  Brownell's  Narrative. 


588  THE    SOUTHERN    INDIANS: 

they  bear  to  their  native  country,  and  their  utter  contempt  of 
any  kind  of  danger  in  defense  of  it,  I  know  no  other  virtue 
they  are  possessed  of;  the  general  observation  of  the  traders 
among  them  is  just,  who  affirm  them  to  be  divested  of  every 
property  of  a  human  being,  except  shape  and  language.'  The 
French  had  acquired  great  influence  over  the  Choctaws,  as, 
indeed,  over  nearly  every  tribe  in  North  America  with  whom 
they  had  maintained  friendly  intercourse.  Adair  enlarges  upon 
the  artful  policy  with  which  they  conciliated  and  bribed  the 
leaders  and  orators  of  the  nation.  Besides  this,  he  says:  *  the 
masterly  skill  of  the  French  enabled  them  to  do  more  with 
those  savages,  with  trifles,  than  all  our  experienced  managers 
of  Indian  aifairs  have  been  able  to  effect  by  the  great  quanti 
ties  of  valuable  goods  they  gave  them  with  a  very  profuse 
hand.  The  former  bestowed  their  small  favors  with  exquisite 
wisdom;  and  their  value  was  exceedingly  enhanced  by  the 
external  kindly  behavior  and  well-adapted  smooth  address  of 
the  giver.'  The  nation  of  the  Chickasaws,  at  the  time  of  which 
we  are  speaking,  was  settled  near  the  sources  of  the  Tombigbee, 
a  few  miles  eastward  of  the  head  waters  of  the  Tallahache. 
They  numbered  about  four  hundred  and  fifty  warriors,  but  were 
greatly  reduced  since  their  ancient  emigration  from  the  West, 
They  were  said  to  have  formerly  constituted  one  family  with 
the  Ohoctaws,  and  to  have  been  able  to  bring  one  thousand  men 
into  the  field  at  the  time  of  their  removal.  Due  allowance 
must  of  course  be  made  for  mistake  and  exaggeration  in  these 
early  traditions.  The  Chickasaws  were  ever  inimical  to  the 
French  and  friendly  to  the  English  colonists.  It  was  by  their 
efforts  that  the  neighboring  tribe  of  the  Natchez  was  stirred 
up  to  attack  the  French  settlements,  in  1729.  The  French  hadr 
unadvisedly,  imposed  a  species  of  tax  upon  the  Natchez, 
demanding  a  dressed  buck-skin  from  each  man  of  the  tribe, 
without  rendering  any  return;  but,  as  some  of  that  people 
afterwards  reported  to  Adair,  '  the  warrior's  hearts  grew  very 
cross,  and  loved  the  deer-skins.'  The  Chickasaws  were  not 
slow  to  foment  a  disturbance  upon  intelligence  of  this  proceed 
ing,  and  sent  messengers,  with  presents  of  pipes  and  tobacco, 
to  counsel  an  attack  upon  the  exercisers  of  such  tyranny. 


OR,    THE   BORDER    WARS    OF    TWO    CENTURIES.  589 

Nothing  so  strongly  excites  an  Indian's  indignation  as  any 
attempt  at  taxation,  and  the  Natchez  were  easily  persuaded 
that  the  French  had  resolved  to  crush  and  enslave  them.  It 
took  about  a  year  to  ripen  the  plot,  as  the  Indians  are  '  slow  in 
their  councils  on  things  of  great  importance,  though  equally 
close  and  intent.'  It  was  in  the  month  of  November  (1729,) 
that  the  Indians  fell  upon  the  French  settlement.  The  com 
mandant  had  received  some  intimation  of  the  intended  attack 
from  a  woman  of  the  tribe,  but  did  not  place  sufficient  depend 
ence  upon  it  to  take  any  efficient  steps  for  the  protection  of  his 
charge.  The  whole  colony  was  massacred;  men,  women  and 
children,  to  the  number  of  over  seven  hundred — Adair  says 
fifteen  hundred — perished  by  the  weapons  of  the  savages.  The 
triumph  of  the  Natchez  was,  however,  but  of  short  duration. 
The  French  came  upon  them  in  the  following  summer  with  a 
large  army,  consisting  of  two  thousand  of  their  own  soldiers 
and  a  great  array  of  their  Choctaw  allies.  The  Natchez  were 
posted  at  a  strong  fort  near  a  lake  communicating  with  the 
Bayou  D' Argent,  and  received  the  assailants  with  great  resolu 
tion  and  courage.  They  made  a  vigorous  sally,  as  the  enemy 
approached,  but  were  driven  within  their  defenses,  and  bom 
barded  with  three  mortars,  which  forced  them  to  fly  off  different 
ways.  The  Choctaws  took  many  prisoners,  some  of  whom 
were  tortured  to  death,  and  the  rest  shipped  to  the  West  Indies 
as  slaves." 

The  Natchez  survivors  fled  for  safety  to  the  Chickasaws, 
which  resulted  in  a  war  between  the  French  and  that  tribe,  in 
which  the  Indians  were  the  conquerors.  In  one  engagement, 
says  Adair,  the  French  and  their  Indian  allies  had  surrounded 
the  Chickasaw  settlements  in  the  night,  with  the  exception  of 
one  which  stood  at  some  distance  from  the  rest,  called  Ama- 
lahta.  The  besiegers  beset  every  house,  and  killed  all  who 
came  out;  but  at  the  dawn  of  day,  when  they  were  capering 
and  using  those  flourishes  that  are  peculiar  to  that  volatile 
nation,  the  other  town  drew  round  them,  stark  naked,  and 
painted  all  over  red  and  black;  thus  they  attacked  them,  killed 
numbers  on  the  spot,  released  their  brethren,  who  joined  them 
like  enraged  lions.  The  Indians  belonging  to  the  French  party 


590  THE    SOUTHERN    INDIANS! 

fled,  but  the  whites  were  all  killed  except  two,  an  officer,  and 
a  negro,  who  faithfully  held  his  horse  till  he  mounted,  and  then 
ran  along  side  of  him.  A  couple  of  swift  runners  were  sent 
after  them,  who  soon  came  up  with  them,  and  told  them  to 
live  and  go  home,  and  inform  their  people,  that  as  the  Chicka- 
saw  hogs  had  now  a  plenty  of  ugly  French  carcasses  to  feed 
on  till  next  year,  they  hoped  then  to  have  another  visit  from 
them  and  their  red  friends;  and  that,  as  messengers,  they 
wished  them  safe  home. 

In  1733  when  James  Edward  Oglethorpe  commenced  the 
settlement  of  Georgia,  the  Creeks  laid  claim  to  the  whole  ter 
ritory  southwest  of  the  Savannah.  Hoping  to  avoid  a  war 
with  these  Indians  he  employed  a  half-breed  woman  named 
Mary  Musgrove,  who  could  speak  English,  and  by  her  influence 
effected  a  conference  with  the  chiefs  of  the  Savannah  Indians. 
This  Mary  had  formerly  married  a  white  trader  from  Caro 
lina.  She  had  great  influence  over  her  tribe,  and  afterwards 
became  a  source  of  danger  and  annoyance  to  the  English. 

At  the  council  which  was  held  at  the  infant  settlement  of 
Savannah  in  1733,  were  fifty  celebrated  Creek  chiefs,  who  were 
presided  over  by  their  King,  Tomochichi.  The  latter  made  an 
eloquent  speech.  "A  treaty,"  says  Mr.  Brownell,  "  was  con 
cluded,  subject  to  the  ratification  of  the  English  crown,  by 
which  the  Indians  were  to  consider  themselves  the  subjects  of 
tne  king,  and  to  live  in  peace  and  friendship  with  his  white 
colonists.  The  lands  lying  between  the  Savannah  and  Alta- 
maha,  were  made  over  to  the  English,  with  all  the  islands  on 
that  coast,  except  St.  Catharine's  and  two  others,  which  were 
reserved  for  the  use  of  the  Indians  as  bathing  and  fishing  sta 
tions.  A  tract  was  also  set  apart  for  them  to  encamp  upon 
when  they  visited  their  white  friends,  a  little  above  the  Yama- 
craw  bluff,  where  Savannah  now  stands." 

In  1734  Mr.  Oglethorpe  visited  England,  taking  with  him 
Chief  Tomochichi,  his  Queen,  and  several  other  Indians. 
They  were  presented  to  the  king,  "  and  every  pains  was  taken 
to  produce  a  strong  impression  upon  their  minds  of  the  Eng 
lish  power  and  magnificence." 

Mr.   Brownell,   in   his  book,   gives   the  following   curious 


OR,    THE   BORDER    WARS    OF    TWO    CENTURIES.  591 

acooimt:  "  The  year  1749  was  memorable  for  a  most  audacious 
attempt  on  the  part  of  one  Thomas  Bosomworth  to  aggrandize 
himself  by  attaining  a  supremacy  over  the  Creeks.  He  had 
been  formerly  a  chaplain  in  Oglethorpe's  regiment,  and  had 
married  Mary  Musgrove,  his  half-breed  interpreter.  In 
December,  1747,  this  man  fell  in  with  a  company  of  chiefs, 
belonging  to  the  nation,  then  on  a  visit  to  Frederica;  and  per 
suaded  them  to  sign  certain  articles,  acknowledging  one  of 
their  number,  named  Malatche  Opiya  Meco,  as  righftul  king 
over  the  whole  Creek  nation.  Bosomworth  then  procured 
from  Malatche  a  conveyance,  for  certain  considerations — among 
other  things,  a  large  quantity  of  ammunition  and  clothing — 
of  the  islands  formerly  reserved  by  the  Indians,  to  himself  and 
his  wife  Mary,  their  heirs  and  assigns,  '  as  long  as  the  sun  shall 
shine,  or  the  waters  run  in  the  rivers,  forever.'  This  deed  was 
regularly  witnessed,  proved  before  a  justice  of  the  peace,  and 
recorded  in  due  form.  Bosomworth  made  some  efforts  to  stock 
and  improve  these  islands,  but,  his  ambition  becoming  aroused 
by  success  in  his  first  intrigue,  he  entered  upon  one  much  more 
extensive.  By  his  persuasions,  his  wife  now  made  the  extra 
ordinary  claim  that  she  was  Malatche's  elder  sister,  and  enti 
tled  to  regal  authority  over  the  whole  Creek  territory.  A 
great  meeting  of  the  tribe  was  procured,  and,  whatever  of 
truth  Mary's  claims  might  be  founded  upon,  she  appears  to 
have  succeeded  in  persuading  large  numbers  of  the  Creeks  to 
espouse  her  cause,  and  acknowledge  her  as  an  independent 
queen.  Accompanied  by  a  strong  force  of  her  adherents,  she 
proceeded  incontinently  to  Savannah,  sending  emissaries  before 
ner  to  demand  a  surrender  of  all  lands  south  of  the  Savannah 
river,  and  to  make  known  her  intention  of  enforcing  her  claim 
;>y  the  entire  destruction  of  the  colony,  should  her  demands 
be  resisted.  The  militia  were  called  out  by  the  president 
and  council,  and  the  Indians  were  kept  quiet  by  a  display  of 
confidence  and  firmness,  that  matters  might  be  fully  discussed 
by  their  leaders  and  the  colonial  authorities.  '  Bosom  worth,' 
says  McCall,  '  in  his  canonical  robes,  with  his  queen  by  his 
side,  followed  by  the  kings  and  chiefs,  according  to  rank, 
marched  into  town  on  the  20th  of  July,  making  a  most  for- 


592  THE    SOUTHERN    INDIANS: 

midable  appearance.  The  inhabitants  were  struck  with  terror 
at  the  sight  of  this  ferocious  tribe  of  savages.'  Lengthy  dis 
cussions  ensued,  between  Bosomworth  and  Mary  on  the  one 
hand,  and  the  president  and  council  on  the  other.  The  fickle 
and  impressible  savages  leaned  alternately  to  either  opinion 
according  as  they  were  harangued  by  their  new  leaders,  or  list 
ened  to  the  explanations  of  the  other  party.  They  wrere  told 
that  Mary's  claims  to  royal  descent  were  entirely  false;  that 
she  was  the  daughter  of  a  white  man  by  a  squaw  of  no  note, 
and  that  the  mad  ambition  of  her  reprobate  husband  had  led 
to  the  whole  movement.  They  expressed  themselves  convinced, 
but  no  sooner  had  Mary  obtained  another  opportunity  to  com 
municate  with  them,  than  she  succeeded  in  inflaming  and 
bewildering  their  minds.  It  was  found  necessary  to  confine 
her  and  her  husband  before  the  savages  could  be  quietly  dis 
persed.  Before  this  was  accomplished,  the  town  was  in  a 
situation  of  the  most  imminent  danger,  as  the  Indians  vastly 
outnumbered  the  whites;  and  a  very  slight  matter  might  have 
so  roused  their  fury  that  the  whole  colony  would  have  been 
annihilated.  The  intriguing  chaplain  had  a  brother,  Adam 
Bosomworth,  agent  for  Indian  affairs  in  Carolina,  who  after 
wards  espoused  his .  interests,  so  far  as  the  claim  to  the  islands 
of  St.  Catharine,  Ossabaw,  and  Sapelo  was  concerned.  This 
coadjutor  visited  the  Creek  nation,  procured  anew  conveyance, 
and  prosecuted  the  claim  before  the  courts  of  Great  Britain. 
The  case  proved  almost  as  tedious  and  complex  as  that  of  the 
celebrated  Mohegan  land  question  in  Connecticut.  Bosom- 
worth  and  his  wife  obtained  a  decision  in  their  favor,  in  1759, 
by  virtue  of  which  they  took  possession  of  St.  Catharine's 
island,  and  resided  upon  it  the  remainder  of  their  lives.  Ossa 
baw  and  Sapelo  were  decreed  to  be  sold  for  the  benefit  of  the 
successful  parties,  but  further  litigation  arose  from  the  claims 
of  one  Isaac  Levy,  to  whom  they  had  sold,  as  was  asserted,  a 
moiety  of  that  portion  of  the  grant." 

In  the  early  border  wars  between  the  settlers  of  West  Yir- 
ginia  and  the  Delaware  Indians,  the  Southern  Indians  were 
•engaged  on  the  side  of  the  English,  and  upon  the  evacuation 
of  Fort  Duquesne,  numbers  of  these  warriors,  whose  services 


OR,    THE    BOEDER    WARS    OF    TWO    CENTURIES.  593 

were  no  longer  required,  set  out  upon  their  return  home.  As 
they  were  passing  through  Virginia,  they  possessed  themselves 
of  such  horses  as  they  found  grazing  in  the  woods.  For  this 
act  the  German  settlers  fell  upon  them,  and  murdered  and 
scalped  a  considerable  number.  These  outrages,  and  the  influ 
ence  of  the  French,  combined  to  stir  up  a  war,  and  the  Cherokees 
determined  upon  immediate  retaliation  for  the  massacres  by 
the  Germans.  A  party,  bound  on  this  errand,  after  killing  two 
soldiers  near  Fort  Loud  on,  spread  themselves  among  the  west 
ern  settlements  of  North  Carolina,  killing  such  of  the  whites 
as  fell  in  their  power.  "  It  was  their  first  intention,"  says  Mr. 
Brownell,  "  to  take  scalps  only  equal  in  number  to  that  of  their 
murdered  kinsmen,  but,  once  having  their  hand  in,  they  could 
not  resist  the  temptation  of  going  much  farther."  The  same 
author  further  informs  us  that  u  William  H.  Lyttleton,  Gover 
nor  of  South  Carolina,  set  himself  strenuously  both  to  prepare 
for  the  defense  of  the  colonies,  and  to  bring  about  an  adjust 
ment  of  difficulties.  At  Fort  St.  George,  on  the  Savannah,  he 
held  a  conference  with  six  Cherokee  chiefs,  on  the  twenty-sixth 
of  December  (1759),  and  formed  a  treaty  of  peace,  secured  by 
the  delivery  of  thirty-two  Indian  hostages.  These  were  placed 
in  close  confinement  in  a  small  and  miserable  hut,  and  the 
governor  returned  to  Charleston.  According  to  the  usual 
course  of  events,  the  Cherokees  denied  the  authority  of  the 
chiefs  who  had  concluded  the  above  treaty,  and  hostilities  broke 
out  afresh.  The  two  most  celebrated  chiefs  and  leaders  among 
them,  at  this  time,  were  old  Attakullakulla,  a  promoter  of  peace, 
and  long  the  fast  friend  of  the  English,  and  Occonostota,  a 
noted  war-chief.  Capt.  Coytmore,  commandant  at  Fort  St. 
George,  was  an  object  of  the  bitterest  hatred  on  the  part  of 
the  Indians,  and  a  large  body  of  them,  led  by  Occonostota, 
besieged  the  fort  in  February  of  1760.*  The  place  was  too 
strong  to  be  taken  by  assault,  but  the  Indian  chief  managed  to 
entice  Coytmore  out  of  the  defenses  into  an  ambush,  where  he 
was  shot  dead,  and  Lieuts.  Bell  and  Foster,  who  accompanied 
him,  were  wounded.  The  hostages  who  were  confined  within 
the  works,  shouted  to  encourage  their  friends  without,  and 
*  Brownell's  Narrative. 
38 


594  THE    SOUTHERN    INDIANS! 

when  an  attempt  -was  made  to  put  them  in  irons,  resisted  man 
fully,  stabbing  one  soldier,  and  wounding  two  others.  Upon 
this,  a  hole  was  cut  in  the  roof  over  their  heads,  and  the  cow 
ardly  garrison  butchered  them  by  shooting  down  from  above. 
This  war  now  commenced  in  earnest,  and  Indian  ravages 
extended  far  and  wide  upon  the  frontier.  Troops  were  ordered 
from  'New  York  by  Gen.  Amherst,  commander-in-chief  of  the 
British  forces  in  America;  and  the  neighboring  colonies  appro 
priated  liberal  sums  for  the  purpose  of  buying  the  aid  of  the 
Creeks,  Chickasaws  and  Catawbas.  Col.  Montgomery  reached 
Carolina  in  April  (1760),  and  hastened,  in  command  of  the 
regulars  and  provincials,  to  make  an  effective  inroad  upon  the 
hostile  Indians.  His  progress  through  the  lower  Cherokee 
country  was  marked  by  the  entire  destruction  of  the  Indian 
towns.  The  first  place  attacked,  called  Keowee,  was  sur 
rounded,  and  the  men  of  the  town  were  put  to  the  sword. 
Estatoe,  containing  two  hundred  houses,  with  great  quantities 
of  provisions,  was  entirely  destroyed;  but  the  inhabitants 
were  saved  by  a  timely  flight.  *  Every  other  settlement  east  of 
the  Blue  Kidge,'  says  McCall,  '  afterwards  shared  the  same 
fate.'  The  army  made  some  stay  at  Fort  Prince  George,  and 
useless  endeavors  were  put  forth  to  bring  about  a  pacification 
with  the  upper  portion  of  the  Cherokees.  In  the  month  of 
June  the  troops  were  again  on  their  advance  into  the  wilder 
ness  of  the  interior.  Near  the  Indian  town  of  Etchoe,  the 
native  warriors  prepared  a  most  skillful  ambuscade  to  check 
the  advancing  forces.  It  was  in  a  deep  valley,  through  which 
ran  a  muddy  stream,  with  steep  banks;  on  either  side  of  which 
the  way  was  completely  choked  with  tangled  brushwood. 
Some  hard  fighting  took  place  at  this  spot,  in  which  twenty  of 
the  whites  were  killed  and  seventy-six  wounded.  The  loss  on 
the  side  of  the  Indians  was  much  less,  and,  although  driven 
from  the  spot  where  the  first  stand  was  made,  they  intrenched 
themselves  a  little  farther  on.  Under  these  circumstances, 
Montgomery  determined  to  secure  the  safety  of  his  troops,  and 
to  provide  for  the  requisite  attention  to  his  wounded  men,  by 
a  retreat.  He  soon  after  sailed  for  New  York,  leaving  four 
companies  of  regulars,  under  Major  Hamilton,  for  the  pro  tec- 


OR,    THE    BORDER    WARS    OF    TWO    CENTURIES.  595 

tion  of  the  frontier.  The  garrison  at  the  isolated  Fort  London 
was  now  in  a  state  of  imminent  peril.  The  provisions  of  the 
place  were  nearly  exhausted,  and  the  redoubtable  Occonostota 
was  laying  close  siege  to  it  with  his  fierce  and  enraged  warriors. 
After  suffering  great  extremes  of  privation,  and  experiencing 
disappointment  in  all  their  hopes  of  relief,  the  two  hundred 
men  stationed  at  this  place  were  obliged  to  capitulate,  and  trust 
to  the  honor  of  their  savage  enemy.  Capt.  Stenart,  an  officer 
greatly  in  favor  with  all  the  friendly  Indians,  arranged  the 
terms  upon  which  the  fort  should  be  evacuated.  The  troops 
were  to  be  allowed  a  free  and  unmolested  passage  to  Virginia, 
or  Fort  Prince  George,  and  a  detachment  of  Indians  was  to 
accompany  them  for  the  purpose  of  supplying  provisions  by 
hunting.  The  garrison  marched  out  on  the  seventh  of  August 
(1760.)  Occonostota  himself,  with  a  number  of  other  natives, 
kept  company  with  the  whites,  during  the  first  day's  march  of 
fifteen  miles;  but  these  all  disappeared  when  they  reached  the 
place  of  encampment,  near  an  Indian  town  called  Taliquo.  On 
the  next  morning,  just  before  day  (the  time  generally  selected 
by  Indians  for  a  surprise,  as  men  sleep  more  soundly  then  than 
at  any  other  hour,)  a  large  body  of  armed  savages,  in  war 
paint,  were  seen  by  a  sentinel,  creeping  through  the  bushes 
and  gathering  about  the  camp.  Hardly  was  the  alarm  given 
when  the  attack  was  made;  twenty-six  of  the  feeble  and  half- 
starved  soldiers  were  killed  outright,  and  the  rest  were  pinioned 
and  marched  back  to  the  fort/*  Capt.  Steuart  was  among  the 
prisoners,  but  his  evil  fortune  was  alleviated  by  the  staunch 
friendship  of  the  benevolent  Atakullakulla.  This  chief,  as  soon 
as  he  heard  of  Steuart's  situation,  hastened  to  Fort  Loudon, 
and  purchased  him  of  the  Indian  who  took  him,  giving  him 
his  rifle,  clothes  and  all  that  he  could  command  by  way  of  ran 
som  ;  he  then  took  possession  of  Capt.  Dernere's  house,  where 
he  kept  his  prisoner  as  one  of  his  family,  and  humanely  shared 
with  him  the  little  provisions  his  table  afforded,  until  an  oppor 
tunity  should  offer  of  rescuing  him.  A  quantity  of  ammuni 
tion  was  discovered  by  the  Indians,  buried  in  the  fort,  and 
Occonostota  determined  to  proceed  at  once  to  lay  siege  to  Fort 
*  Brownell's  Narrative. 


596  THE    SOUTHERN    INDIANS! 

Prince  George.  Capt.  Steuart  was  informed  that  the  assist 
ance  of  himself  and  his  men  would  be  required  in  the 
management  of  the  great  guns,  and  that,  furthermore,  if  the 
garrison  should  refuse  to  capitulate,  all  the  prisoners  now  in 
the  hands  of  the  Indians  should,  one  by  one,  be  burned  in 
sight  of  the  fort.  Perceiving  the  difficulty  of  his  situation, 
the  captain  begged  his  kind  old  proprietor  to  assist  him  in 
effecting  an  escape,  and  Attakullakulla  readily  lent  his  aid. 
Upon  pretense  of  taking  his  prisoner  out  for  a  hunt,  he  left 
Fort  London,  with  his  wife  and  brother,  and  two  English  sol 
diers,  and  took  a  direct  course  for  the  Virginia  frontier.  After 
a  most  toilsome  and  dangerous  march,  they  fell  in  with  a  party 
of  three  hundred  men,  sent  out  for  the  relief  of  such  of  the 
garrison  at  Fort  London  as  might  have  effected  their  escape. 
Being  now  in  safety,  Capt.  Steuart  dismissed  his  Indian  friends 
with  handsome  rewards,  to  return  and  attend  to  the  Aveifare  of 
his  former  fellow-prisoners.  Such  of  them  as  had  survived 
were  afterwards  ransomed  and  delivered  up  at  Fort  Prince 
George." 

In  1762  a  general  agent  and  superintendent  of  Indian 
affairs  at  the  South  was  appointed  in  the  person  of  Captain 
John  Steuart.  Upon  entering  on  the  discharge  of  the  duties 
of  his  office  Capt.  Steuart  assembled  the  chiefs  of  all  the 
Southern  tribes  in  council  and  explained  to  them  how  the 
French  had  been  conquered,  and  that  thenceforth  they  could 
look  only  to  the  British  for  support  and  protection.  He  com 
mended  those  tribes  who  had  fought  in  the  English  cause  and 
excused  those  who  had  allied  themselves  to  the  French.  The 
Southern  Indians  remained  quiet  from  that  time  until  1811, 
when  the  great  Shawauoe  Chief,  Tecumseh  *  "  in  pursuance 
of  his  bold  and  extensive  plans  for  a  universal  association  of 
the  Indians  against  the  whites,  made  a  tour  among  the  south 
ern  tribes.  His  eloquent  appeals,  and  the  overpowering 
energy  which  distinguished  this  truly  great  man,  proved  suc 
cessful  in  the  winning  over  to  his  views  of  no  small  number 
of  the  Indian  warriors,  even  among  those  who  had  long  main 
tained  a  friendly  intercourse  with  the  Americans  and  the  gov- 

*  Brownell's  narrative. 


OR,    THE    BORDER    WARS    OF    TWO    CENTURIES.  597 

ernment  of  the  United  States.  At  the  time  of  the  declaration 
of  war  with  England,  (June  18th,  1812,)  the  whole  western 
border  of  the  United  States  was  in  a  position  of  the  greatest 
danger  and  insecurity.  The  machinations  of  Tecumseh  and 
the  Prophet  had  roused  an  extensive  flame  of  vindictive 
ferocity  throughout  the  Indian  nations,  while  British  agents, 
it  is  said,  were  widely  dispersed,  and,  by  munificent  promises 
and  artful  persuasions,  had  still  farther  widened  the  breach 
between  the  savages  and  their  white  countrymen.  Frightful 
scenes  of  depredation  and  murder  called  for  a  prompt  and 
decisive  check.  Many  minor  forays  are  recorded,  but  the 
destruction  of  Fort  Mimms  in  the  Tensau  settlement  of  Mis 
sissippi,  in  the  summer  of  the  year  following,  may  be  con 
sidered  the  first  important  part  taken  by  the  southern  tribes 
in  the  wars  of  this  period." 

I  shall  not,  however,  with  the  few  pages  that  are  now  left, 
undertake  to  give  a  complete  account  of  the  part  taken  by  the 
Southern  Indians  in  the  memorable  war  of  1812.  A  few  of 
the  principal  points  must  suffice. 

Tecum seh's  visit  to  his  southern  neighbors  was  not  in  vain. 
Under  his  forcible  teachings  a  confederacy  was  established  over 
which  the  celebrated  Weatherford  gained  nearly  as  much  dis 
tinction  as  did  the  renowned  Shawanoe  in  the  North.  Weath 
erford  was,  beyond  question,  *  u  possessed  of  noble  and  com 
manding  qualities,  but  these  were  combined  with  cruelty, 
avarice,  and  degrading  vices.  A  party  of  about  one  thousand 
warriors,  led  by  this  popular  chief,  fell  upon  the  devoted  Fort 
Mimms,  on  the  30th  of  August,  1813.  The  post  was  garri 
soned  by  one  hundred  and  sixty  efficient  soldiers;  the  rest  of 
its  occupants,  to  the  number  of  one  hundred  and  fifteen,  con 
sisted  of  old  men,  women  and  children.  The  forces  were 
under  the  command  of  Major  Beasly.  No  regular  prepara- 
rations  had  been  made  for  the  reception  of  so  powerful  an 
enemy,  and  although  the  soldiers  did  their  duty  manfully,  they 
were  overpowered,  and  all  slain  except  seventeent  The  women 
and  children  having  ensconced  themselves  in  several  block 

*  Brownell's  Narrative. 


598  THE    SOUTHERN    INDIANS'. 

houses,  met  with  a  more  terrible  fate.  The  savages  set  fire  to 
the  buildings,  and  consumed  them,  together  with  theii 
inmates." 

The  war  in  the  South  now  became  general  and  Gen.  Jackson 
took  the  field  in  person.  Col.  Coffee  invaded  the  country  of 
the  hostile  Indians  and,  with  a  considerable  force  encountered 
the  enemy  at  Tallussahatchee  Creek.  The  savages  fought 
boldly  and  desperately,  but  were  defeated  and  driven  into  their 
buildings,  when  one  hundred  and  eighty-six  of  their  number 
perished  in  the  struggle.  Eighty-four  women  and  children 
were  taken  prisoners,  and  a  number  were  killed  during  the 
contest.  This  battle  took  place  in  November,  1813.'  Soon 
after  Jackson's  army  encountered  the  Indians  at  Talladega, 
where  after  a  most  bloody  contest,  three  hundred  Indians  were 
left  dead  upon  the  field.  Many  more  were  killed  while  trying 
to  escape,  and  their  total  loss  was  nearly  six  hundred.  The 
Americans  lost  only  fifteen  killed  and  eighty  wounded. 

The  war  was  continued  until  all  the  hostile  nations  of  the 
South  were  subdued  and  until  the  confederacy  which  Tecum- 
seh  instigated  was  well  nigh  broken  up.  The  most  noted 
battles  fought  during  the  campaign  were  at  Autossee,  where 
some  two  hundred  were  massacred,  on  the  twenty -ninth  of 
November,  and  that  of  the  Horse-shoe  Bend  in  the  Talla- 
poosie.  At  this  latter  point  the  Indians  fortified  themselves 
for  a  last  desperate  battle.  Their  number  exceeded  one  thou 
sand.  On  the  twenty-seventh  of  March,  1814,  Gen.  Jackson, 
with  a  force  three  times  the  number  of  the  enemy,  commenced 
operations  against  their  fortification.  "  Gen.  Coffee,  with 
most  of  the  cavalry  and  Indian  allies,  was  directed  to  sur 
round  the  bend,  in  order  to  cut  off  all  retreat  across  the  river. 
The  place  was  then  carried  by  storm,  under  a  heavy  fire  from 
within.  More  than  half  the  Indians  were  killed  at  the  fort, 
and  an  unknown  number  perished  in  their  endeavors  to  escape 
by  crossing  the  river,  beset  as  it  was  by  the  assailants.  Some 
have  asserted  that  probably  not  more  than  twenty  ever  reached 
a  place  of  safety.  At  a  time  when  it  was  evident  that  the 
fortune  of  the  day  was  decided,  Gen.  Jackson  sent  a  messenger, 
with  a  flag  of  truce,  to  invite  a  surrender,  but,  from  ignorance 


OR,    THE    BORDER    WARS    OF    TWO    CENTURIES.  599 

or  desperation,  the  savages  fired  upon  the  bearer  of  the  flag. 
After  this,  no  mercy  was  shown;  until  night  put  an  end  to  the 
work  of  destruction,  they  were  shot  or  cut  down  wherever 
they  could  be  found,  and  even  on  the  following  morning,  a  con 
siderable  number  were  ferreted  out  from  the  'caves  and  reeds,' 
where  they  had  sought  concealment,  and  remorsely  put  to 
death.  Several  hundred  women  and  children  were  made  cap 
tives.  The  loss  of  the  attacking  army,  in  this  battle,  was  fifty- 
five  killed,  and  one  hundred  and  forty-six  wounded." 

On  the  following  April  the  surviving  tribes  sued  for  peace, 
and  Gen.  Jackson  stipulated  that  before  their  proposals  could 
be  entertained  their  celebrated  Chief  Weathersford  must  be 
delivered  up  for  punishment.  On  hearing  this  the  great  chief, 
seeing  that  his  cause  was  hopeless,  gave  himself  up  to  the 
American  commander-.  He  said:  "  I  am  in  your  power.  Do 
with  me  as  you  please.  I  am  a  soldier.  I  have  done  the  whites 
all  the  harm  I  could.  I  have  fought  them,  and  fought  them 
bravely.  If  I  had  an  army,  I  would  yet  fight.  I  would  con 
tend  to  the  last;  but  I  have  done;  my  people  are  all  gone.  I 
can  only  weep  over  the  misfortunes  of  my  nation." 

He  was  told  that  he  was  at  liberty  to  depart  but  that  no 
mercy  would  be  shown  him  or  his  nation  until  they  should 
submit  to  whatever  terms  the  whites  should  see  fit  to  impose. 
To  this  he  replied,  "  You  can  safely  address  me  in  such  terms 
now.  There  was  a  time  when  I  could  have  answered  you. 
There  was  a  time  when  I  had  a  choice.  I  have  none  now.  I 
have  not  even  a  hope.  I  could  once  animate  my  warriors  to 
battle,  but  I  cannot  animate  the  dead.  My  warriors  can  no 
longer  hear  my  voice.  Their  bones  are  at  Talladega,  Tallus- 
shatchee,  Emuckfaw,  and  Tohopeka.  *  *  *  *  You  are  a 
brave  man.  I  rely  upon  your  generosity.  You  will  exact  no 
terms  of  a  conquered  people  but  such  as  they  should  accede 
to."  This  interesting  incident  closed  the  campaign.  The 
Indians  retired  to  the  reservations  assigned  to  them;  without  a 
murmur.  They  were  subsequently  removed  west  of  the 
Mississippi. 

THE    END. 


CONTENTS. 


CHAPTER    I. 

PAGU. 

The  Indian  Tribes  of  the  Lake  Region  —  General  Characteristics  — Tri 
bal  Divisions  —  Mode  of  Government  —  Myths  and  Legends  —  Their 
Eloquence  and  Sagacity — Dwellings,  Villages,  and  Forts-^-The 
War  Path  —  Festivals  and  Pastimes  —  Religious  Faith (J 

CHAPTER    II. 

The  English  in  the  West  —  Pontiac  Standing  in  their  Way  —  He  Con 
sents  to  let  them  occupy  his  Country — The  English  take  Possession 
of  Detroit _ .  22 

CHAPTER    III. 

The  Wilderness  and  its  Inhabitants  at  the  Close  of  the  French  War — 
Travel  and  Adventure  —  The  Outposts  of  Civilization  — The  High 
ways  of  the  Wilderness 27 

CHAPTER    IV. 

The  Indians  Preparing  for  War — Pontiac  and  his  Ambassadors — The 
Council  at  the  River  Ecorces  —  Plan  for  the  Reduction  of  Detroit  — 
The  Conspiracy 3S 

CHAPTER    V. 

A  Glimpse  at  Fort  Detroit  in  1703— The  Conspiracy— The  Treachery 
of  Pontiac  — His  Plot  Revealed  — The  Savages  Baffled  — Murder  of 
English  Settlers—  The  Siege  Commenced  —  The  Assault —  Gladwyn 
Offers  Peace  —  Pontiac  Refuses  —  Departure  of  Major  Campbell  to 
the  Ottawa  Camp  —  His  Warning 42 

CHAPTER    VI. 

Pontiac's  Treachery — Campbell  and 'McDougal  made  Prisoners  — 
Scarcity  of  Provisions  in  the  Fort  —  Perilous  Situation  of  the  Gar 
rison — Continuation  of  the  Siege  —  Pontiac  Summons  the  Garrison 
to  Surrender  —  Gladwyn  Refuses  — Complaints  of  the  French  — 

Pontiac's  Policy 50 

(600) 


CONTENTS.  001 

CHAPTER    VII. 

The  Siege  of  Detroit — Fate  of  Cuyler's  Detachment  —  Bravery  of  the 
Wyandots — Indian  Carouse  —  Massacre  and  Murder  —  Horrible 
Fate  of  the  Western  Outposts  — Fall  of  Sandusky,  Presque  Isle, 
etc.  —  The  Forests  Growing  Black  with  Indian  Warriors 56- 

CHAPTER    VIII. 

Description  of  Fort  Michilimackinac  —  The  Indians  in  the  Vici 
nity —  Preparations  for  the  Massacre  —  The  Warning  —  Adventures 
of  English  Traders  —  The  Night  Before  the  Slaughter 67 

CHAPTER    IX. 

The  Massacre  —  The  Game  of  Ball —  Slaughter  of  the  Garrison  —  Indi 
ans  Drinking  the  Blood  of  Englishmen  —  Hairbreadth  Escape  of  an 
English  Trader 75. 

CHAPTER    X. 

Adventures  of  English  Traders  at  Michilimackinac —They  are  Res 
cued  by  the  Ottawas  —  Treatment  of  the  Prisoners  —  Henry's 
Escape  —  Cannibalism  —  Reduction  of  all  the  Western  Outposts 
except  Detroit 81 

CHAPTER    XI. 

Continuation  of  the  Siege  of  Detroit  —  Adventures  of  a  Schooner  on 
the  Detroit  River  —  Defeat  of  the  Indians  —  Pontiac  Appeals  to  the 
French  for  Assistance  —  Horrible  Death  of  Capt.  Campbell  —  The 
Wyandots  and  Pottawatomies  Sue  for  Peace 88 

CHAPTER    XII. 

Approach  of  Dalzell's  Detachment  —  The  Battle  of  Bloody  Run  — 
Slaughter  of  the  English— The  Fatal  Retreat  —  Adventures  of  the 
Schooner  Gladwyn  —  Bravery  of  her  Crew — The  Indians  Sue  for 
Peace 94 

CHAPTER    XIII. 

Frontier  Settlements  and  Forts  —  Alarms  at  Fort  Pitt  —  Slaughter  of 
Traders  —  Narrow  Escape  of  a  Garrison  —  Destruction  of  Forts  — 
The  War  Raging  to  the  Highest  Pitch  —  Danger  Thickening  Around 
Fort  Pitt 103 

CHAPTER    XIV. 

The  War  on  the  Borders  — The  March  of  Death  — The  Terrified 
Inhabitants  Fleeing  to  the  Older  Towns  —  Bouquet's  Army  at 
Carlisle  —  Adventures  of  Volunteers  —  Burning  Settlements  —  The 
Battle  of  Bushy  Run  —  Distress  and  Danger  of  the  Troops  —  The 
Victory lia 


602  CONTENTS. 

CHAPTER    XV. 

Disaster  at  the  Devil's  Hole  —  Fate  of  Wilkins'  Detachment — The 
Frontiers  of  Virginia  and  Pennsylvania  —  Slaughter  of  the  Settle 
ments —  Terrible  Scenes  and  Incidents  of  Border  Warfare  —  Deso 
lation  —  The  Defenses 123 

CHAPTER    XVI. 

The  Moravian  Missions  —  Their  Removal  —  Difficulties  in  Philadel 
phia —  Advance  of  the  Paxton  Men  —  Great  Excitement  —  The 
Quakers  Volunteering  to  Enter  the  Army  —  The  Difficulty  Settled. .  129 

CHAPTER    XVII. 

Bradstreet's  Expedition  —  The  Council  at  Niagara  —  Peace  Treaties  — 
Bradstreet  at  Detroit  —  Council  with  the  Indians  —  Peace  Con 
cluded —  Canadians  Punished — Michilimackinac  Garrisoned — Fate 
of  Capt.  Morris  — Bradstreet  Returns 133 

CHAPTER    XVIII. 

Bouquet's  Army  in  the  Indian  Country  —  He  Subdues  the  Delawares 
and  Shawanoes  —  Scenes  at  the  English  Camp  — Two  Hundred 
Prisoners  Given  up  —  Return  of  the  Expedition 1 38 

CHAPTER    XIX. 

Groghan's  Expedition  —  Murder  of  Indians  —  Expedition  Against  the 
Indians  —  Battle  of  Point  Pleasant  —  Dunmore  Retires  from  the 
West — Fort  Erected  at  Boonsborough  —  Conspiracy  to  Unite  the 
Indians 147 

CHAPTER    XX. 

The  Conquest  of  Illinois  —  Colonel  George  Rogers  Clark  — His  Expe 
dition  against  the  Posts  in  Illinois  —  A  Bloodless  Conquest — Singu 
lar  Stratagem —  Colonel  Clark's  Speech  to  the  Indians  —  Interesting 
Incidents 157 

CHAPTER    XXI. 

Conquest  of  Illinois  Continued  —  Bravery  of  George  Rogers  Clark  — 
Re-taking  of  Post  Vincennes  by  Col.  Hamilton — Courage  of  Capt. 
Helm  —  Clark's  Expedition  against  Hamilton  —  Hamilton  taken 
Prisoner  —  Results  of  Clark's  Campaign 170 

CHAPTER    XXII. 

Borders  of  Kentucky  — Boone's  Salt  Expedition  —  His  Capture  — His 
Defense  of  Boonsborough  —  Invasion  of  the  Country  of  the  Six 
Nations  —  Indian  Troubles 180 

CHAPTER    XXIII. 

Expedition  Against  Moravian  Indians  —  The  Massacre  —  Terrible 
Fate  of  Colonel  Crawford  —  Attack  of  Bryant's  Station  —  Defeat 
of  the  Frontier  Men  . .  186 


CONTENTS.  603 

CHAPTER    XXIV. 

The  Northwest  Territory— Sketch  of  Arthur  St.  Clair  — Review  of  the 
Treaties  with  the  Indians  —  Indian  Speeches 194 

CHAPTER    XXV. 

The  English,  the  Indians,  and  the  Americans — Harmar's  Expedi 
tion —  Harmar's  Defeat  —  Measures  for  Subduing  the  Indians  — 
Proctor's  Mission  a  Failure  —  Jealousy  of  the  English 204 

CHAPTER    XXVI. 

Proctor's  Peace  Mission  — Its  Failure  — Orders  for  St.  Glair's  Cam 
paign— St.  Clair  Marches  into  the  Indian  Country — His  Defeat  — 
Account  of  the  Disaster 213 

CHAPTER    XXVII. 

Results  of  St.  Clair's  Defeat  — The  Americans,  the  English,  and  the 
Indians  —  Brant  Invited  to  Philadelphia  —  Horrifying  Scenes  on 
St.  Clair's  Battle  Field— The  Peace  Makers  — Their  Instructions  — 
Americans  Desire  Peace  —  The  Indians  for  War 225 

CHAPTER    XXVIII. 

Fate  of  +,he  Peace-Makers  —  Great  Council  of  the  Maumee  —  Propo 
sitions  of  Peace  Rejected  by  the  Indians  —  Wayne  Marches  into 
the  Indian  Country  — The  Skulls  on  St.  Clair's  Battlefield  — Fort 
Recovery  Established 231 

CHAPTER    XXIX. 

Gen.  Wayne's  Battle  on  the-  Banks  of  the  Maumee  —  Position  of  the 
American  and  Indian  Forces  —  The  Victory  —  New  Forts  Erected — 
Destruction  of  Indian  Dwellings — The  Indians  Sue  for  Peace — The 
Treaty  of  Greenville 237 

CHAPTER    XXX. 

The  Indians  Cede  their  Lands  —  Tecurnseh  and  the  Prophet  —  The 
New  Indian  Confederacy — Its  Objects  —  Curious  Speech  of  the 
Prophet  —  The  Approaching  War  —  The  Prophet  Declares  his 
Innocence 247 

CHAPTER    XXXI. 

Tecumseh  and  the  Prophet  Uniting  the  Savages  for  War  —  Trouble  in 
the  Council  at  Vincennes  —  Governor  Harrison  Denounces  fecum- 
seh  and  Orders  him  to  Leave  the  Village  —  The  Battle  of  Tippe- 
canoe  —  Harrison's  Victory 353 

CHAPTER    XXXII. 

Tecumseh's  Anger  —  He  Joins  the  British  —  Hull's  Inglorious  Cam 
paign —  Surrender  of  Detroit  —  Surrender  of  Mackinac  —  Triumph 
of  the  British  —  Hull's  Incapacity _  gflo 


604:  CONTENTS. 

CHAPTER    XXXIII. 

Chicago  — Its  Early  Settlement  — Its  Condition  in  1812  — Order  for 
Evacuation  —  Council  with  the  Indians  —  Their  Promises  and  their 
Treachery  —  The  Massacre  —  Heroism  of  Women  —  Account  of  Mrs. 
Helm  and  Others  —  Thrilling  Incidents 265 

CHAPTER    XXXIV. 

Raising  an  Army  to  Conquer  the  English  in  the  Northwest  —  Early 
Settlements  in  Illinois  —  Expedition  under  Governor  Edwards  and 
Col.  Russell  — Siege  of  Fort  Harrison  —  Capt.  Taylor's  Defense  — 
The  Army  under  Harrison,  Winchester  and  Tupper 2791 

CHAPTER    XXXV. 

The  War  of  1812— Defeat  at  French  town— Groghan's  Heroic  Defense 
of  Fort  Stephenson  —  Defeat  of  the  Americans  —  Preparations  for 
a  New  Campaign  —  Perry's  Victory  —  Harrison's  Triumph  —  The 
Indians  Subdued  — The  English  Defeated  — Close  of  the  War 284 

CHAPTER    XXXVI. 

The  Life  and  Times  of  Black  Hawk  —  Black  Hawk  Distinguishes 
Himself  as  a  Warrior  —  Black  Hawk  Joins  the  British  —  The  Sacs 
Driven  Beyond  the  Mississippi  —  Black  Hawk  Remonstrates  — 
Description  of  the  Principal  Sac  Village  at  Rock  River 292 

CHAPTER    XXXVII. 

Difficulties  between  Black  Hawk  and  the  Settlers  at  Rock  River  —  A 
Military  Force  Called  out  to  Remove  the  Sac  Indians  West  of  the 
Mississippi  —  Sketch  of  Keokuk  —  His  Bravery,  Sagacity  and 
Eloquence 299' 

CHAPTER    XXXVIII. 

Commencement  of  the  Black  Hawk  War — The  Sacs  Violate  their 
Treaty  —  They  are  Ordered  to  Return  West  of  the  Mississippi  — 
They  Refuse  —  Pursued  by  American  Troops  —  Black  Hawk  and  his 
Band  Victorious — Desolation  in  the  Border  Settlements  of  Illinois — 
Black  Hawk  Defeated — Starvation  among  the  Savages 305 

CHAPTER    XXXIX. 

Black  Hawk's  Defeat  — •  He  and  His  Band  are  Driven  into  the  Missis 
sippi—Terrible  Indian  Slaughter  — The  War  Ended  — Black  Hawk 
Captured,  and  with  other  Chiefs  Confined  in  Irons — He  Visits 
Washington  and  the  Eastern  Cities  —  His  Reception 313 

CHAPTER    XL. 

Ceremonies  of  Liberating  Black  Hawk  —  Keokuk's  Triumph  —  Black 
Hawk's  Anger  —  He  will  not  Conform  to  the  Councils  of  Keokuk  — 
His  Speech  —  He  Departs  to  his  Squaws  —  Interesting  Incidents  at 
Rock  Island..  ,.  320 


CONTENTS  605 

CHAPTER    XLI. 

Indian  Tribes  West  of  the  Mississippi — The  Mandans,  their  Dwellings, 
Manners  and  Customs  —  Their  Traditions  of  the  Flood — Their 
Singular  Ceremonies  —  How  they  were  Destroyed — Their  Supposed 
Origin 330 

CHAPTER    XLII. 

Sketch  of  the  Sioux  Indians  —  How  they  Nursed  their  Infants  — 
Leaving  their  Old  and  Infirm  to  Die  from  Starvation — The  Pecu 
liarities  of  the  Red -Pipe  Stone  Quarry  —  Superstitions  of  the  Sioux 
Regarding  the  Pipe  Stone  —  The  Buffalo  Hunt 338 

CHAPTER    XLIII. 

'The  Crows  and  the  Blackfeet  — Their  Myths  and  their  Wars  —  Char 
acteristics  of  these  Tribes  —  Interesting  Incidents 343 

CHAPTER    XLIY. 

The  Indian  Tribes  of  the  Far  West  — The  Pierced-Noses  —  The  Walla- 
wallas  —  The  Flat-Heads  —  Peculiarities  of  this  Tribe  —  Their 
Canoes,  etc 347 

CHAPTER    XLV. 

The  Shoshonees  —  The  Root-Diggers  —  Description  of  the  Snake 
Indians  —  The  Utahs  and  Apaches  —  The  Navajos  and  the  Moques.  350 

CHAPTER    XLVI. 

Col.  Fremont  and  Kit  Carson  —  Kit  Goes  as  Guide  with  Fremont's 
Expedition  —  The  Buffalo  Hunt  —  Adventures  in  a  Prairie  Dog- 
Village  —  Crossing  the  South  Fork  —  Immense  Buffalo  Herds _  354 

CHAPTER    XLVII. 

Division  of  Fremont's  Party — Thrilling  Incidents  of  the  Journey  to 
Fort  Laramie — Description  of  Fort  Laramie — Frightful  Rumors 
of  Indian  Hostility  —  Fremont  Determines  to  Continue  —  Kit  Car- 
sou  Resolves  to  Follow  Him  —  Bravery  and  Cowardice 362 

CHAPTER    XLVIII. 

Journey  of  Fremont's  Expedition  from  Fort  Laramie  to  Fremont's 
Peak,  in  the  Rocky  Mountains  —  Hardships  of  Col.  Fremont  —  His 
Description  of  the  Wild  Scenery  in  the  Rocky  Mountains  —  Fre 
mont  Thirteen  Thousand  Feet  Above  the  Level  of  the  Sea  —  The 
Return _  371 

CHAPTER    XLIX. 

Sketch  of  Kit  Carson  —  His  Early  Adventures  —  His  First  Visit  to  the 
Far  West  —  He  Distinguishes  Himself  as  a  Hunter,  Guide,  and 
Scout  —  His  Adventures  on  the  Sacramento  —  Mr.  Young's  Trap 
ping  Party .  379 


606  CONTENTS. 

CHAPTER    L. 

Sketch  of  Kit  Carson  Continued — Description  of  the  Mountain 
Parks  —  Pursuing  Horse  Thieves  —  Nine  Hunters  Defeat  Fifty 
Indian  Warriors  —  Kit  Carson  Wounded  —  The  Duel 385 

CHAPTER    LI. 

Sketch  of  Kit  Carson  Continued  —  His  Adventures  —  He  Again  Joins 
Fremont's  Expedition  —  Description  of  Fremont's  Second  Expedi 
tion  —  Its  Adventures 391 

CHAPTER    LII. 

Adventures  of  Fremont's  Second  Expedition  Concluded — Kit  Carson 
in  New  Mexico  —  Description  of  Taos  and  the  Settlements  of  New 
Mexico — Interesting  Incidents  of  Smuggling  —  The  Fandango 40S 

CHAPTER    LIII. 

Col.  Fremont's  Third  Expedition — Peculiar  Qualities  of  Kit  Carson — 
Fremont  Attacked  by  the  Mexicans  —  Fremont  Visits  Klamath  Lake 
and  the  Lava  Beds  — Three  of  his  Party  Killed  — The  Revenge 41ft 

CHAPTER    LIT. 

Fremont  as  a  Conqueror  —  The  War  in  Northern  California  —  Heroisn 
of  the  Mountaineers  —  Indian  Hostilities  —  Fremont  and  his   Fol 
lowers  Conquer   Northern  California — His  Triumphal  Entry  into    *; 
Montery  —  California  Saved  from  the  English 420 

CHAPTER    LV. 

Insurrection  in  Southern  California  —  Fremont  Subdues  the  Walla- 
wallas —  The  War  in  Southern  California  —  Description  of  Southern 
California  —  Pico  Defeated  —  The  Peace 426 

CHAPTER    LVI. 

Gen.  Kearney  and  Col.  Doniphan  —  The  Conquest  of  New  Mexico  — 
Battle  of  the  Sacramento  —  Chihuahua  Taken  —  Glorious  Victory 
of  the  Missourians  —  Triumphal  Entry  into  the  Ancient  Capital.  .  432 

CHAPTER    LVII. 

War  between  the  United  States  and  Mexico — Gen.  Taylor  Proceeds 
to  Point  Isabel  with  an  Army  —  He  is  Ordered  to  Leave  the  Country 
—  He  Refuses— His  Danger  at  the  River  Fort  — The  Battle  of  Palo 
Alto '. 439 

CHAPTER    LVIII. 

The  Battle  of  Resaca  de  la  Palma  —  A  Desperate  Struggle  —  Bravery 
of  the  Mexicans — The  Dead  and  Dying  —  Gen.  Taylor's  Victory  — 
Matamoras  Taken  —  Gen.  Taylor's  Difficulties  —  The  Siege  of 
Monterey  —  The  Victory 445 


CONTENTS.  607 

CHAPTER    LIX. 

Gen.  Taylor  at  Monterey  —  Saltillo  Taken  —  Gen.  Santa  Anna  — 
Victoria  Taken  — Scott  Supercedes  Taylor  — The  Battle  of  Buena 
Vista 466 

CHAPTER    LX. 

Gen.  Scott's  Campaign  —  The  Siege  of  Vera  Cruz — Victory  of  Cerro 
Gordo — Capture  of  Puebla  —  Advance  on  Mexico  —  Battle  of  the 
Contr  eras  — The  Victory— Other  Battles  — Battle  of  Churubusco — 
The  Armistice 477 

CHAPTER    LXI. 

Termination  of  the  Armistice  —  The  Battle  of  Molinos  del  Rey  —  The 
Siege  of  the  Capital  —  The  City  of  Mexico  Occupied  —  The  Amer 
ican  Flag  Floating  from  the  Mexican  National  Palace 492 

CHAPTER    LXII. 

Wars  with  the  Indians  in  New  Mexico— The  Massacre  of  the  White 
Family  —  Brutality  of  the  Apaches  —  The  Wars  with  Utahs  and 
Apaches  —  The  Settlement  in  New  Mexico  Invaded  by  Hostile 
Indians  —  A  Brilliant  Company  —  Seven  Battles — Peace 497 

CHAPTER    LXIII. 

The  Navajo  Indians  Join  the  Rebels — Their  Hostile  Attitude  —  Car- 
son  Leads  an  Army  against  them  —  Ten  Thousand  Indians  taken 
Prisoners  —  Advocates  of  the  New  Reservation  Policy  —  The  Mili 
tary  Division  of  the  Missouri  —  Its  Extent  —  Condition  of  the 
Tribes  in  this  Division  in  1866 509' 

CHAPTER    LXIV. 

Indian  Troubles  in  the  Military  Division  of  the  Missouri  in  1867  — 
The  Horrible  Massacre  at  Fort  Phil.  Kearney — Indian  Outbreaks 
in  Montana — Outrage  at  Smoky  Hill  and  along  the  Route  *o  Cali 
fornia  —  The  Peace  Commission  Policy  —  Inactivity  of  the  Military.  515 

CHAPTER    LXV. 

Wars  with  the  Indians  in  the  Military  Division  of  the  Missouri  — 
Operations  of  the  Peace  Commission  —  Councils  with  the  Indians  — 
Congress  Fails  to  Co-Operate  —  A  Formidable  Indian  War — Break 
ing  out  of  Hostilities — Murder,  Massacre  and  Horror  —  A  Chapter 
of  Outrages 518 

CHAPTER    LXVI. 

Winter  Campaign  of  Lieut.-Gen.  Sheridan  in  1868 — A  Brilliant 
Triumph  over  the  Indians  East  of  the  Rocky  Mountains — Sur 
render  of  the  Tribes  —  They  are  Placed  on  the  Reservations  —  The 
Way  Opened  for  the  Labors  of  the  Peace  Commission 527" 


SOS  CONTENTS. 

CHAPTER    LXVII. 

Indian  Troubles  West  of  the  Rocky  Mountains  —  Horrible  Massacre 
of  Indians  —  Difficulties  of  Making  War  on  the  Savages  in  the 
Wilds  of  the  West  —  The  Peace  Commissioners  in  Arizona  and 
California — Curious  Speeches  of  Chiefs 533 

CHAPTER    LXVIII. 

Histoiy  of  the  Modocs  —  Horrible  Massacre  of  a  Party  of  Immigrants 

—  Ben  Wright's  Vengeance  —  Terrible  Destruction  of  the  Modocs 
from  Starvation  —  Canibialism  - —  The  Reservation  Troubles 540 

CHAPTER    LXIX. 

"Quarrels  among  the  Indians  on  the  Reservation  —  Departure  of  CapL 
Jack  and  his  band  for  the  Lava  Beds — The  Troops  Pursue  them  in 
Vain  —  Fatal  Attempts  of  the  Peace  Commission  —  Murder  of  the 
Commissioners  —  Execution  of  the  Modocs 547 

CHAPTER    LXX. 

The  Seminole  War — Early  Settlers  of  Florida  and  Georgia  —  Indian 
and  Negro  Slavery  —  Difficulties  among  the  Creeks  —  Sea  Coffee's 
Band  —  Slaves  Flee  to  Florida  —  Treaty 'with  the  Creeks 553 

CHAPTER    LXXI. 

The  Serninole  War —  Difficulties  with  the  Creeks  — Their  Inability 
to  ".Return  the  Fugitive  Slaves  —  Complaints  of  the  Slaveholders  of 
Georgia  —  The  Georgians  Invade  Florida  —  Their  Defeat  —  Cruelty 
to  Settlers  — The  Second  Invasion — More  Suffering  —  British  Inter 
ference  and  Occupation  in  Georgia  and  Florida  —  The  Fort  of  the 
Exiles  —  The  Fort  Blown  Up  —  Great  Destruction  of  Human  Life  — 
Commencement  of  the  First  Seminole  War 556 

CHAPTER    LXXII. 

'The  First  Seminole  War  —  Massacre  of  Lieut.  Scott  —  Jackson's  Army 
Invades  Florida,  and  Burns  Seminole  Towns  —  Peace — Purchasing 
Slaves  from  Indians  with  Whisky  —  A  Movement  to  Remove  the 
Seminoles  West  of  the  Mississippi  —  Osceola,  His  Wife,  Her  Fate, 
and  His  Revenge  —  The  Massacre  at  Fort  King  —  Louis,  the  Guide 

—  Terrible  Massacre  at  the  Great  Wahoo  Swamp 562 

CHAPTER    LXXIII. 

The  Second  Seminole  War  —  The  Battle  of  the  Withlacoochee  — 
Bravery  of  Osceola — The  Seminoles  and  Negroes  Defeated  —  Gen. 
Gaines's  Fruitless  Campaign  —  Osceola  Attacks  Miconopy — Heil- 
man's  Gallant  Defense  —  The  Battle  between  Pearce  and  Osceola  — 
Several  Severe  Battles  —  The  Seminoles  Hard  to  Conquer 569 

CHAPTER    LXXIV. 

Conclusion  of  the  Second  Seminole  War — Several  Battles  —  Gen. 
Jessup's  Peace  Policy  —  Hostilities  Renewed  —  Slave -Catching 
Parties  —  The  Seminoles  and  Exiles  Persuaded  to  Go  West  —  Efforts 
to  Subject  them  to  Creek  Authority  —  Invaded  by  the  Creeks  — 
Emigration  of  the  Exiles  to  Mexico 574 

CHAPTER    LXXV. 

The  Indian  Wars  of  the  Southern  States  —  Tribes,  Etc.  —  King  Ton- 
mohichi  and  His  Queen  —  Bosomworth  and  Mary  —  A  Thrilling 
Incident  —  A  General  War  — Gen.  Jackson's  Campaign  —  Terrible 
Massacres — Hard  Fought  Battles  —  Complete  Subjugation  of  the 
Indians  —  Bravery  of  the  Celebrated  Weatherford 585 


FOURTEEN  DAY  USE 

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